The Huffington Post - The UN Singles Out Big Oil in Burma, With Good Reason
Matthew Smith
Coordinator of the Burma Project, EarthRights International
Posted: April 12, 2010 03:16 PM
In a surprising report last month to the UN Human Rights Council, UN Special Rapporteur (UNSR) on human rights Tomás Quintana recommended an official "commission of inquiry" into possible crimes against humanity and war crimes in military-ruled Burma (Myanmar).
Although the call for such a commission was widely covered in media and policy circles, a critical section of the report went completely overlooked and unreported: Quintana actually became the first UNSR to take specific aim at the ruling State Peace and Development Council's corporate partners, singling out problematic foreign oil companies operating in the country.
Coming after a 5-day mission to Burma, the report pulls no punches. It notes "rampant forced labor" connected to the country's four main natural gas projects, including the transnational Yadana gas pipeline to Thailand and the Shwe gas pipeline to China.
Confirming what's long been documented, the report notes the Yadana and Shwe companies "rely on the Myanmar military to provide security for their projects."
Mentioning by name only South Korea's Daewoo International and Thailand's PTTEP, Quintana in effect implicated a who's who of Big Oil: The Yadana project, meaning "treasure," is operated by Total (France), Chevron (US), and PTTEP; and Shwe, meaning "gold," is operated by Daewoo International, state-owned companies from India and South Korea, and the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).
While this is the UNSR's first mention of the human rights impacts of foreign-led energy projects in Burma, at EarthRights International (ERI), we've documented for years how overland gas pipelines and other billion-dollar installations in the country are physically secured by the Tatmadaw -- the Burmese Army -- resulting in forced labor, killings in cold blood, rape, torture, and other abuses against local residents.
The Tatmadaw is a decentralized, complicated organization of hundreds of thousands of poor, uneducated, predominantly ethnic Burman soldiers. It's the most powerful political actor in the ethnically diverse country, and the most brutal. It also happens to include thousands of impressionable children, forced from their families, trained to be soldiers, and taught in the way of indiscriminate violence.
In 2009, one former child soldier explained to ERI how he was taken by the Tatmadaw from his family at age 15, and how his craven superiors ruthlessly burned the feet of children who tried to escape their clutches. This particular soldier "graduated" to provide security for Total and Chevron's pipeline, where he in turn conscripted local villagers for forced labor.
For years, Total and Chevron's pipeline has resulted in abuses like this: forced labor, killings, rape, torture. In recent weeks we documented two extrajudicial killings and numerous instances of forced labor committed by battalion #282, known locally as "Total's battalion," a notorious regiment that's been securing the project since the 1990s.
This is a grave problem. The burgeoning and controversial corporate social responsibility agenda hasn't effectively addressed it, regardless of what some companies and analysts claim, and victims of corporate human rights abuses still lack access to justice, despite lawsuits brought by Burmese villagers against Total and Unocal (now Chevron) in the companies' home states.
What's more, there's another batch of problems with Burma's gas sector. These involve cold hard cash, and were also noted by Quintana: For years, lucrative gas exports have lined the camouflaged pockets of the ruling military regime while the ailing country has sunk deeper into poverty. That's inherently problematic. In 2009, ERI calculated how Total and Chevron's pipeline generated over US$7.5 billion dollars from 2000-2008, the lion's share going to the ruling junta.
This cash influx has only complicated the already deep military-politico complex in the country, not least of all by contributing to high-level corruption. Last September, we exposed how gas revenues from Total and Chevron's pipeline were being siphoned by the Burmese elite into offshore bank accounts in Singapore, rather than to the national economy or development.
Now, the same junta managing this cash is orchestrating the country's first elections in 20 years, controversially excluding over 2,100 political prisoners (by virtue of keeping them behind bars), including Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy party just recently decided to boycott the elections.
In this context, the decision was made by the junta and its partners to simultaneously move forward with the construction of yet another pipeline: the Shwe gas pipeline to China, operated by Daewoo and CNPC. Costing nearly US$2 billion to construct, it'll be almost 20 times longer than Yadana, moving gas valued at a whopping US$30 billion, according to the Shwe Gas Movement.
The pipeline comes amidst a palpable threat of civil war between the Tatmadaw and non-state ethnic armies near the northern end of the project, in Shan State, where there's a danger of thousands of refugee out-flows to China.
Villagers in some areas of the project aren't thinking about elections as much as the risk they'll lose their land and have to do forced labor. Where construction has already begun, so too have land confiscations and persecutions against the pipeline's dissenters.
In a politically unstable "election year," when the world's attention will focus on Burma, one would think that risky transnational mega-development projects would be approached with caution, by both the junta and its corporate partners.
Apparently, that's not the case.
Rather than move full speed ahead, Daewoo International, its partners, and CNPC should instead listen to the Shwe Gas Movement and EarthRights International: the companies should postpone the Shwe pipeline and any work on offshore installations until there's no risk the project will contribute to human rights violations -- that would be good business. In the meantime, the companies should promote public participation in development decisions; conduct transparent, inclusive third-party environmental and human rights impact assessments according to international standards; and practice complete revenue transparency, including publishing taxes, fees, royalties, bonuses, and social benefits paid to the Burmese authorities.
