Detainee bombs Myanmar police station, kills self
1 hr 33 mins ago
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A man detained at a police station Wednesday in eastern Myanmar detonated a bomb, killing himself and wounding at least four policeman in the latest in series of blasts apparently linked to political discontent.
A security official said Wednesday the man had been taken to a police station in Demawso, in Kayah State, 200 miles (320 kilometers) northeast of Yangon, for interrogation.
The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media, said the man set off a bomb, but was unable to provide further details.
It was not clear why the man had been detained.
The explosion was the seventh known bombing in recent weeks in military-ruled Myanmar. The attacks come as the ruling junta prepares for a general election that its opponents have called unfair and undemocratic.
Bombings are rare but not unknown in Myanmar, though the latest attacks appeared aimed at higher profile targets than earlier ones. The country has a long history of internal conflict, especially between the central government and ethnic minorities in border areas seeking greater autonomy. But there is also opposition to the ruling junta among the public at large.
The highest profile explosions occurred on April 15 in Yangon, the country's biggest city, when three bombs killed ten people and wounded 170 others during the traditional water festival.
Two days later, 10 mines exploded and several more were found undetonated at a controversial hydropower dam project site in northern Myanmar's Kachin state. They wounded one person and caused damage to several buildings and six vehicles.
Two separate explosions occurred on April 13 at checkpoints near the Chinese border and at Kawkareik in Kayin State injuring three people.
An explosion at a district telecommunication office in Kyaikmaraw, in Mon State, about 100 miles (160 kilometers) southeast of Yangon on Tuesday night wounded three people. A series of grenade attacks at a hydropower project about 140 miles (225 kilometers) north of Yangon early Tuesday morning wounded four workers.
There have been no claims of responsibility for any of the blasts, some of which the government has blamed on unspecified "terrorists."
Myanmar's military rulers declared they would hold elections this year as part of the their "roadmap to democracy," but critics say the military shows little sign of relinquishing control and note that the government has made every effort to prevent detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part in the polls.
Myanmar had its last election in 1990. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy topped those polls, but the military — which has ruled the country virtually continuously since 1962 — refused to recognize the results and would not allow it to take power.
The party decided against registering this year, a move that is tantamount to boycotting the vote. A recently enacted election law require existing political parties to register or be disbanded.
1 hr 33 mins ago
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A man detained at a police station Wednesday in eastern Myanmar detonated a bomb, killing himself and wounding at least four policeman in the latest in series of blasts apparently linked to political discontent.
A security official said Wednesday the man had been taken to a police station in Demawso, in Kayah State, 200 miles (320 kilometers) northeast of Yangon, for interrogation.
The official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the media, said the man set off a bomb, but was unable to provide further details.
It was not clear why the man had been detained.
The explosion was the seventh known bombing in recent weeks in military-ruled Myanmar. The attacks come as the ruling junta prepares for a general election that its opponents have called unfair and undemocratic.
Bombings are rare but not unknown in Myanmar, though the latest attacks appeared aimed at higher profile targets than earlier ones. The country has a long history of internal conflict, especially between the central government and ethnic minorities in border areas seeking greater autonomy. But there is also opposition to the ruling junta among the public at large.
The highest profile explosions occurred on April 15 in Yangon, the country's biggest city, when three bombs killed ten people and wounded 170 others during the traditional water festival.
Two days later, 10 mines exploded and several more were found undetonated at a controversial hydropower dam project site in northern Myanmar's Kachin state. They wounded one person and caused damage to several buildings and six vehicles.
Two separate explosions occurred on April 13 at checkpoints near the Chinese border and at Kawkareik in Kayin State injuring three people.
An explosion at a district telecommunication office in Kyaikmaraw, in Mon State, about 100 miles (160 kilometers) southeast of Yangon on Tuesday night wounded three people. A series of grenade attacks at a hydropower project about 140 miles (225 kilometers) north of Yangon early Tuesday morning wounded four workers.
There have been no claims of responsibility for any of the blasts, some of which the government has blamed on unspecified "terrorists."
Myanmar's military rulers declared they would hold elections this year as part of the their "roadmap to democracy," but critics say the military shows little sign of relinquishing control and note that the government has made every effort to prevent detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part in the polls.
Myanmar had its last election in 1990. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy topped those polls, but the military — which has ruled the country virtually continuously since 1962 — refused to recognize the results and would not allow it to take power.
The party decided against registering this year, a move that is tantamount to boycotting the vote. A recently enacted election law require existing political parties to register or be disbanded.
******************************************************
French leader stresses Iran nukes on China visit
By GILLIAN WONG,Associated Press Writer - Thursday, April 29
BEIJING (AP) – French President Nicolas Sarkozy stressed the urgency of ongoing efforts to curb Iran's nuclear program in a meeting with China's leader Wednesday, saying new sanctions must be imposed on Tehran if negotiations fail.
Sarkozy hoping to make headway on the nuclear standoff in talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao when the two met privately Wednesday at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.
"China hopes to use dialogue to solve this problem. France completely understands China, and we are willing to discuss this problem together at an appropriate time, but if dialogue does not work then we can only use sanctions," Sarkozy said at a joint news conference with Hu after their meeting at the start of his three-day visit.
"Everyone thinks this must be solved right now," he added.
Three permanent U.N. Security Council members _ France, Britain and the U.S. _ have been pressing for a fourth round of U.N. penalties on Iran for its refusal to halt a key part of its nuclear program that could be used to make weapons. Iran says it only wants the technology to produce nuclear power.
China and Russia _ which also have permanent Security Council seats _ have important commercial links to Iran and have been reluctant to support new sanctions.
Sarkozy's visit to China is being billed as a return to healthy diplomatic relations between the two countries after spats over Tibet. Relations nose-dived in 2008 after protests by exiled Tibetans and other activists during the Olympic torch's passage through Paris and Sarkozy's talks with Tibet's exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.
Hu told Sarkozy while reporters were present that he was "willing to further expand China-France relations through a deep exchange of views."
Earlier Wednesday, Sarkozy and his wife, Carla Bruni-Sarkozy, visited the life-size terracotta warriors at the famed ancient tomb of China's first emperor in the western city of Xi'an.
Besides Iran, Sarkozy and Hu were expected to discuss Afghanistan, Pakistan, North Korea and Myanmar, a French official said on condition of anonymity on Tuesday.
The two leaders said they also discussed reforms of the international financial system, agreeing that instituting more controls was key to preventing another global financial crisis like the one in 2008 that revealed flaws in financial regulation.
"China believes the emphasis in the reform of the international financial system should be on strengthening financial controls," Hu said to reporters.
"We believe the global financial crisis has not changed the long-term momentum of global economic growth," Hu said. Countries should strengthen coordination among economies and oppose protectionism to maintain the momentum of global economic growth, he said.
By GILLIAN WONG,Associated Press Writer - Thursday, April 29
BEIJING (AP) – French President Nicolas Sarkozy stressed the urgency of ongoing efforts to curb Iran's nuclear program in a meeting with China's leader Wednesday, saying new sanctions must be imposed on Tehran if negotiations fail.
Sarkozy hoping to make headway on the nuclear standoff in talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao when the two met privately Wednesday at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.
"China hopes to use dialogue to solve this problem. France completely understands China, and we are willing to discuss this problem together at an appropriate time, but if dialogue does not work then we can only use sanctions," Sarkozy said at a joint news conference with Hu after their meeting at the start of his three-day visit.
"Everyone thinks this must be solved right now," he added.
Three permanent U.N. Security Council members _ France, Britain and the U.S. _ have been pressing for a fourth round of U.N. penalties on Iran for its refusal to halt a key part of its nuclear program that could be used to make weapons. Iran says it only wants the technology to produce nuclear power.
China and Russia _ which also have permanent Security Council seats _ have important commercial links to Iran and have been reluctant to support new sanctions.
Sarkozy's visit to China is being billed as a return to healthy diplomatic relations between the two countries after spats over Tibet. Relations nose-dived in 2008 after protests by exiled Tibetans and other activists during the Olympic torch's passage through Paris and Sarkozy's talks with Tibet's exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.
Hu told Sarkozy while reporters were present that he was "willing to further expand China-France relations through a deep exchange of views."
Earlier Wednesday, Sarkozy and his wife, Carla Bruni-Sarkozy, visited the life-size terracotta warriors at the famed ancient tomb of China's first emperor in the western city of Xi'an.
Besides Iran, Sarkozy and Hu were expected to discuss Afghanistan, Pakistan, North Korea and Myanmar, a French official said on condition of anonymity on Tuesday.
The two leaders said they also discussed reforms of the international financial system, agreeing that instituting more controls was key to preventing another global financial crisis like the one in 2008 that revealed flaws in financial regulation.
"China believes the emphasis in the reform of the international financial system should be on strengthening financial controls," Hu said to reporters.
"We believe the global financial crisis has not changed the long-term momentum of global economic growth," Hu said. Countries should strengthen coordination among economies and oppose protectionism to maintain the momentum of global economic growth, he said.
******************************************************
Myanmar leaders shed uniforms ahead of vote
AP - Wednesday, April 28
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The leaders of Myanmar's ruling junta have resigned their military posts, a government official said Tuesday, in an apparent move to prepare to run in upcoming national elections.
Under the new constitution, a newly created 440-member House of Representatives will have 330 elected civilians and 110 military representatives.