For companies who've ignored the risks and already made the mistake of being involved in a fully operational oil and gas project in Burma -- like Total, Chevron, and PTTEP -- they ought to take immediate steps to mitigate their harmful impacts. At a bare minimum, they should:
1. Practice complete revenue transparency.
2. Facilitate complaints of forced labor to the International Labour Organization.
3. Acknowledge an accurate sphere-of-responsibility, determined by actual social and political impacts, and take steps to mitigate the local harms caused by Tatmadaw forces securing the project.
4. Commission ongoing human rights and environmental impact assessments according to international standards, including the safe participation of local communities.
Matthew Smith
Coordinator of the Burma Project, EarthRights International
Posted: April 12, 2010 03:16 PM
In a surprising report last month to the UN Human Rights Council, UN Special Rapporteur (UNSR) on human rights Tomás Quintana recommended an official "commission of inquiry" into possible crimes against humanity and war crimes in military-ruled Burma (Myanmar).
Although the call for such a commission was widely covered in media and policy circles, a critical section of the report went completely overlooked and unreported: Quintana actually became the first UNSR to take specific aim at the ruling State Peace and Development Council's corporate partners, singling out problematic foreign oil companies operating in the country.
Coming after a 5-day mission to Burma, the report pulls no punches. It notes "rampant forced labor" connected to the country's four main natural gas projects, including the transnational Yadana gas pipeline to Thailand and the Shwe gas pipeline to China.
Confirming what's long been documented, the report notes the Yadana and Shwe companies "rely on the Myanmar military to provide security for their projects."
Mentioning by name only South Korea's Daewoo International and Thailand's PTTEP, Quintana in effect implicated a who's who of Big Oil: The Yadana project, meaning "treasure," is operated by Total (France), Chevron (US), and PTTEP; and Shwe, meaning "gold," is operated by Daewoo International, state-owned companies from India and South Korea, and the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC).
While this is the UNSR's first mention of the human rights impacts of foreign-led energy projects in Burma, at EarthRights International (ERI), we've documented for years how overland gas pipelines and other billion-dollar installations in the country are physically secured by the Tatmadaw -- the Burmese Army -- resulting in forced labor, killings in cold blood, rape, torture, and other abuses against local residents.
The Tatmadaw is a decentralized, complicated organization of hundreds of thousands of poor, uneducated, predominantly ethnic Burman soldiers. It's the most powerful political actor in the ethnically diverse country, and the most brutal. It also happens to include thousands of impressionable children, forced from their families, trained to be soldiers, and taught in the way of indiscriminate violence.
In 2009, one former child soldier explained to ERI how he was taken by the Tatmadaw from his family at age 15, and how his craven superiors ruthlessly burned the feet of children who tried to escape their clutches. This particular soldier "graduated" to provide security for Total and Chevron's pipeline, where he in turn conscripted local villagers for forced labor.
For years, Total and Chevron's pipeline has resulted in abuses like this: forced labor, killings, rape, torture. In recent weeks we documented two extrajudicial killings and numerous instances of forced labor committed by battalion #282, known locally as "Total's battalion," a notorious regiment that's been securing the project since the 1990s.
This is a grave problem. The burgeoning and controversial corporate social responsibility agenda hasn't effectively addressed it, regardless of what some companies and analysts claim, and victims of corporate human rights abuses still lack access to justice, despite lawsuits brought by Burmese villagers against Total and Unocal (now Chevron) in the companies' home states.
What's more, there's another batch of problems with Burma's gas sector. These involve cold hard cash, and were also noted by Quintana: For years, lucrative gas exports have lined the camouflaged pockets of the ruling military regime while the ailing country has sunk deeper into poverty. That's inherently problematic. In 2009, ERI calculated how Total and Chevron's pipeline generated over US$7.5 billion dollars from 2000-2008, the lion's share going to the ruling junta.
This cash influx has only complicated the already deep military-politico complex in the country, not least of all by contributing to high-level corruption. Last September, we exposed how gas revenues from Total and Chevron's pipeline were being siphoned by the Burmese elite into offshore bank accounts in Singapore, rather than to the national economy or development.
Now, the same junta managing this cash is orchestrating the country's first elections in 20 years, controversially excluding over 2,100 political prisoners (by virtue of keeping them behind bars), including Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, whose National League for Democracy party just recently decided to boycott the elections.
In this context, the decision was made by the junta and its partners to simultaneously move forward with the construction of yet another pipeline: the Shwe gas pipeline to China, operated by Daewoo and CNPC. Costing nearly US$2 billion to construct, it'll be almost 20 times longer than Yadana, moving gas valued at a whopping US$30 billion, according to the Shwe Gas Movement.
The pipeline comes amidst a palpable threat of civil war between the Tatmadaw and non-state ethnic armies near the northern end of the project, in Shan State, where there's a danger of thousands of refugee out-flows to China.
Villagers in some areas of the project aren't thinking about elections as much as the risk they'll lose their land and have to do forced labor. Where construction has already begun, so too have land confiscations and persecutions against the pipeline's dissenters.
In a politically unstable "election year," when the world's attention will focus on Burma, one would think that risky transnational mega-development projects would be approached with caution, by both the junta and its corporate partners.
Apparently, that's not the case.
Rather than move full speed ahead, Daewoo International, its partners, and CNPC should instead listen to the Shwe Gas Movement and EarthRights International: the companies should postpone the Shwe pipeline and any work on offshore installations until there's no risk the project will contribute to human rights violations -- that would be good business. In the meantime, the companies should promote public participation in development decisions; conduct transparent, inclusive third-party environmental and human rights impact assessments according to international standards; and practice complete revenue transparency, including publishing taxes, fees, royalties, bonuses, and social benefits paid to the Burmese authorities.
For companies who've ignored the risks and already made the mistake of being involved in a fully operational oil and gas project in Burma -- like Total, Chevron, and PTTEP -- they ought to take immediate steps to mitigate their harmful impacts. At a bare minimum, they should:
1. Practice complete revenue transparency.
2. Facilitate complaints of forced labor to the International Labour Organization.
3. Acknowledge an accurate sphere-of-responsibility, determined by actual social and political impacts, and take steps to mitigate the local harms caused by Tatmadaw forces securing the project.
4. Commission ongoing human rights and environmental impact assessments according to international standards, including the safe participation of local communities.
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MYANMAR: Coping with water scarcity in the Ayeyarwady Delta
PYINKAYAING, 13 April 2010 (IRIN) - Water scarcity has become a daily challenge in Myanmar’s Ayeyarwaddy Delta in the dry season, with thousands still struggling after damage to water sources by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
The delta’s inhabitants traditionally source drinking water from rainwater harvesting, communal water ponds and tube and open wells, since most villages do not have access to piped water and nearby tidal rivers are saline.
The ponds help villagers during the dry season, which stretches from November to May, but can be insufficient.
Many ponds and wells were heavily salinated when a 3m tidal surge inundated much of the low-lying area when the cyclone struck.
Efforts to rehabilitate them are well under way. However, a 12 March forum on Nargis recovery held by the Tripartite Core Group (TCG) comprising the government, the UN and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), heard that an estimated 180,000 people across three townships in the delta will probably see their primary water sources dry up during the dry season months of March and April.
While this is half the number of the 360,000 affected delta dwellers at risk from water shortages in 2009, agencies say more needs to be done.
“There is continued need for rehabilitation and repair of damaged water sources,” Joseph Tadayo, Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) emergency specialist with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Myanmar, told IRIN.
“Access to improved new water sources must be increased, in particular new ponds and wells. Water storage and treatment at household level remains inadequate, with high risk of contamination… Hygiene practices, in particular for children, are rudimentary and may lead to increased risk of diseases,” he said.
Long-term problem
According to the TCG’s July 2008 Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) report, 43 percent of ponds in the delta were contaminated during Cyclone Nargis. Household rainwater collection systems were also badly damaged.
“The main challenge is that there is insufficient good quality water sources across the delta,” said Daniel Collison, director of emergencies for Save the Children in Myanmar.
“Over 70 percent of people rely on ponds as their main means of access to water, and insufficient water sources are cited as the main reason for household water shortages, so there is an in-built long-term problem,” he said.
UNICEF and other WASH sector cooperating partners have constructed and rehabilitated over 3,800 water storage ponds and more than 3,000 tube and dug wells.
But potable water is still a daily problem for 38-year-old betel seller Aye Aye Myint from Thar Yar Gone village in Pyinkayaing District, one of the hardest-hit areas in the delta.
"People in our village are always busy getting water. They are either waiting for water trucking or looking for places where we can fetch water. We can't do any other work in the dry season,” said Aye Aye Myint, who receives a daily water ration of three litres from Save the Children.
"Though we receive drinking water, we don’t have enough for household use. We still face difficult access to water for washing, bathing and cleaning,” she said.
The third post-Nargis survey released in February 2010 noted that the travel time to fetch water and return home during the 2009 dry season averaged 72 minutes. Fetching water imposes a considerable time burden, often on women and girls, it said.
Alternative sources
The contamination of ponds has seen a shift to alternative sources of water, such as rainwater tanks, water trucking provided by NGOs and open dug wells.
Since Nargis, Nay Min, a fisherman in his 40s in the village of Ma Gyi Chyaing, has moved from relying on village ponds to water trucks, which fill a communal water tank with well water.
"Many water ponds were saline after the cyclone. We have only a few water ponds left but the taste of water is not as good as before,” he said.
Private water sellers are also profiting from the dry season, although a cart of water at 1,000 kyat (US$1) - nearly a daily wage for many such as Aye Aye Myint - makes it unaffordable for many.
“In the short term, improving access and quality of ponds and wells will be an important investment, and will make a definite contribution to reducing future dry season shortages,” said Save the Children’s Collison.
PYINKAYAING, 13 April 2010 (IRIN) - Water scarcity has become a daily challenge in Myanmar’s Ayeyarwaddy Delta in the dry season, with thousands still struggling after damage to water sources by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
The delta’s inhabitants traditionally source drinking water from rainwater harvesting, communal water ponds and tube and open wells, since most villages do not have access to piped water and nearby tidal rivers are saline.
The ponds help villagers during the dry season, which stretches from November to May, but can be insufficient.
Many ponds and wells were heavily salinated when a 3m tidal surge inundated much of the low-lying area when the cyclone struck.
Efforts to rehabilitate them are well under way. However, a 12 March forum on Nargis recovery held by the Tripartite Core Group (TCG) comprising the government, the UN and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), heard that an estimated 180,000 people across three townships in the delta will probably see their primary water sources dry up during the dry season months of March and April.