Those who resign from military positions now won't be counted in the military's quota. Having additional seats outside the quota filled by loyalists out of uniform will help ensure the army's power and influence in the body.
Prime Minister General Thein Sein and 22 Cabinet ministers gave up their uniforms Monday, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to release information.
While the reason for the resignations was not made explicit, it is widely assumed that the move was made so they can run in the polls, the date of which has not been set.
Myanmar's military rulers declared they would hold elections this year as part of the their "roadmap to democracy," but critics say the military shows little sign of relinquishing control and note that the government has made every effort to prevent opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part in the polls.
Although the prime minister and 22 ministers resigned from their military positions, they still retain their Cabinet posts, said the official.
Several more Cabinet ministers are expected to resign their military posts, and all will later step down from the Cabinet to prepare for the polls, he said.
The resignations were not reported by state-controlled media.
The junta-backed social organization known as the Union Solidarity and Development Association is expected to turn into a political party on whose slate many Cabinet ministers would contest the election.
Myanmar had its last election in 1990. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy topped the polls, but the military _ which has ruled the country virtually continuously since 1962 _ refused to recognize the results.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy decided against registering their party, which is tantamount to boycotting the polls. The party says the election laws are unfair and undemocratic.
So far, 21 new political parties have applied for permission to register as such and 4 out of 10 existing parties have reregistered to contest the elections.
AP - Wednesday, April 28
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The leaders of Myanmar's ruling junta have resigned their military posts, a government official said Tuesday, in an apparent move to prepare to run in upcoming national elections.
Under the new constitution, a newly created 440-member House of Representatives will have 330 elected civilians and 110 military representatives.
Those who resign from military positions now won't be counted in the military's quota. Having additional seats outside the quota filled by loyalists out of uniform will help ensure the army's power and influence in the body.
Prime Minister General Thein Sein and 22 Cabinet ministers gave up their uniforms Monday, said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to release information.
While the reason for the resignations was not made explicit, it is widely assumed that the move was made so they can run in the polls, the date of which has not been set.
Myanmar's military rulers declared they would hold elections this year as part of the their "roadmap to democracy," but critics say the military shows little sign of relinquishing control and note that the government has made every effort to prevent opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part in the polls.
Although the prime minister and 22 ministers resigned from their military positions, they still retain their Cabinet posts, said the official.
Several more Cabinet ministers are expected to resign their military posts, and all will later step down from the Cabinet to prepare for the polls, he said.
The resignations were not reported by state-controlled media.
The junta-backed social organization known as the Union Solidarity and Development Association is expected to turn into a political party on whose slate many Cabinet ministers would contest the election.
Myanmar had its last election in 1990. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy topped the polls, but the military _ which has ruled the country virtually continuously since 1962 _ refused to recognize the results.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy decided against registering their party, which is tantamount to boycotting the polls. The party says the election laws are unfair and undemocratic.
So far, 21 new political parties have applied for permission to register as such and 4 out of 10 existing parties have reregistered to contest the elections.
******************************************************
U.S. energy bill could affect Myanmar
Published: April 27, 2010 at 4:09 PM
BANGKOK, April 27 (UPI) -- Human rights activists are following the progress of U.S. legislation that could force energy and mining companies to disclose payments to Myanmar's government.
The U.S. Energy Security through Transparency Act, should it pass Congress and be signed into law, will require oil, gas and mining companies registered with the U.S.
Securities and Exchange Commission to reveal payments made to foreign governments, which could greatly affect countries such as Myanmar with poor human rights records, the Irrawaddy news magazine reported Tuesday.
Matthew Smith, a spokesman for the non-governmental organization EarthRights International, said at a news conference in Bangkok that the legislation would place enormous pressure on Total, Chevron and Thailand's PTTEP, all involved in Myanmar's Yadana gas project and pipeline, to reveal payments made to Myanmar's military regime.
ERI estimates that in the decade since Yadana began production it has generated $7.5 billion in sales to Thailand and that the Myanmar junta has diverted much of the revenue into banks in Singapore.
Published: April 27, 2010 at 4:09 PM
BANGKOK, April 27 (UPI) -- Human rights activists are following the progress of U.S. legislation that could force energy and mining companies to disclose payments to Myanmar's government.
The U.S. Energy Security through Transparency Act, should it pass Congress and be signed into law, will require oil, gas and mining companies registered with the U.S.
Securities and Exchange Commission to reveal payments made to foreign governments, which could greatly affect countries such as Myanmar with poor human rights records, the Irrawaddy news magazine reported Tuesday.
Matthew Smith, a spokesman for the non-governmental organization EarthRights International, said at a news conference in Bangkok that the legislation would place enormous pressure on Total, Chevron and Thailand's PTTEP, all involved in Myanmar's Yadana gas project and pipeline, to reveal payments made to Myanmar's military regime.
ERI estimates that in the decade since Yadana began production it has generated $7.5 billion in sales to Thailand and that the Myanmar junta has diverted much of the revenue into banks in Singapore.
******************************************************
Reuters AlertNet - Myanmar: Two years after cyclone Nargis - Malteser International: Ongoing reconstruction and rehabilitation of the country
28 Apr 2010 12:54:00 GMT
Source: Malteser International - Germany
Malteser International
Website: http://www.malteser-international.org
Cologne. "The majority of the people are still struggling for daily survival. A lot of them do not yet have a solid source of income", reports Sandra Harlass, Senior Desk Officer Myanmar of Malteser International, the relief service of the Order of Malta for worldwide humanitarian aid. "The present situation cannot be compared to the life and income situation before cyclone Nargis hit the country on 2 Mai 2008. To give an example: At the moment, no one can afford to buy drinking water." Therefore, at request of the government and the affected population Malteser International distributes purified drinking water by boats to areas with acute water shortage in the dry seasons.
In its rehabilitation and reconstruction programmes, Malteser International focuses on the sectors of health, WASH (water, sanitation and hygiene) and disaster risk reduction. The rehabilitation in the most affected Irrawaddy delta is far from being completed: "We are especially concentrating on mother-child care," Harlass continues. Malteser International supports vaccination campaigns by providing the midwifes with boats and fuel. To reduce the high maternal and infant mortality rate, Malteser International also facilitates trainings of auxiliary midwifes and provides them with the equipment needed for a safe delivery. "The set-up of mother-child groups has proven to be especially useful. In regular meetings, pregnant women come together in order to exchange experiences, to get advice and to prepare themselves for delivery. Each group has launched an emergency referral fund to ensure timely referral to a hospital in case of complications during delivery," the Malteser International expert explains.
To ensure sustainable drinking water supply and improve the hygiene situation, Malteser International has rehabilitated more than 60 ponds that had been contaminated by the floods as well as 20 wells in over 120 villages. These structural measures are embedded in a comprehensive awareness raising programme about the safe handling of drinking water as well as the relation between hygiene, sanitation and water-related diseases.
"Another essential part of our work in the region is disaster risk reduction and disaster preparedness," Harlass points out. So far, four schools and six health centres were built or rebuilt. In close cooperation with the communities, Malteser International furthermore conducts participatory risk analysis to design disaster preparedness plans. To implement these plans each village sets up local disaster risk management committees that are trained by Malteser International staff in first aid, search and rescue as well as disaster risk management.
In May 2009 Malteser International had handed over health centres that had already been reconstructed to the local health authorities on "Middle Island" in the Irrawaddy
Delta. The reconstruction and rehabilitation measures of Malteser International are financially supported among others by Caritas International as well as by the Australian and German Government. Malteser International assumes that from the end of 2011 on the local communities will be in a position to manage the projects independently.
In total, Malteser International up to now has provided relief for more than 275,000 people after cyclone Nargis struck the country. Nargis was one of the most disastrous tropical storms since recordkeeping began. It claimed 140,000 lives and left 1.5 million people homeless.
Malteser International has been working in Myanmar in several regions already since 2001 with currently 350 local and 14 international staff members and was one of the first organisations providing relief after the cyclone.
Source: Malteser International - Germany
Malteser International
Website: http://www.malteser-international.org
Cologne. "The majority of the people are still struggling for daily survival. A lot of them do not yet have a solid source of income", reports Sandra Harlass, Senior Desk Officer Myanmar of Malteser International, the relief service of the Order of Malta for worldwide humanitarian aid. "The present situation cannot be compared to the life and income situation before cyclone Nargis hit the country on 2 Mai 2008. To give an example: At the moment, no one can afford to buy drinking water." Therefore, at request of the government and the affected population Malteser International distributes purified drinking water by boats to areas with acute water shortage in the dry seasons.
In its rehabilitation and reconstruction programmes, Malteser International focuses on the sectors of health, WASH (water, sanitation and hygiene) and disaster risk reduction. The rehabilitation in the most affected Irrawaddy delta is far from being completed: "We are especially concentrating on mother-child care," Harlass continues. Malteser International supports vaccination campaigns by providing the midwifes with boats and fuel. To reduce the high maternal and infant mortality rate, Malteser International also facilitates trainings of auxiliary midwifes and provides them with the equipment needed for a safe delivery. "The set-up of mother-child groups has proven to be especially useful. In regular meetings, pregnant women come together in order to exchange experiences, to get advice and to prepare themselves for delivery. Each group has launched an emergency referral fund to ensure timely referral to a hospital in case of complications during delivery," the Malteser International expert explains.