While this is half the number of the 360,000 affected delta dwellers at risk from water shortages in 2009, agencies say more needs to be done.
“There is continued need for rehabilitation and repair of damaged water sources,” Joseph Tadayo, Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) emergency specialist with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in Myanmar, told IRIN.
“Access to improved new water sources must be increased, in particular new ponds and wells. Water storage and treatment at household level remains inadequate, with high risk of contamination… Hygiene practices, in particular for children, are rudimentary and may lead to increased risk of diseases,” he said.
Long-term problem
According to the TCG’s July 2008 Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA) report, 43 percent of ponds in the delta were contaminated during Cyclone Nargis. Household rainwater collection systems were also badly damaged.
“The main challenge is that there is insufficient good quality water sources across the delta,” said Daniel Collison, director of emergencies for Save the Children in Myanmar.
“Over 70 percent of people rely on ponds as their main means of access to water, and insufficient water sources are cited as the main reason for household water shortages, so there is an in-built long-term problem,” he said.
UNICEF and other WASH sector cooperating partners have constructed and rehabilitated over 3,800 water storage ponds and more than 3,000 tube and dug wells.
But potable water is still a daily problem for 38-year-old betel seller Aye Aye Myint from Thar Yar Gone village in Pyinkayaing District, one of the hardest-hit areas in the delta.
"People in our village are always busy getting water. They are either waiting for water trucking or looking for places where we can fetch water. We can't do any other work in the dry season,” said Aye Aye Myint, who receives a daily water ration of three litres from Save the Children.
"Though we receive drinking water, we don’t have enough for household use. We still face difficult access to water for washing, bathing and cleaning,” she said.
The third post-Nargis survey released in February 2010 noted that the travel time to fetch water and return home during the 2009 dry season averaged 72 minutes. Fetching water imposes a considerable time burden, often on women and girls, it said.
Alternative sources
The contamination of ponds has seen a shift to alternative sources of water, such as rainwater tanks, water trucking provided by NGOs and open dug wells.
Since Nargis, Nay Min, a fisherman in his 40s in the village of Ma Gyi Chyaing, has moved from relying on village ponds to water trucks, which fill a communal water tank with well water.
"Many water ponds were saline after the cyclone. We have only a few water ponds left but the taste of water is not as good as before,” he said.
Private water sellers are also profiting from the dry season, although a cart of water at 1,000 kyat (US$1) - nearly a daily wage for many such as Aye Aye Myint - makes it unaffordable for many.
“In the short term, improving access and quality of ponds and wells will be an important investment, and will make a definite contribution to reducing future dry season shortages,” said Save the Children’s Collison.
******************************************************
EarthTimes - Chinese premier to visit Indonesia, Brunei, Myanmar
Posted : Tue, 13 Apr 2010 12:19:42 GMT
Beijing - Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao is to visit Brunei, Indonesia and Myanmar next week, the Foreign Ministry said on Tuesday.
Wen planned to hold talks with leaders of the three nations during his trip from April 22 to April 25, ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu told reporters without giving the dates of his visits to each nation.
Wen would discuss "bilateral relations, mutually beneficial cooperation as well as international and regional issues of common concern" with leaders of the three countries, Jiang said.
In Myanmar and Indonesia, he was scheduled to attend celebrations to mark the 60th anniversaries of diplomatic relations between the People's Republic of China and the two countries, she said.
"We hope Premier Wen's visit will promote China's traditional friendship with the three countries, enhance mutually beneficial cooperation and further boost China's relationship with the Association of South-East Asian Nations," Jiang said.
Posted : Tue, 13 Apr 2010 12:19:42 GMT
Beijing - Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao is to visit Brunei, Indonesia and Myanmar next week, the Foreign Ministry said on Tuesday.
Wen planned to hold talks with leaders of the three nations during his trip from April 22 to April 25, ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu told reporters without giving the dates of his visits to each nation.
Wen would discuss "bilateral relations, mutually beneficial cooperation as well as international and regional issues of common concern" with leaders of the three countries, Jiang said.
In Myanmar and Indonesia, he was scheduled to attend celebrations to mark the 60th anniversaries of diplomatic relations between the People's Republic of China and the two countries, she said.
"We hope Premier Wen's visit will promote China's traditional friendship with the three countries, enhance mutually beneficial cooperation and further boost China's relationship with the Association of South-East Asian Nations," Jiang said.
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WHO admits shortcomings in handling flu pandemic
By Stephanie Nebehay – Mon Apr 12, 1:45 pm ET
GENEVA (Reuters) – The World Health Organization conceded shortcomings on Monday in its handling of the H1N1 swine flu pandemic, including a failure to communicate uncertainties about the new virus as it swept around the globe.
Keiji Fukuda, the WHO's top influenza expert, said the U.N. agency's six-phase system for declaring a pandemic had sown confusion about the flu bug which was ultimately not as deadly as the widely-feared avian influenza.
"The reality is there is a huge amount of uncertainty (in a pandemic). I think we did not convey the uncertainty. That was interpreted by many as a non-transparent process," Fukuda said.
He was addressing a three-day meeting of 29 external flu experts called to review WHO's handling of the first influenza pandemic in 40 years.
LINKS TO DRUG COMPANIES
Critics have said the WHO created panic about the swine flu virus, which turned out to be moderate in its effect, and caused governments to stockpile vaccines which went unused.
Some questioned its links to the pharmaceutical industry after companies like GlaxoSmithKline and Sanofi-Aventis profited from producing H1N1 vaccine.
Kenya's delegation criticized the United Nations agency for failing to ensure that developing countries received a fair share of vaccines developed against the virus.
"It is not fair to have new vaccines and medicines and then they are so expensive that most poor people in developing countries can't access them," Kenya's delegate said.
"This is not a situation that should be tolerated at all."
To date, 31 poorer countries including Afghanistan, Cuba, Kenya and Myanmar have received limited supplies of vaccine donated by drug companies and Western countries, via the WHO.
India's delegation suggested that in public health emergencies, patents on vital drugs should be lifted in line with the World Trade Organization's TRIPS agreement on intellectual property.
H1N1, which emerged in Mexico and the United States almost exactly a year ago, has killed 17,770 people in 213 countries, according to WHO, which declared a pandemic under way in June.
The WHO will need another year or two after the pandemic is declared over to determine a final death rate from the virus, which is certain to be much higher. The pandemic is still officially under way.
FEAR AND CONFUSION
The World Bank has estimated that countries have spent $4 billion to prepare pandemic preparedness plans and respond to the outbreaks, according to the U.S. delegation to the talks.
"Influenza is a formidable and unpredictable opponent. The threat of a severe pandemic has not decreased," the U.S. delegate said.
The separate but highly lethal H5N1 bird flu virus -- which has killed 60 percent of those infected since 2003 -- "injected a high level of fear about the next pandemic," Fukuda said.
It had been difficult to meet public demands for advice as the H1N1 virus spread quickly across borders and blogs generated speculation and criticism, according to the WHO official.
One big surprise had been that only one dose of vaccine was needed to provide immunity, whereas most planning had been built around two doses being required, he said.
This meant that some countries were left struggling with an oversupply of unused vaccines while poorer ones had little or no access to supplies.
"Confusion about phases and level of severity remains a very vexing issue," Fukuda said, referring to the WHO's six-level scale for pandemics which takes into account the geographic spread of a virus but not its severity.
By Stephanie Nebehay – Mon Apr 12, 1:45 pm ET
GENEVA (Reuters) – The World Health Organization conceded shortcomings on Monday in its handling of the H1N1 swine flu pandemic, including a failure to communicate uncertainties about the new virus as it swept around the globe.
Keiji Fukuda, the WHO's top influenza expert, said the U.N. agency's six-phase system for declaring a pandemic had sown confusion about the flu bug which was ultimately not as deadly as the widely-feared avian influenza.
"The reality is there is a huge amount of uncertainty (in a pandemic). I think we did not convey the uncertainty. That was interpreted by many as a non-transparent process," Fukuda said.
He was addressing a three-day meeting of 29 external flu experts called to review WHO's handling of the first influenza pandemic in 40 years.
LINKS TO DRUG COMPANIES
Critics have said the WHO created panic about the swine flu virus, which turned out to be moderate in its effect, and caused governments to stockpile vaccines which went unused.
Some questioned its links to the pharmaceutical industry after companies like GlaxoSmithKline and Sanofi-Aventis profited from producing H1N1 vaccine.
Kenya's delegation criticized the United Nations agency for failing to ensure that developing countries received a fair share of vaccines developed against the virus.
"It is not fair to have new vaccines and medicines and then they are so expensive that most poor people in developing countries can't access them," Kenya's delegate said.
"This is not a situation that should be tolerated at all."
To date, 31 poorer countries including Afghanistan, Cuba, Kenya and Myanmar have received limited supplies of vaccine donated by drug companies and Western countries, via the WHO.
India's delegation suggested that in public health emergencies, patents on vital drugs should be lifted in line with the World Trade Organization's TRIPS agreement on intellectual property.
H1N1, which emerged in Mexico and the United States almost exactly a year ago, has killed 17,770 people in 213 countries, according to WHO, which declared a pandemic under way in June.
The WHO will need another year or two after the pandemic is declared over to determine a final death rate from the virus, which is certain to be much higher. The pandemic is still officially under way.
FEAR AND CONFUSION
The World Bank has estimated that countries have spent $4 billion to prepare pandemic preparedness plans and respond to the outbreaks, according to the U.S. delegation to the talks.
"Influenza is a formidable and unpredictable opponent. The threat of a severe pandemic has not decreased," the U.S. delegate said.
The separate but highly lethal H5N1 bird flu virus -- which has killed 60 percent of those infected since 2003 -- "injected a high level of fear about the next pandemic," Fukuda said.
It had been difficult to meet public demands for advice as the H1N1 virus spread quickly across borders and blogs generated speculation and criticism, according to the WHO official.
One big surprise had been that only one dose of vaccine was needed to provide immunity, whereas most planning had been built around two doses being required, he said.
This meant that some countries were left struggling with an oversupply of unused vaccines while poorer ones had little or no access to supplies.
"Confusion about phases and level of severity remains a very vexing issue," Fukuda said, referring to the WHO's six-level scale for pandemics which takes into account the geographic spread of a virus but not its severity.
******************************************************
Spero News - India: Myanmar: Burmese Exile: election a farce, people will boycott vote
Tint Swe, a member of the exiled government, says the junta moved to keep Aung San Suu Kyi under arrest and outlaw the opposition party. The Burmese do not see a force capable of opposing the military and will opt for abstention. He adds: the election date is linked to border control.