To ensure sustainable drinking water supply and improve the hygiene situation, Malteser International has rehabilitated more than 60 ponds that had been contaminated by the floods as well as 20 wells in over 120 villages. These structural measures are embedded in a comprehensive awareness raising programme about the safe handling of drinking water as well as the relation between hygiene, sanitation and water-related diseases.
"Another essential part of our work in the region is disaster risk reduction and disaster preparedness," Harlass points out. So far, four schools and six health centres were built or rebuilt. In close cooperation with the communities, Malteser International furthermore conducts participatory risk analysis to design disaster preparedness plans. To implement these plans each village sets up local disaster risk management committees that are trained by Malteser International staff in first aid, search and rescue as well as disaster risk management.
In May 2009 Malteser International had handed over health centres that had already been reconstructed to the local health authorities on "Middle Island" in the Irrawaddy
Delta. The reconstruction and rehabilitation measures of Malteser International are financially supported among others by Caritas International as well as by the Australian and German Government. Malteser International assumes that from the end of 2011 on the local communities will be in a position to manage the projects independently.
In total, Malteser International up to now has provided relief for more than 275,000 people after cyclone Nargis struck the country. Nargis was one of the most disastrous tropical storms since recordkeeping began. It claimed 140,000 lives and left 1.5 million people homeless.
Malteser International has been working in Myanmar in several regions already since 2001 with currently 350 local and 14 international staff members and was one of the first organisations providing relief after the cyclone.
******************************************************
ReliefWeb - "It could be mined again" - Ongoing armed conflict in Myanmar/Burma threatens mine clearance efforts in Thailand
Source: International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL)
Date: 27 Apr 2010
By Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan, Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor
The mountain is called Na Taung by the Burmese and Doi Ya Moo by the Thai, and its peak is on the Thai side of the shared border. The Thailand Mine Action Center (TMAC) arranged for me to visit the mountain in March 2010. It is the site of a former insurgent camp, but is now a Thai Army outpost. "The insurgents moved across the border when we requested them to no longer use Thai soil" said Col. Monkol Pakamma, Deputy Commander of one of the Royal Thai Army's humanitarian demining units. From where I stood, only meters from the border, I could clearly see within the rugged fold of the western slope of the mountain several camps of the Karenni Army, a group which remains in armed conflict with Myanmar's military government. Further up the border, but quite close by, are camps of two other insurgent groups, the All Burma Student's Democratic Front and the Pa'O National Liberation Army. The Thai Army officer confirmed that both groups are militarily active and that the areas fronting these camps are thick with landmines.
To reach the top of Doi Ya Moo, it was necessary to traverse an area which had just been cleared by the Thailand Mine Action Center. It was formerly a transit route used by both the Karenni Army and the Burmese Army to attack one another across a short span of Thai soil. Both mined the route. After two Thai villagers and a border patrol soldier stepped on mines in the area TMAC was asked to clear it. Local villager's wished to have safe access to the area to collect forest products growing in the jungle.
Thailand was one of the first countries in Southeast Asia to join the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, which required clearance of all mines within 10 years. While the passage to the peak of Doi Ya Moo has been cleared, the few meters between where I stood and the border, just outside the camps bamboo fence, remained mined. "Although we have determined that there are mines there, the precise line of the border must be agreed between Thailand and Burma before we can proceed with clearance." I was told by one of the soldiers who went on to explain that the exact boundary is uncertain due to descrepencies caused by the fact that Thailand uses metric maps and Burma uses maps based on the British mile. As we left the area, Col. Monkol worried about the future. Even though his team had demined the area it could for now, "I can't say that the same parties might not mine it again in the future.", he said.
Last year, Thailand had to request an extension of time to meet its mine clearance obligations under the Mine Ban Treaty. However, with all warring factions across frontier engaging in mine warfare, the threat of new mine pollution in Thailand remains real. Ongoing war virtually assures that border demarcation will not take place any time soon, and hold Thailand's ability to meet its Treaty obligations hostage, and Col. Monkol will remain a worried man.
Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan is an editor and research coordinator for Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor for Asia (ban policy) and for non-state armed groups (global), and the country researcher on Myanmar/Burma.
Source: International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL)
Date: 27 Apr 2010
By Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan, Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor
The mountain is called Na Taung by the Burmese and Doi Ya Moo by the Thai, and its peak is on the Thai side of the shared border. The Thailand Mine Action Center (TMAC) arranged for me to visit the mountain in March 2010. It is the site of a former insurgent camp, but is now a Thai Army outpost. "The insurgents moved across the border when we requested them to no longer use Thai soil" said Col. Monkol Pakamma, Deputy Commander of one of the Royal Thai Army's humanitarian demining units. From where I stood, only meters from the border, I could clearly see within the rugged fold of the western slope of the mountain several camps of the Karenni Army, a group which remains in armed conflict with Myanmar's military government. Further up the border, but quite close by, are camps of two other insurgent groups, the All Burma Student's Democratic Front and the Pa'O National Liberation Army. The Thai Army officer confirmed that both groups are militarily active and that the areas fronting these camps are thick with landmines.
To reach the top of Doi Ya Moo, it was necessary to traverse an area which had just been cleared by the Thailand Mine Action Center. It was formerly a transit route used by both the Karenni Army and the Burmese Army to attack one another across a short span of Thai soil. Both mined the route. After two Thai villagers and a border patrol soldier stepped on mines in the area TMAC was asked to clear it. Local villager's wished to have safe access to the area to collect forest products growing in the jungle.
Thailand was one of the first countries in Southeast Asia to join the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, which required clearance of all mines within 10 years. While the passage to the peak of Doi Ya Moo has been cleared, the few meters between where I stood and the border, just outside the camps bamboo fence, remained mined. "Although we have determined that there are mines there, the precise line of the border must be agreed between Thailand and Burma before we can proceed with clearance." I was told by one of the soldiers who went on to explain that the exact boundary is uncertain due to descrepencies caused by the fact that Thailand uses metric maps and Burma uses maps based on the British mile. As we left the area, Col. Monkol worried about the future. Even though his team had demined the area it could for now, "I can't say that the same parties might not mine it again in the future.", he said.
Last year, Thailand had to request an extension of time to meet its mine clearance obligations under the Mine Ban Treaty. However, with all warring factions across frontier engaging in mine warfare, the threat of new mine pollution in Thailand remains real. Ongoing war virtually assures that border demarcation will not take place any time soon, and hold Thailand's ability to meet its Treaty obligations hostage, and Col. Monkol will remain a worried man.
Yeshua Moser-Puangsuwan is an editor and research coordinator for Landmine and Cluster Munition Monitor for Asia (ban policy) and for non-state armed groups (global), and the country researcher on Myanmar/Burma.
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The Malaysian Mirror - OPINION: Myanmar's continued political imbroglio
Nehginpao Kipgen
Wednesday, 28 April 2010 15:25
In an annual routine policy review, the European Union extended economic sanctions against the military-ruled Myanmar for another year on April 26, 2010. With the continued political imbroglio in this Southeast Asian nation, the decision was not something unexpected.
The sanctions, which include a travel ban and a freeze of assets of enterprises owned by members of the ruling junta and people associated with them, is aimed at bringing the military leadership to the path of dialogue that would eventually lead Myanmar to democracy.
The European Union wants to see the establishment of a democratically elected civilian government which engages in socio-economic development, and respects human rights while rebuilding relations with the international community.
The European Union renewed its call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition and general secretary of the National League for Democracy, and also offered to hold dialogue with the junta if it makes a tangible democratic progress.
Given its history of recalcitrance, the military junta is unlikely to give in to the calls of the European Union. Nevertheless, the junta in its own way is seeking recognition, if not endorsement, from the international community.
Two important reasons
With years of criticisms and pressures from the international community, the military leaders plan to legitimize its rule by holding a general election. The goal is to transform the dictatorial-type of regime to a civilian form of government, where the ultimate power rests in the hands of military.
There are two important reasons, among others, that concern the military leadership of losing its power to a civilian government – safety and control.
After decades of brutality on its own people, the military leadership is concerned about their own safety under a democratically elected government. The trial and execution of former military leaders in Iraq is something that probably worries the Myanmar military leaders.
With the different ethnic nationalities demanding political autonomy, the junta is wary of any decentralization of the Myanmar society. Under the present system, the military controls all branches of the government – legislative, executive and judiciary.
It is symbolically significant, at this juncture, to the Myanmar opposition that the European Union has extended sanctions for another year. The move can be construed as support for the democratic movement. However, this initiative will remain to be unyielding as long as there is economic engagement by countries such as China, India, and members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Myanmar's policy failure
It is not the European Union that is solely responsible for Myanmar’s policy failure. It is the conflicting approaches of engagement and sanctions which make the international community’s strategy ineffective.
Beyond economic sanctions, what the European Union can possibly do is to lobby and convince its international partners, at least the Western countries, not to recognize the result of the election if held under the existing restrictive laws.
It could also strive to formulate a coordinated international strategy to effectively deal with the military junta.
If the European Union, together with its international partners, decides not to recognize the election result, the Myanmar military junta will lack the global legitimacy it pursues.
Regardless of the outcome of general election, Myanmar’s decades-old conflicts will continue as long as suppression of ethnic minorities is unabated, and their fundamental rights are denied.
Nehginpao Kipgen
Wednesday, 28 April 2010 15:25
In an annual routine policy review, the European Union extended economic sanctions against the military-ruled Myanmar for another year on April 26, 2010. With the continued political imbroglio in this Southeast Asian nation, the decision was not something unexpected.