Tuesday, April 13, 2010
By Asia News
New Delhi - The Burmese military regime can not run "the risk of losing the election as it did in 1990. So it has kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest and has worked to oust the opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD)”. So says Tint Swe, a member of the Council of Ministers of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), in an interview with AsiaNews
The exiled government in was born on the initiative of Burmese refugees who fled the country after the 1990 elections won by the NLD, but which the junta never recognized.
He adds that the people can not see "a force capable of countering the military" and will probably "dissert the election en masse. The vote is expected before 2010, even if the regime has not yet formalized the date, because it first wants to ensure collaboration "the guards involved in border control”, many of whom belong to ethnic minorities.
Below, the AsiaNews interview with Tint Swe, a refugee since December 1991 in New Delhi.
How do you assess the general elections in Myanmar, considered the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi?
Everybody will agree that legitimacy comes out of an election and a referendum. The big question is of credibility, free and fairness and etc. The drafting of a new constitution took 13 years and the elected representatives of people were just 5% of the people who participated in the convention. The proposals of the true representatives of the ethnic peoples were rejected. No one was allowed to drop the guideline that was to guarantee supremacy of the Army in all affairs of the country. The appointed committee declared that the constitution was being officially written. The referendum was intentionally held while tens of thousands were killed by devastating cyclone. The appointed man announced that the constitution was approved by over 94% of votes though vote counting was not done in public. Leave alone numerous reports of vote rigging.
What impact will vote on the non-participation of the main opposition party, the NLD?
When it comes to election in Burma the United Nations and the international community even including China and ASEAN are calling for inclusiveness. Necessarily it means participation of Aung San Suu Kyi. However the military regime cannot take risk of losing the election this time. They do not want to repeat the resentful lesson of 1990 election when the junta barred Aung San Suu Kyi to contest and put her under house arrest. But to their colossal surprise the National League for Democracy (NLD) won. So this time they need not only to put her house arrest but also to bar the NLD to run the election. So are all ethnic parties such as Shan, Arakan and Mon which got peoples’ mandate.
What will the military do to ensure victory in the elections?
All those who have opposed the junta were outlawed, can not form a party and compete in elections. These include all major parties that won in 1990, ethnic leaders, student leaders, human rights activists and leading figures of the democratic struggle. [The military] have the power, money, weapons and media. The ministry gave precise instructions to government employees, to vote for the junta. The commanders ordered the soldiers and civilians to do the same.
What role does India play in Myanmar’s domestic politics?
Recently, the Burmese ambassador in New Delhi conceded that the junta has requested the supply of weapons and India has agreed. Be sure that the weapons will be used not against Indian rebel militias, but the Burmese ethnic minorities, groups subjected to fierce pressure to become involved in border control ahead of elections. This is also one of the reasons why the junta is waiting for the moment to declare the official date for the vote. And the censorship is at very high levels. The junta has also set up American-style election: a candidate must lodge a deposit of 3 million (just over 330 thousand euros) to compete and a party 5 million (approx. 500 thousand). Tens of thousands of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, India and China have been allowed to stay as long as they vote for the military junta.
Without the NLD, what are the prospects for the democratic opposition in Burma?
No doubt there will be a handful of Democrats who will demand democracy, but without a long-term strategy on how to deal with the dictatorship. At least 20 years of experience teach us that the international community and some Burmese have repeatedly underestimated the [power of] the military dictatorship.
What will the popular response in relation to elections be?
In the minds of the people the experience of the 1990 elections is still alive. The NLD won not only because of the presence of Aung San Suu Kyi, but also because it was seen by the people as a way to end 26 years of power by the Burma Socialist Program Party (near the military regime of Ne Win). Now that the NLD will not participate in the 2010 elections, people do not see anyone able to remove 20 years of a terrible military regime. Therefore it is very likely that people stay away from the elections in 2010.
Tint Swe, a member of the exiled government, says the junta moved to keep Aung San Suu Kyi under arrest and outlaw the opposition party. The Burmese do not see a force capable of opposing the military and will opt for abstention. He adds: the election date is linked to border control.
Tuesday, April 13, 2010
By Asia News
New Delhi - The Burmese military regime can not run "the risk of losing the election as it did in 1990. So it has kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest and has worked to oust the opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD)”. So says Tint Swe, a member of the Council of Ministers of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), in an interview with AsiaNews
The exiled government in was born on the initiative of Burmese refugees who fled the country after the 1990 elections won by the NLD, but which the junta never recognized.
He adds that the people can not see "a force capable of countering the military" and will probably "dissert the election en masse. The vote is expected before 2010, even if the regime has not yet formalized the date, because it first wants to ensure collaboration "the guards involved in border control”, many of whom belong to ethnic minorities.
Below, the AsiaNews interview with Tint Swe, a refugee since December 1991 in New Delhi.
How do you assess the general elections in Myanmar, considered the detention of Aung San Suu Kyi?