The sanctions, which include a travel ban and a freeze of assets of enterprises owned by members of the ruling junta and people associated with them, is aimed at bringing the military leadership to the path of dialogue that would eventually lead Myanmar to democracy.
The European Union wants to see the establishment of a democratically elected civilian government which engages in socio-economic development, and respects human rights while rebuilding relations with the international community.
The European Union renewed its call for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition and general secretary of the National League for Democracy, and also offered to hold dialogue with the junta if it makes a tangible democratic progress.
Given its history of recalcitrance, the military junta is unlikely to give in to the calls of the European Union. Nevertheless, the junta in its own way is seeking recognition, if not endorsement, from the international community.
Two important reasons
With years of criticisms and pressures from the international community, the military leaders plan to legitimize its rule by holding a general election. The goal is to transform the dictatorial-type of regime to a civilian form of government, where the ultimate power rests in the hands of military.
There are two important reasons, among others, that concern the military leadership of losing its power to a civilian government – safety and control.
After decades of brutality on its own people, the military leadership is concerned about their own safety under a democratically elected government. The trial and execution of former military leaders in Iraq is something that probably worries the Myanmar military leaders.
With the different ethnic nationalities demanding political autonomy, the junta is wary of any decentralization of the Myanmar society. Under the present system, the military controls all branches of the government – legislative, executive and judiciary.
It is symbolically significant, at this juncture, to the Myanmar opposition that the European Union has extended sanctions for another year. The move can be construed as support for the democratic movement. However, this initiative will remain to be unyielding as long as there is economic engagement by countries such as China, India, and members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Myanmar's policy failure
It is not the European Union that is solely responsible for Myanmar’s policy failure. It is the conflicting approaches of engagement and sanctions which make the international community’s strategy ineffective.
Beyond economic sanctions, what the European Union can possibly do is to lobby and convince its international partners, at least the Western countries, not to recognize the result of the election if held under the existing restrictive laws.
It could also strive to formulate a coordinated international strategy to effectively deal with the military junta.
If the European Union, together with its international partners, decides not to recognize the election result, the Myanmar military junta will lack the global legitimacy it pursues.
Regardless of the outcome of general election, Myanmar’s decades-old conflicts will continue as long as suppression of ethnic minorities is unabated, and their fundamental rights are denied.
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04/28/2010 13:03
AsiaNews.it - MYANMAR: Attacks against dams target military junta’s economic interests
Four workers are wounded in yesterday’s attack against the Thaukyegat hydropower project, Bago Division. In Kayah State, a man stopped for questioning blows himself up, wounding four police officers. Some 20 top military officers retire, including the prime minister, in order to run for office.
Yangon (AsiaNews/Agencies) – A series of blasts hit a hydropower project in Bago (south-central Myanmar), wounding four workers. In the eastern State of Kayah, a man stopped for questioning by police detonated a bomb, killing himself and wounding four officers who were close by. Both attacks, which took place yesterday, are but the latest in a series of violent episodes to have hit the former Burma in the past few weeks. In the meantime, a number of top military officers are retiring in order to run for office in elections scheduled for later this year.
This morning police stopped a man in Kayah State. Before he could be questioned, he set off an explosive device, an official said on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media. One person, the suicide bomber, died and four police officers were wounded.
“A man of about 30 years old exploded the bomb and killed himself. Four police agents beside him were injured during the blast at the police station," said a resident of Loikaw town in Kayah State, some 400 kilometres from Yangon. It was unclear exactly why he was stopped and if he had intended to commit suicide.
Elsewhere, three grenade attacks hit the Thaukyegat hydropower project in Bago Division, about 220 kilometres northeast of the country's main city of Yangon, wounding four workers.
The Myanmar company behind the project, Asia World Construction, is involved in the controversial Myitsone dam project in Kachin State, which was hit by a series of bombs blasts on 17 April.
The latest wave of violence, especially the bombs against dams, appears aimed at the heart of the Myanmar economy.
The country’s ruling junta has been criticised for selling out the national interests by selling off its natural resources through agreements with energy-hungry China and India.
Although the country has known violence in the past, the recent episodes are exceptional. Myanmar is under the tight control of a military dictatorship that censors opposition groups and human rights activists, and is involved in a fight with groups representing ethnic minorities in some of the states of the federation.
Even the former capital of Yangon, which is the country’s financial hub, has not been spared. On 15 April, during the Water Festival that marks Burmese New Year three bombs killed about 30 people, ten according to official sources, with more than 170 people injured.
In the meantime, the military junta is organising elections for later this year (October-November) in order to give itself a new respectability.
As part of this operation, more than 20 senior Burmese government ministers, including the prime minister, General Thein Sein, retired yesterday from their military posts in a move that analysts claim will allow them to focus on this year’s elections.
Internal sources said that Myanmar’s strongman, General Than Shwe, picked the current prime minister, as the leader of a new pro-junta political party that will contest the general election. The apparent goal is to clean up the regime’s image, tarnished after more than 20 years in power.
The poll, whose outcome is a foregone conclusion, is likely to strengthen the regime.
Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is under house arrest and cannot vote or be elected.
Her party, the National League for Democracy, has decided not to run in the election to protest against the junta-drafted constitution of 2008, which guarantees the military 25 per cent of the seats, with the remaining 75 per cent going to former military officers as well as regime officials or cronies.
AsiaNews.it - MYANMAR: Attacks against dams target military junta’s economic interests
Four workers are wounded in yesterday’s attack against the Thaukyegat hydropower project, Bago Division. In Kayah State, a man stopped for questioning blows himself up, wounding four police officers. Some 20 top military officers retire, including the prime minister, in order to run for office.
Yangon (AsiaNews/Agencies) – A series of blasts hit a hydropower project in Bago (south-central Myanmar), wounding four workers. In the eastern State of Kayah, a man stopped for questioning by police detonated a bomb, killing himself and wounding four officers who were close by. Both attacks, which took place yesterday, are but the latest in a series of violent episodes to have hit the former Burma in the past few weeks. In the meantime, a number of top military officers are retiring in order to run for office in elections scheduled for later this year.
This morning police stopped a man in Kayah State. Before he could be questioned, he set off an explosive device, an official said on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media. One person, the suicide bomber, died and four police officers were wounded.
“A man of about 30 years old exploded the bomb and killed himself. Four police agents beside him were injured during the blast at the police station," said a resident of Loikaw town in Kayah State, some 400 kilometres from Yangon. It was unclear exactly why he was stopped and if he had intended to commit suicide.
Elsewhere, three grenade attacks hit the Thaukyegat hydropower project in Bago Division, about 220 kilometres northeast of the country's main city of Yangon, wounding four workers.
The Myanmar company behind the project, Asia World Construction, is involved in the controversial Myitsone dam project in Kachin State, which was hit by a series of bombs blasts on 17 April.
The latest wave of violence, especially the bombs against dams, appears aimed at the heart of the Myanmar economy.
The country’s ruling junta has been criticised for selling out the national interests by selling off its natural resources through agreements with energy-hungry China and India.
Although the country has known violence in the past, the recent episodes are exceptional. Myanmar is under the tight control of a military dictatorship that censors opposition groups and human rights activists, and is involved in a fight with groups representing ethnic minorities in some of the states of the federation.
Even the former capital of Yangon, which is the country’s financial hub, has not been spared. On 15 April, during the Water Festival that marks Burmese New Year three bombs killed about 30 people, ten according to official sources, with more than 170 people injured.
In the meantime, the military junta is organising elections for later this year (October-November) in order to give itself a new respectability.
As part of this operation, more than 20 senior Burmese government ministers, including the prime minister, General Thein Sein, retired yesterday from their military posts in a move that analysts claim will allow them to focus on this year’s elections.
Internal sources said that Myanmar’s strongman, General Than Shwe, picked the current prime minister, as the leader of a new pro-junta political party that will contest the general election. The apparent goal is to clean up the regime’s image, tarnished after more than 20 years in power.
The poll, whose outcome is a foregone conclusion, is likely to strengthen the regime.
Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is under house arrest and cannot vote or be elected.
Her party, the National League for Democracy, has decided not to run in the election to protest against the junta-drafted constitution of 2008, which guarantees the military 25 per cent of the seats, with the remaining 75 per cent going to former military officers as well as regime officials or cronies.
******************************************************
Viewlondon.co.uk - Burma 'beginning transition to civilian dictatorship'
28 April 2010 12:00 GMT
More than 20 senior officials in the Burmese junta casting off their army uniforms to stand in national elections as civilians is a "sham aimed at maintaining dictatorship", campaigners have warned.
The Burma Campaign UK said the decision by prime minister Thein Sein and a host of other officials was the "beginning of the transition of Burma from a military to civilian dictatorship".
The first national elections in Burma for 20 years are expected to be held in November, with a quarter of parliamentary seats reserved for the military under the 2008 constitution passed by a disputed referendum.
But despite the polls the head of the armed forces will remain the most powerful figure in the country, while the most important ministries will be firmly under military control.
The National League for Democracy (NLD) won the last nationwide elections in Burma by a landslide in 1990 but since then military rule has been entrenched in the south-east Asian country.
NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 14 out of the last 20 years under house arrest and is currently barred from standing in the new elections.
U Nyan Win, a spokesman for the party, reaffirmed to the Reuters news agency the NLD plan to boycott the elections.
"We have always expected the emergence of parties that are supported and backed by the army in the election," he said.
"Based on the 2008 constitution, the parliament after the election will mostly be controlled by army and retired army personnel."
Commenting on the move by military figures to renounce their uniforms and stand in elections as civilians, Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK said: "Burma's military are already guaranteed 25 per cent of seats in parliament, but also plan to pack parliament with soldiers wearing suits, in order to ensure their complete dominance in the new system.
"After their defeat in elections in 1990 the generals are leaving nothing to chance. The new parliament will be a rubber stamp one, but they are still ensuring they completely control it. The only real change after the election will be a few hundred men wearing suits instead of uniforms."
28 April 2010 12:00 GMT
More than 20 senior officials in the Burmese junta casting off their army uniforms to stand in national elections as civilians is a "sham aimed at maintaining dictatorship", campaigners have warned.
The Burma Campaign UK said the decision by prime minister Thein Sein and a host of other officials was the "beginning of the transition of Burma from a military to civilian dictatorship".
The first national elections in Burma for 20 years are expected to be held in November, with a quarter of parliamentary seats reserved for the military under the 2008 constitution passed by a disputed referendum.
But despite the polls the head of the armed forces will remain the most powerful figure in the country, while the most important ministries will be firmly under military control.
The National League for Democracy (NLD) won the last nationwide elections in Burma by a landslide in 1990 but since then military rule has been entrenched in the south-east Asian country.
NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 14 out of the last 20 years under house arrest and is currently barred from standing in the new elections.
U Nyan Win, a spokesman for the party, reaffirmed to the Reuters news agency the NLD plan to boycott the elections.
"We have always expected the emergence of parties that are supported and backed by the army in the election," he said.
"Based on the 2008 constitution, the parliament after the election will mostly be controlled by army and retired army personnel."
Commenting on the move by military figures to renounce their uniforms and stand in elections as civilians, Mark Farmaner of Burma Campaign UK said: "Burma's military are already guaranteed 25 per cent of seats in parliament, but also plan to pack parliament with soldiers wearing suits, in order to ensure their complete dominance in the new system.
"After their defeat in elections in 1990 the generals are leaving nothing to chance. The new parliament will be a rubber stamp one, but they are still ensuring they completely control it. The only real change after the election will be a few hundred men wearing suits instead of uniforms."
******************************************************
VOA News - Fears of Violence Renewed Along China-Burma Border
Kate Woodsome | Washington 27 April 2010
Armed ethnic groups in rural Burma face a choice on Wednesday - join a government militia, or be outlawed and face possible attack. The standoff between the two sides has renewed fears of violence along the China-Burma border.
Burma's military government keeps tight control over most of the country. But along the border with Thailand and China, armed ethnic groups are effectively in charge. The most powerful rebels are refusing to bow to the government's pressure to join a state-run border defense force ahead of national elections later this year.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former rebel based on the Chinese side of the border, says the biggest group - the United Wa State Army - is preparing for a long war. He says leaders of the Wa do not want to fight, but they feel the government has left them little choice.
The Wa and other ethnic groups signed a ceasefire with the government two decades ago. They enjoy more political and religious freedom than the ethnic Burmese under the government's tight control. And income from logging, illegal drugs and cross-border trade pays for reliable electricity - unlike the rest of the country, which suffers from power blackouts.
Ready to fight
The Wa say that joining the government's border guard could be the first step to giving up their rights. They say they have at least 20,000 soldiers in Burma's Northern Shan state who are ready to fight. Reports from the region indicate that at least 5,000 Burmese troops are massing in the area.
Aung Kyaw Zaw says the government also has deployed fighter jets and tanks as a show of force. But, he says, with the monsoon rains coming in June, the army does not have time to wage a real war.
Still the military buildup is making some people nervous. Aung Kyaw Zaw says some residents have moved their cars and valuables into neighboring China, and that the elderly and some children have fled.
Jennifer Quigley is the advocacy director for the U.S. Campaign for Burma in Washington. She says the military government's poor human rights record gives civilians cause for concern.
"It could be very detrimental," said Quigley. "In the case of the Burmese regime, they have a traditional habit of attacking the civilian population and not necessarily the military. And so there's this great potential that they will seize land, they will seize forced laborers, they will seize child soldiers."
About 30,000 refugees fled into China last year when the Burmese army attacked the Kokang, a small ethnic-Chinese group also in Shan state. The Wa and its civilian population are much larger than the Kokang.
Quigley says conflict with this group could cause serious problems for China. "There is huge potential that you're looking at over 100,000 refugees fleeing into China," she said.
Thousands of Chinese troops are stationed in Yunnan province along the China-Burma border, where brisk trading brings in big money. In 2008, China reported nearly $2 billion in exports to Burma.
Chinese officials have been making regular visits to the Burmese capital to try to calm ethnic tensions. They even escorted Wa rebels to a recent meeting with Burmese officials to ensure their safety.
Consolidating power
Political analysts say that any other poor, isolated country would pay attention to the concerns of its rich and powerful neighbor. But Burma could be a different story because of its leader, General Than Shwe.
"It's a huge question mark, said Quingley. "Because Than Shwe is not somebody most people understand."
Jennifer Quigley of the U.S. Campaign for Burma says regional military commanders appear reluctant to start a war with the ethnic rebels. But she says, Than Shwe is focused on consolidating his power.
"One army, one Burma. No more pesky internal ethnic problems," said Quigley. "So it's going to be whether or not he's willing to jeopardize their relationship with the Chinese to have their final solution, and whether they will do that before the elections."
On the China-Burma border, former rebel Aung Kyaw Zaw says the Wa fighters will be ready, no matter what the government decides.
Kate Woodsome | Washington 27 April 2010
Armed ethnic groups in rural Burma face a choice on Wednesday - join a government militia, or be outlawed and face possible attack. The standoff between the two sides has renewed fears of violence along the China-Burma border.
Burma's military government keeps tight control over most of the country. But along the border with Thailand and China, armed ethnic groups are effectively in charge. The most powerful rebels are refusing to bow to the government's pressure to join a state-run border defense force ahead of national elections later this year.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a former rebel based on the Chinese side of the border, says the biggest group - the United Wa State Army - is preparing for a long war. He says leaders of the Wa do not want to fight, but they feel the government has left them little choice.
The Wa and other ethnic groups signed a ceasefire with the government two decades ago. They enjoy more political and religious freedom than the ethnic Burmese under the government's tight control. And income from logging, illegal drugs and cross-border trade pays for reliable electricity - unlike the rest of the country, which suffers from power blackouts.
Ready to fight
The Wa say that joining the government's border guard could be the first step to giving up their rights. They say they have at least 20,000 soldiers in Burma's Northern Shan state who are ready to fight. Reports from the region indicate that at least 5,000 Burmese troops are massing in the area.
Aung Kyaw Zaw says the government also has deployed fighter jets and tanks as a show of force. But, he says, with the monsoon rains coming in June, the army does not have time to wage a real war.
Still the military buildup is making some people nervous. Aung Kyaw Zaw says some residents have moved their cars and valuables into neighboring China, and that the elderly and some children have fled.
Jennifer Quigley is the advocacy director for the U.S. Campaign for Burma in Washington. She says the military government's poor human rights record gives civilians cause for concern.
"It could be very detrimental," said Quigley. "In the case of the Burmese regime, they have a traditional habit of attacking the civilian population and not necessarily the military. And so there's this great potential that they will seize land, they will seize forced laborers, they will seize child soldiers."
About 30,000 refugees fled into China last year when the Burmese army attacked the Kokang, a small ethnic-Chinese group also in Shan state. The Wa and its civilian population are much larger than the Kokang.
Quigley says conflict with this group could cause serious problems for China. "There is huge potential that you're looking at over 100,000 refugees fleeing into China," she said.
Thousands of Chinese troops are stationed in Yunnan province along the China-Burma border, where brisk trading brings in big money. In 2008, China reported nearly $2 billion in exports to Burma.
Chinese officials have been making regular visits to the Burmese capital to try to calm ethnic tensions. They even escorted Wa rebels to a recent meeting with Burmese officials to ensure their safety.
Consolidating power
Political analysts say that any other poor, isolated country would pay attention to the concerns of its rich and powerful neighbor. But Burma could be a different story because of its leader, General Than Shwe.
"It's a huge question mark, said Quingley. "Because Than Shwe is not somebody most people understand."
Jennifer Quigley of the U.S. Campaign for Burma says regional military commanders appear reluctant to start a war with the ethnic rebels. But she says, Than Shwe is focused on consolidating his power.
"One army, one Burma. No more pesky internal ethnic problems," said Quigley. "So it's going to be whether or not he's willing to jeopardize their relationship with the Chinese to have their final solution, and whether they will do that before the elections."
On the China-Burma border, former rebel Aung Kyaw Zaw says the Wa fighters will be ready, no matter what the government decides.
******************************************************
New Mon State Party prepares for war
Thursday, 29 April 2010 00:07 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) - The New Mon State Party is making preparations in case war breaks out between it and the Burmese Army, after its militia under ceasefire rejected the junta’s order for it to be brought under the command of the Border Guard Force, a spokesman said.
The junta had given the party until April 22 to respond to its offer of a place for the party’s militia in the new guard force. The party rejected the offer and since has secured all documents from its communication offices and ceased their operations except for those in Moulmein, in preparation for a crackdown, party spokesman Naing Chay Mon said.