Everybody will agree that legitimacy comes out of an election and a referendum. The big question is of credibility, free and fairness and etc. The drafting of a new constitution took 13 years and the elected representatives of people were just 5% of the people who participated in the convention. The proposals of the true representatives of the ethnic peoples were rejected. No one was allowed to drop the guideline that was to guarantee supremacy of the Army in all affairs of the country. The appointed committee declared that the constitution was being officially written. The referendum was intentionally held while tens of thousands were killed by devastating cyclone. The appointed man announced that the constitution was approved by over 94% of votes though vote counting was not done in public. Leave alone numerous reports of vote rigging.
What impact will vote on the non-participation of the main opposition party, the NLD?
When it comes to election in Burma the United Nations and the international community even including China and ASEAN are calling for inclusiveness. Necessarily it means participation of Aung San Suu Kyi. However the military regime cannot take risk of losing the election this time. They do not want to repeat the resentful lesson of 1990 election when the junta barred Aung San Suu Kyi to contest and put her under house arrest. But to their colossal surprise the National League for Democracy (NLD) won. So this time they need not only to put her house arrest but also to bar the NLD to run the election. So are all ethnic parties such as Shan, Arakan and Mon which got peoples’ mandate.
What will the military do to ensure victory in the elections?
All those who have opposed the junta were outlawed, can not form a party and compete in elections. These include all major parties that won in 1990, ethnic leaders, student leaders, human rights activists and leading figures of the democratic struggle. [The military] have the power, money, weapons and media. The ministry gave precise instructions to government employees, to vote for the junta. The commanders ordered the soldiers and civilians to do the same.
What role does India play in Myanmar’s domestic politics?
Recently, the Burmese ambassador in New Delhi conceded that the junta has requested the supply of weapons and India has agreed. Be sure that the weapons will be used not against Indian rebel militias, but the Burmese ethnic minorities, groups subjected to fierce pressure to become involved in border control ahead of elections. This is also one of the reasons why the junta is waiting for the moment to declare the official date for the vote. And the censorship is at very high levels. The junta has also set up American-style election: a candidate must lodge a deposit of 3 million (just over 330 thousand euros) to compete and a party 5 million (approx. 500 thousand). Tens of thousands of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, India and China have been allowed to stay as long as they vote for the military junta.
Without the NLD, what are the prospects for the democratic opposition in Burma?
No doubt there will be a handful of Democrats who will demand democracy, but without a long-term strategy on how to deal with the dictatorship. At least 20 years of experience teach us that the international community and some Burmese have repeatedly underestimated the [power of] the military dictatorship.
What will the popular response in relation to elections be?
In the minds of the people the experience of the 1990 elections is still alive. The NLD won not only because of the presence of Aung San Suu Kyi, but also because it was seen by the people as a way to end 26 years of power by the Burma Socialist Program Party (near the military regime of Ne Win). Now that the NLD will not participate in the 2010 elections, people do not see anyone able to remove 20 years of a terrible military regime. Therefore it is very likely that people stay away from the elections in 2010.
******************************************************
By Agence France-Presse, Updated: 4/13/2010
MSN News - China urges reconciliation in Myanmar vote
China said Tuesday it hoped Myanmar's elections later this year would lead to national reconciliation and announced Premier Wen Jiabao would visit the country this month.
"On Myanmar's election, as a friendly neighbour we hope to see national reconciliation of the various parties in the country to ensure national stability and development," foreign ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said.
Wen will visit Myanmar as part of an April 22-25 swing through Southeast Asia that will also take him to Brunei and Indonesia, she told reporters at a regular news briefing.
During his Indonesia and Myanmar stops, Wen will attend celebrations for the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations with those countries and "have extensive contact with people from different sectors," she said, without elaborating.
Elections in military-ruled Myanmar, expected to be held by early November, have been widely criticised as lacking credibility because of laws that effectively bar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part.
They will be the country's first elections for two decades, but Suu Kyi's political party has called a boycott over rules that would have forced it to expel her as leader if it wanted to participate.
China is the isolated state's sole major ally and trade partner.
Energy-hungry China is an eager buyer of Myanmar's sizeable natural gas reserves and has in the past tried to shield its ruling junta from international sanctions imposed over its poor human rights record.
During his Southeast Asian trip, Wen will meet with Brunei's Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and "leaders of Myanmar," Jiang said.
MSN News - China urges reconciliation in Myanmar vote
China said Tuesday it hoped Myanmar's elections later this year would lead to national reconciliation and announced Premier Wen Jiabao would visit the country this month.
"On Myanmar's election, as a friendly neighbour we hope to see national reconciliation of the various parties in the country to ensure national stability and development," foreign ministry spokeswoman Jiang Yu said.
Wen will visit Myanmar as part of an April 22-25 swing through Southeast Asia that will also take him to Brunei and Indonesia, she told reporters at a regular news briefing.
During his Indonesia and Myanmar stops, Wen will attend celebrations for the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations with those countries and "have extensive contact with people from different sectors," she said, without elaborating.
Elections in military-ruled Myanmar, expected to be held by early November, have been widely criticised as lacking credibility because of laws that effectively bar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part.
They will be the country's first elections for two decades, but Suu Kyi's political party has called a boycott over rules that would have forced it to expel her as leader if it wanted to participate.
China is the isolated state's sole major ally and trade partner.
Energy-hungry China is an eager buyer of Myanmar's sizeable natural gas reserves and has in the past tried to shield its ruling junta from international sanctions imposed over its poor human rights record.