“We answered the junta at the deadline on April 22 that we could not accept their proposal. So, we have closed the offices so that if the junta takes action against our organisation, most of our members will not be left in the area,” he said.
He said Rangoon, Ye Township, Myawaddy Township, Three Pagodas Pass and Than Phyu Za Yap offices have been closed, and only two staff members are left in charge at Moulmein, capital of Mon State.
The party agreed to a ceasefire with the junta in 1995, after which the offices were opened for bilateral communications with the government. Its rights to do business were revoked, so the party had no concerns about economic loss from the closures, former party member Naing Tin Aung said.
“We had invested heavily in timber businesses. Later [some years after the ceasefire], the government revoked our permits to conduct those businesses. So, we have nothing to lose from the closures,” he said.
After initial years of ceasefire, the party also ran bus lines and import-export businesses but those permits were also revoked later by the regime.
Tension was building between the junta and the New Mon State Party and both sides were preparing for possible armed clashes, political analyst Aung Thu Nyein in Thailand said.
The junta has three military units and one military operations command centre at Ye.
It also has three units at Three Pagodas Pass, the South Eastern Command is at Moulmein, and many military units are positioned between Moulmein and Mu Done Township.
About 700 soldiers from the party control all or parts of the following areas: Moulmein District, Tavoy District, Tha Htone District, Bahoquin at the top of Ye stream and Three Pagodas Pass.
Sources said that more than 400 villagers from Toehaparouk, Ani, Chelltike, Waisin and Naungbwae in Ye Township had fled to the Hlokhani Mon refugee camp on the Thai-Burmese border on April 25 because the worry about war.
Mon separatists formed the Mon Peoples Front, which was later superseded by the New Mon State Party (NMSP) in 1962. Since 1949, the eastern hills of the state (as well as portions of Thaninthaya Division) have been under control of the NMSP.
The NMSP was formed in 1958 and they continued the for self-determination and the rights of other ethnic minorities.
Many Mon were against the 1995 ceasefire agreement, but the NMSP convinced them to try a political compromise with the regime. In 2003, the party joined the national constitutional convention, where it proposed that the junta create a federal union of Burma. The junta turned down the proposal, and in 2007 the party sent only observers to the convention. NMSP leaders say the 2008 constitution is undemocratic, allowing for no ethnic rights.
Thursday, 29 April 2010 00:07 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) - The New Mon State Party is making preparations in case war breaks out between it and the Burmese Army, after its militia under ceasefire rejected the junta’s order for it to be brought under the command of the Border Guard Force, a spokesman said.
The junta had given the party until April 22 to respond to its offer of a place for the party’s militia in the new guard force. The party rejected the offer and since has secured all documents from its communication offices and ceased their operations except for those in Moulmein, in preparation for a crackdown, party spokesman Naing Chay Mon said.
“We answered the junta at the deadline on April 22 that we could not accept their proposal. So, we have closed the offices so that if the junta takes action against our organisation, most of our members will not be left in the area,” he said.
He said Rangoon, Ye Township, Myawaddy Township, Three Pagodas Pass and Than Phyu Za Yap offices have been closed, and only two staff members are left in charge at Moulmein, capital of Mon State.
The party agreed to a ceasefire with the junta in 1995, after which the offices were opened for bilateral communications with the government. Its rights to do business were revoked, so the party had no concerns about economic loss from the closures, former party member Naing Tin Aung said.
“We had invested heavily in timber businesses. Later [some years after the ceasefire], the government revoked our permits to conduct those businesses. So, we have nothing to lose from the closures,” he said.
After initial years of ceasefire, the party also ran bus lines and import-export businesses but those permits were also revoked later by the regime.
Tension was building between the junta and the New Mon State Party and both sides were preparing for possible armed clashes, political analyst Aung Thu Nyein in Thailand said.
The junta has three military units and one military operations command centre at Ye.
It also has three units at Three Pagodas Pass, the South Eastern Command is at Moulmein, and many military units are positioned between Moulmein and Mu Done Township.
About 700 soldiers from the party control all or parts of the following areas: Moulmein District, Tavoy District, Tha Htone District, Bahoquin at the top of Ye stream and Three Pagodas Pass.
Sources said that more than 400 villagers from Toehaparouk, Ani, Chelltike, Waisin and Naungbwae in Ye Township had fled to the Hlokhani Mon refugee camp on the Thai-Burmese border on April 25 because the worry about war.
Mon separatists formed the Mon Peoples Front, which was later superseded by the New Mon State Party (NMSP) in 1962. Since 1949, the eastern hills of the state (as well as portions of Thaninthaya Division) have been under control of the NMSP.
The NMSP was formed in 1958 and they continued the for self-determination and the rights of other ethnic minorities.
Many Mon were against the 1995 ceasefire agreement, but the NMSP convinced them to try a political compromise with the regime. In 2003, the party joined the national constitutional convention, where it proposed that the junta create a federal union of Burma. The junta turned down the proposal, and in 2007 the party sent only observers to the convention. NMSP leaders say the 2008 constitution is undemocratic, allowing for no ethnic rights.
******************************************************
Win Tin unhappy over EU parleys with junta
Wednesday, 28 April 2010 13:09 Ko Wild
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) - Though European Union’s extension of its existing economic sanctions against Burma for one more year was welcomed by the National League for Democracy (NLD), Win Tin, a senior leader was unhappy with its decision to continue parleys with the junta.
“When we wanted them to apply more pressure on the junta, they still wanted to talk with the regime. We are unhappy with this,” Win Tin a Central Executive Committee member of NLD said.
Given that the appalling human rights situation has not shown any improvement, European Union foreign ministers decided to extend sanctions against military-ruled Burma for one more year at a meeting in Luxemberg on April 26. At the same time the meeting decided to send a diplomatic mission to Burma for parleys with the junta.
Western countries should persuade veto power holders like China and Russia to take practical actions on Burma through the United Nations Security Council, such as weapons sanctions and strong diplomatic pressure, Win Tin said.
EU had imposed sanctions against Burma since 1996. These include, ban on sale of weapons to Burma, halt to visas for regime officials, their families and their cronies so that they are unable to visit EU countries, stopping aid, except humanitarian aid, sealing bank accounts of Burmese military officials, and restricted diplomatic relations with Burma.
The judges, who initiated legal action against Aung San Suu Kyi were added to the sanction list last year. EU has also called for the unconditional release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi.
However, the chairman of the Union of Myanmar National Political Force, Aye Lwin, who has opposed sanctions by western countries, since 2006, said it is impractical.
“The sanction is a negative approach, where it ignores the political, economical and social opportunities of Burmese people while we proceed towards democracy”, he told Mizzima.
He pointed out that the EU had said the junta’s electoral laws cannot ensure free and fair election, because the NLD and its allies among ethnic parties did not like the electoral laws.
Sanctions affect not only the junta but also the people, so they should revoke the sanction to sympathize with the Burmese people, Aye Lwin added.
“Sanctions are an obstacle to investment and it is negative in nature. If the head of a family has been pushed aside, negative effects will impact his family members,” he said.
Though Win Tin accepts the fact that sanctions can affect the ordinary people, it hurts the junta more, he felt. “Watering a burning house is not enough, sometimes we need to tear and break bamboo walls and roofs,” he said.
London based Burma Campaign (UK), the organization fighting for democracy in Burma, also welcomed the EU’s decision. They said if EU revokes the sanction, the junta will have the opportunity to abuse human rights more freely.
The EU statement welcomed and supported the report of Qunitana, the United Nations human rights envoy to Burma. They urged cooperation with the UN envoy. In Quintana’s report, he urged the UN to consider establishing a Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity by the Burmese military junta.
Wednesday, 28 April 2010 13:09 Ko Wild
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) - Though European Union’s extension of its existing economic sanctions against Burma for one more year was welcomed by the National League for Democracy (NLD), Win Tin, a senior leader was unhappy with its decision to continue parleys with the junta.
“When we wanted them to apply more pressure on the junta, they still wanted to talk with the regime. We are unhappy with this,” Win Tin a Central Executive Committee member of NLD said.
Given that the appalling human rights situation has not shown any improvement, European Union foreign ministers decided to extend sanctions against military-ruled Burma for one more year at a meeting in Luxemberg on April 26. At the same time the meeting decided to send a diplomatic mission to Burma for parleys with the junta.
Western countries should persuade veto power holders like China and Russia to take practical actions on Burma through the United Nations Security Council, such as weapons sanctions and strong diplomatic pressure, Win Tin said.
EU had imposed sanctions against Burma since 1996. These include, ban on sale of weapons to Burma, halt to visas for regime officials, their families and their cronies so that they are unable to visit EU countries, stopping aid, except humanitarian aid, sealing bank accounts of Burmese military officials, and restricted diplomatic relations with Burma.
The judges, who initiated legal action against Aung San Suu Kyi were added to the sanction list last year. EU has also called for the unconditional release of political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi.
However, the chairman of the Union of Myanmar National Political Force, Aye Lwin, who has opposed sanctions by western countries, since 2006, said it is impractical.
“The sanction is a negative approach, where it ignores the political, economical and social opportunities of Burmese people while we proceed towards democracy”, he told Mizzima.
He pointed out that the EU had said the junta’s electoral laws cannot ensure free and fair election, because the NLD and its allies among ethnic parties did not like the electoral laws.
Sanctions affect not only the junta but also the people, so they should revoke the sanction to sympathize with the Burmese people, Aye Lwin added.
“Sanctions are an obstacle to investment and it is negative in nature. If the head of a family has been pushed aside, negative effects will impact his family members,” he said.
Though Win Tin accepts the fact that sanctions can affect the ordinary people, it hurts the junta more, he felt. “Watering a burning house is not enough, sometimes we need to tear and break bamboo walls and roofs,” he said.
London based Burma Campaign (UK), the organization fighting for democracy in Burma, also welcomed the EU’s decision. They said if EU revokes the sanction, the junta will have the opportunity to abuse human rights more freely.
The EU statement welcomed and supported the report of Qunitana, the United Nations human rights envoy to Burma. They urged cooperation with the UN envoy. In Quintana’s report, he urged the UN to consider establishing a Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity by the Burmese military junta.
******************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Experts Warn of Cyclones, Storms in Burma
By KHAING THWE - Wednesday, April 28, 2010
RANGOON—People along Burma's western coastal areas should pay close attention to weather reports of cyclones and storms in the Bay of Bengal during the early monsoon season in April and May, experts have warned.
Meteorologist Htun Lwin said government authorities will soon release announcements regarding storm precautions.
“Storms will form as usual this monsoon season,” said Htun Lwin, the former director general of the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology. “We just need to watch if they will enter Burma.”
A state-run newspaper, The Mirror, recently carried an article written by Chit Kyaw that warned about storms in April and May.
Life-threatening storms broke out 32 times in April during the past 100 years, with 15 striking Burma's coast, the article said. It said storms broke out 92 times in May over the past 122 years, with 27 striking the coast.
The article stressed that storms this time of the year can be very powerful because of the heat rising in the air during hot season.
“Every storm will not come straight towards Burma's coast,” Chit Kyaw said, noting that they frequently change course and head for other South Asia countries.
Htun Lwin, however, said Burmese in coastal areas should stay alert and exercise caution.
“According to the record, nearly 50 percent of the storms in April in the Bay of Bengal hit the country. This is not a small amount,” said Htun Lwin.
Burma was hit by storms before the rainy season in 2006, 2007 and 2008, successively.
In 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the country, killing more than 100,000 people and leaving millions homeless.
Meanwhile, the Washington-based Human Rights Watch has called for renewed international pressure on the Burmese government to gain the release of imprisoned local aid workers and other political prisoners and to ensure humanitarian aid reaches the entire country.
“Two years after one of the world’s worst natural disasters, local aid workers still feel the brunt of continued repression by the military authorities,” said Elaine Pearson, the deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Intense international pressure pushed the military government to open the door to foreign aid agencies, but Burma’s generals have kept it shut for domestic critics, many of whom remain in prison for speaking out for fellow citizens in need.”
The 102-page report, “‘I Want to Help My Own People’: State Control and Civil Society in Burma after Cyclone Nargis,” based on 135 interviews with cyclone survivors, aid workers and other eyewitnesses, details the Burmese military government’s response to Nargis and its implications for human rights and development in Burma, It describes the government’s attempts to block assistance in a desperate three- week period after the cyclone hit and the concerted response from increasingly assertive Burmese civil society groups to overcome governmental restrictions to providing assistance.
The report details continuing violations of rights to free expression, association and movement against Burmese aid workers and their organizations. In the months following the cyclone, the Burmese regime arrested scores of Burmese activists and journalists who publicly spoke out about the government’s poor response to Nargis. More than 20 people active in cyclone relief efforts remain in prison, including one of Burma’s most popular comedians, Zargana, who received a 35-year prison sentence.
In the face of the government’s callous response, Burmese civil society groups and individuals raised money, collected supplies and traveled to the badly hit areas of the Irrawaddy Delta to help survivors in shattered villages.
By KHAING THWE - Wednesday, April 28, 2010
RANGOON—People along Burma's western coastal areas should pay close attention to weather reports of cyclones and storms in the Bay of Bengal during the early monsoon season in April and May, experts have warned.
Meteorologist Htun Lwin said government authorities will soon release announcements regarding storm precautions.
“Storms will form as usual this monsoon season,” said Htun Lwin, the former director general of the Department of Meteorology and Hydrology. “We just need to watch if they will enter Burma.”
A state-run newspaper, The Mirror, recently carried an article written by Chit Kyaw that warned about storms in April and May.
Life-threatening storms broke out 32 times in April during the past 100 years, with 15 striking Burma's coast, the article said. It said storms broke out 92 times in May over the past 122 years, with 27 striking the coast.
The article stressed that storms this time of the year can be very powerful because of the heat rising in the air during hot season.
“Every storm will not come straight towards Burma's coast,” Chit Kyaw said, noting that they frequently change course and head for other South Asia countries.
Htun Lwin, however, said Burmese in coastal areas should stay alert and exercise caution.
“According to the record, nearly 50 percent of the storms in April in the Bay of Bengal hit the country. This is not a small amount,” said Htun Lwin.
Burma was hit by storms before the rainy season in 2006, 2007 and 2008, successively.
In 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the country, killing more than 100,000 people and leaving millions homeless.
Meanwhile, the Washington-based Human Rights Watch has called for renewed international pressure on the Burmese government to gain the release of imprisoned local aid workers and other political prisoners and to ensure humanitarian aid reaches the entire country.
“Two years after one of the world’s worst natural disasters, local aid workers still feel the brunt of continued repression by the military authorities,” said Elaine Pearson, the deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Intense international pressure pushed the military government to open the door to foreign aid agencies, but Burma’s generals have kept it shut for domestic critics, many of whom remain in prison for speaking out for fellow citizens in need.”
The 102-page report, “‘I Want to Help My Own People’: State Control and Civil Society in Burma after Cyclone Nargis,” based on 135 interviews with cyclone survivors, aid workers and other eyewitnesses, details the Burmese military government’s response to Nargis and its implications for human rights and development in Burma, It describes the government’s attempts to block assistance in a desperate three- week period after the cyclone hit and the concerted response from increasingly assertive Burmese civil society groups to overcome governmental restrictions to providing assistance.
The report details continuing violations of rights to free expression, association and movement against Burmese aid workers and their organizations. In the months following the cyclone, the Burmese regime arrested scores of Burmese activists and journalists who publicly spoke out about the government’s poor response to Nargis. More than 20 people active in cyclone relief efforts remain in prison, including one of Burma’s most popular comedians, Zargana, who received a 35-year prison sentence.
In the face of the government’s callous response, Burmese civil society groups and individuals raised money, collected supplies and traveled to the badly hit areas of the Irrawaddy Delta to help survivors in shattered villages.
******************************************************
DVB News - Gry Larsen: ‘The UN has its limits’
By THAN WIN HTUT
Published: 28 April 2010
Norwegian state secretary Gry Larsen visited Burma last week where she met with both government officials and opposition groups, and travelled to the country’s dry zone.
Norway remains one of the leading funders of exiled media and pro-democracy groups, and was one of the first country’s to open its doors to Burmese political refugees following the 1988 uprising.
Asked what she thought of a UN commission of enquiry into war crimes in Burma, Larsen warned of limitations of the security council, whilst urging the international community to unite in its approach to Burma.
What is your assessment of the situation in Burma?
The elections need to be free, fair and inclusive, and it’s important that the regime takes steps now to ensure that they will be free. I had meeting with the NLD [National League for Democracy party] and I respected their decision not to re-register and take part in the elections; I also respect other democratic voices in Burma who say they want to stand and see these elections as not free and fair but as a step.
Are you optimistic about the elections?
The elections laws that have been passed are not meeting international standards when it comes to free and fair elections and therefore I think it’s important that the international community has a strong voice towards the regime about freeing political prisoners, about freeing Aung San Suu Kyi and making sure there is freedom of press and freedom of assembly. Just having an election doesn’t make you a democratic state – it’s also the process towards the elections and what happens afterwards, and the will of the people must be respected.
Do you feel the elections give a window of opportunity?
I’m not saying that; some people inside Burma are saying that these elections could be a window of opportunity, that this is the first election that has been held in Burma for 20 years, and that it’s a step that can be in the right direction, but I think it’s too early to say.
You’ve also said that one should engage with the person in the driving seat. What do you feel the direction will be?
I think that in the international debate, which has been one of either sanctions or dialogue, it’s important to have both. You can have sanctions and dialogue at the same time – sticks and carrots. Therefore that’s why I say that the Burmese regime is at a crossroads – they have to decide. If they decide to take a democratic path and hold free and fair elections, the international community will respond to that. But we need to see them take some steps before they do respond.
What is Norway’s approach towards addressing poverty in Burma?
After cyclone Nargis international organisations and Norwegian organisations have been working on the humanitarian field inside Burma. That’s making sure that people get shelter and go to school. We will continue to give humanitarian aid to Burma, but not just in the delta – in other areas of the country that have humanitarian challenges. I went to the dry zone myself and saw that the local farmers are struggling.
Were you able to visit the ethnic areas?
I didn’t ask to visit the ethnic areas. The humanitarian organisations cannot operate so freely in those areas and I think that that’s one issue that we need to discuss. I raised the issue of ethnic minorities with the Burmese authorities. My visit was one of the first political visits from Norway in a long time; I think that’s the right approach, that we broaden our contacts in Burma, both with the regime and the NLD and different civil organisations, and we will continue to do that.
What is Norway’s position on the UN human rights rapporteur’s proposal to have a war crimes investigation done on Burma?
Right now we are focusing on what is going to happen now until the elections so a lot of the international attention is on making sure the elections will be more free and fair than it seems that they’re going to be. We need to be honest about the fact that it’s going to be very hard to get an agreement in the UN security council on this issue, but it’s important that Burmese authorities cooperate with the UN and allow UN representatives to operate freely within the country so they can monitor the situation themselves.
Do you have a benchmark for engagement with the regime?
It’s very difficult to set a timeframe for this. What is important is that the international community always tries to discuss whether it is taking the right approach and achieving what it wants to achieve. The past 20 years have shown us that we haven’t achieved what we wanted to achieve and now I believe that it’s important that the international community speaks with one voice, that we have carrots and sticks. But it’s not the international community that needs to decide – it’s the Burmese authorities that need to decide what path they want to walk. If they want to walk the democratic path, then the international community will follow up on that.
By THAN WIN HTUT
Published: 28 April 2010
Norwegian state secretary Gry Larsen visited Burma last week where she met with both government officials and opposition groups, and travelled to the country’s dry zone.
Norway remains one of the leading funders of exiled media and pro-democracy groups, and was one of the first country’s to open its doors to Burmese political refugees following the 1988 uprising.
Asked what she thought of a UN commission of enquiry into war crimes in Burma, Larsen warned of limitations of the security council, whilst urging the international community to unite in its approach to Burma.
What is your assessment of the situation in Burma?
The elections need to be free, fair and inclusive, and it’s important that the regime takes steps now to ensure that they will be free. I had meeting with the NLD [National League for Democracy party] and I respected their decision not to re-register and take part in the elections; I also respect other democratic voices in Burma who say they want to stand and see these elections as not free and fair but as a step.
Are you optimistic about the elections?
The elections laws that have been passed are not meeting international standards when it comes to free and fair elections and therefore I think it’s important that the international community has a strong voice towards the regime about freeing political prisoners, about freeing Aung San Suu Kyi and making sure there is freedom of press and freedom of assembly. Just having an election doesn’t make you a democratic state – it’s also the process towards the elections and what happens afterwards, and the will of the people must be respected.
Do you feel the elections give a window of opportunity?
I’m not saying that; some people inside Burma are saying that these elections could be a window of opportunity, that this is the first election that has been held in Burma for 20 years, and that it’s a step that can be in the right direction, but I think it’s too early to say.
You’ve also said that one should engage with the person in the driving seat. What do you feel the direction will be?
I think that in the international debate, which has been one of either sanctions or dialogue, it’s important to have both. You can have sanctions and dialogue at the same time – sticks and carrots. Therefore that’s why I say that the Burmese regime is at a crossroads – they have to decide. If they decide to take a democratic path and hold free and fair elections, the international community will respond to that. But we need to see them take some steps before they do respond.
What is Norway’s approach towards addressing poverty in Burma?
After cyclone Nargis international organisations and Norwegian organisations have been working on the humanitarian field inside Burma. That’s making sure that people get shelter and go to school. We will continue to give humanitarian aid to Burma, but not just in the delta – in other areas of the country that have humanitarian challenges. I went to the dry zone myself and saw that the local farmers are struggling.
Were you able to visit the ethnic areas?
I didn’t ask to visit the ethnic areas. The humanitarian organisations cannot operate so freely in those areas and I think that that’s one issue that we need to discuss. I raised the issue of ethnic minorities with the Burmese authorities. My visit was one of the first political visits from Norway in a long time; I think that’s the right approach, that we broaden our contacts in Burma, both with the regime and the NLD and different civil organisations, and we will continue to do that.
What is Norway’s position on the UN human rights rapporteur’s proposal to have a war crimes investigation done on Burma?
Right now we are focusing on what is going to happen now until the elections so a lot of the international attention is on making sure the elections will be more free and fair than it seems that they’re going to be. We need to be honest about the fact that it’s going to be very hard to get an agreement in the UN security council on this issue, but it’s important that Burmese authorities cooperate with the UN and allow UN representatives to operate freely within the country so they can monitor the situation themselves.
Do you have a benchmark for engagement with the regime?
It’s very difficult to set a timeframe for this. What is important is that the international community always tries to discuss whether it is taking the right approach and achieving what it wants to achieve. The past 20 years have shown us that we haven’t achieved what we wanted to achieve and now I believe that it’s important that the international community speaks with one voice, that we have carrots and sticks. But it’s not the international community that needs to decide – it’s the Burmese authorities that need to decide what path they want to walk. If they want to walk the democratic path, then the international community will follow up on that.
******************************************************
DVB News - Burmese blogger wins top US award
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 28 April 2010
Imprisoned Burmese blogger Nay Phone Latt, whose role in disseminating news of the September 2007 uprising in Burma won him international applaud, has received the prestigious PEN/Barbara Goldsmith award.
Speaking prior the award ceremony last night in New York, PEN president Kwame Anthony Appiah said that Nay Phone Latt, who was arrested in January 2008 and sentenced to 20 years in prison, “represents a younger generation of Burmese who are longing for freedom and willing to pay the cost of speaking out in its defense”.
According to news alerts following his sentencing, the 29-year-old was arrested for posting satirical cartoons of Burmese junta chief Than Shwe on his blog. The charge of “causing public alarm” accounted for two of 20 years he is to spend in prison.
He was also a prolific writer, and posted regular articles during the so-called Saffron Revolution in 2007 that partly compensated for the media blackout enforced by the regime. Burma has one of the most draconian media environments in the world, and journalists are regularly given painfully long sentences.
Aye Aye Than, the mother of Nay Phone Latt, told DVB today that he was already aware of the honour via someone who visited him in prison, and that “he was very happy to win this literature award because that is what he is fond of.”
“He didn’t attack or criticise or denounce anyone on his blog. I have no regret about his blogging,” she said, adding that she last visited him on 1 April and “he was in good health”.
Burma ranked 171 out of 175 countries in the Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index. Appiah, a Ghanaian novelist and philosopher, also lamented the fact that internet censorship had become “one of the great threats to free expression today”.
“That Nay Phone Latt is also a poet reminds us that every society speaks with the voice of the imagination as well as through its non-fiction writers. We honor him. We thank him. We ask all who have any influence on the government of Burma to press for his release.”
The Burmese junta is expected to intensify its crackdown on journalists in the run-up to elections this year. Around 14 media workers are currently behind bars, some serving sentences of up to 35 years. Nay Phone Latt had been given no legal representation during his trial due to his lawyer being imprisoned the week before.
Fellow Burmese activist, comedian and part-journalist, Zarganar, was last year honoured with the PEN/Pinter award for ‘imprisoned writers of courage’ – Zarganar was sentenced in November 2008 to 59 years, later reduced to 35 years, after giving interviews to foreign media in which he criticized the Burmese junta’s reaction to cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
PEN, which advocates for global freedom of expression, is the world’s oldest human rights organisation and the oldest international literary organisation.
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 28 April 2010
Imprisoned Burmese blogger Nay Phone Latt, whose role in disseminating news of the September 2007 uprising in Burma won him international applaud, has received the prestigious PEN/Barbara Goldsmith award.
Speaking prior the award ceremony last night in New York, PEN president Kwame Anthony Appiah said that Nay Phone Latt, who was arrested in January 2008 and sentenced to 20 years in prison, “represents a younger generation of Burmese who are longing for freedom and willing to pay the cost of speaking out in its defense”.
According to news alerts following his sentencing, the 29-year-old was arrested for posting satirical cartoons of Burmese junta chief Than Shwe on his blog. The charge of “causing public alarm” accounted for two of 20 years he is to spend in prison.
He was also a prolific writer, and posted regular articles during the so-called Saffron Revolution in 2007 that partly compensated for the media blackout enforced by the regime. Burma has one of the most draconian media environments in the world, and journalists are regularly given painfully long sentences.
Aye Aye Than, the mother of Nay Phone Latt, told DVB today that he was already aware of the honour via someone who visited him in prison, and that “he was very happy to win this literature award because that is what he is fond of.”
“He didn’t attack or criticise or denounce anyone on his blog. I have no regret about his blogging,” she said, adding that she last visited him on 1 April and “he was in good health”.
Burma ranked 171 out of 175 countries in the Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom Index. Appiah, a Ghanaian novelist and philosopher, also lamented the fact that internet censorship had become “one of the great threats to free expression today”.
“That Nay Phone Latt is also a poet reminds us that every society speaks with the voice of the imagination as well as through its non-fiction writers. We honor him. We thank him. We ask all who have any influence on the government of Burma to press for his release.”
The Burmese junta is expected to intensify its crackdown on journalists in the run-up to elections this year. Around 14 media workers are currently behind bars, some serving sentences of up to 35 years. Nay Phone Latt had been given no legal representation during his trial due to his lawyer being imprisoned the week before.
Fellow Burmese activist, comedian and part-journalist, Zarganar, was last year honoured with the PEN/Pinter award for ‘imprisoned writers of courage’ – Zarganar was sentenced in November 2008 to 59 years, later reduced to 35 years, after giving interviews to foreign media in which he criticized the Burmese junta’s reaction to cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
PEN, which advocates for global freedom of expression, is the world’s oldest human rights organisation and the oldest international literary organisation.
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