During his Southeast Asian trip, Wen will meet with Brunei's Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and "leaders of Myanmar," Jiang said.
******************************************************
SBY: Global growth of middle class has democratic imperative
Lilian Budianto , The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Tue, 04/13/2010 8:51 AM | Headlines
Every country in the world has to embrace democracy to survive because of demands from the growing number of middle class citizens and inevitable influence of globalization, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono says.
Opening the sixth symposium of the World Movement for Democracy (WMD), in Jakarta on Monday, Yu-dhoyono said every political system in the world had to take into account the spread of globalization and the growth of the middle class because both were drivers toward democracy.
“Regardless of what political model you embrace, I have no doubt that in our time our future belongs to those who are willing to responsibly embrace pluralism, openness and freedom. Your choice is to act and survive, or to resist and crumble.”
“We see a stronger desire for democracy in the 21st century than we did in the 20th century. This is because of the powerful globalization, bringing with it greater connectivity in goods, people and services.”
“The middle class will continue to grow and in the first time in the 20th century, more than half of the world population is loosely middle class. As they grow in strength and confidence, sooner or later they desire to seek greater transparency and accountability in decisions that affect their lives. No political system can ignore this.”
Jakarta, now the third-largest democracy in the world, experienced a social uprising in 1998 that led to the ousting of then president Soeharto, who had maintained authoritarian rule for 32 years.
Yudhoyono said the challenges for democracy in Indonesia rested in vote buying, which had created an artificial democracy.
The symposium brings together around 600 participants from 110 countries including Myanmar and Cuba, to share experiences and knowledge surrounding democratization.
The symposium featured Malaysia’s opposition party leader Anwar Ibrahim, former Canadian prime minister Kim Campbell and prominent activists from Egypt, Zimbabwe, Myanmar and several other countries.
In her speech on Monday, Campbell said Jakarta had been a leading model for democracy that had inspired similar movements elsewhere.
Carl Gershman, a member of WMD and president of the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy, said Yudhoyono delivered a strong message to the forum and the world that Jakarta would continue to support and look into spearheading democracy enforcement in the region, through diplomacy.
“We are looking so much for Yudhoyono to play a role in bringing a change in Myanmar because he has the capability for this. His military background and experience in Jakarta in its political reform would support that mission,” Carl said in an interview.
While military generals have remained influential in Indonesia, the 1998 reform movement resulted in the military reform that stripped generals and the military of political engagement in the House of Representatives.
Later, the police was also separated from the military in an effort to give the law enforcement institution a civilian face.
Meanwhile, Myanmar will have its first elections in two decades but the military government has skewed the electoral regulations to prevent opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office.
Lilian Budianto , The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Tue, 04/13/2010 8:51 AM | Headlines
Every country in the world has to embrace democracy to survive because of demands from the growing number of middle class citizens and inevitable influence of globalization, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono says.
Opening the sixth symposium of the World Movement for Democracy (WMD), in Jakarta on Monday, Yu-dhoyono said every political system in the world had to take into account the spread of globalization and the growth of the middle class because both were drivers toward democracy.
“Regardless of what political model you embrace, I have no doubt that in our time our future belongs to those who are willing to responsibly embrace pluralism, openness and freedom. Your choice is to act and survive, or to resist and crumble.”
“We see a stronger desire for democracy in the 21st century than we did in the 20th century. This is because of the powerful globalization, bringing with it greater connectivity in goods, people and services.”
“The middle class will continue to grow and in the first time in the 20th century, more than half of the world population is loosely middle class. As they grow in strength and confidence, sooner or later they desire to seek greater transparency and accountability in decisions that affect their lives. No political system can ignore this.”
Jakarta, now the third-largest democracy in the world, experienced a social uprising in 1998 that led to the ousting of then president Soeharto, who had maintained authoritarian rule for 32 years.
Yudhoyono said the challenges for democracy in Indonesia rested in vote buying, which had created an artificial democracy.
The symposium brings together around 600 participants from 110 countries including Myanmar and Cuba, to share experiences and knowledge surrounding democratization.
The symposium featured Malaysia’s opposition party leader Anwar Ibrahim, former Canadian prime minister Kim Campbell and prominent activists from Egypt, Zimbabwe, Myanmar and several other countries.
In her speech on Monday, Campbell said Jakarta had been a leading model for democracy that had inspired similar movements elsewhere.
Carl Gershman, a member of WMD and president of the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy, said Yudhoyono delivered a strong message to the forum and the world that Jakarta would continue to support and look into spearheading democracy enforcement in the region, through diplomacy.
“We are looking so much for Yudhoyono to play a role in bringing a change in Myanmar because he has the capability for this. His military background and experience in Jakarta in its political reform would support that mission,” Carl said in an interview.
While military generals have remained influential in Indonesia, the 1998 reform movement resulted in the military reform that stripped generals and the military of political engagement in the House of Representatives.
Later, the police was also separated from the military in an effort to give the law enforcement institution a civilian face.
Meanwhile, Myanmar will have its first elections in two decades but the military government has skewed the electoral regulations to prevent opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office.
******************************************************
Myanmar could use S. African reconciliation model: Activists
Lilian Budianto , The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Tue, 04/13/2010 10:13 AM | World
International sanctions and domestic pressure should be combined to push for democracy reform that will lead to reconciliation in the military-ruled Myanmar, activists at an international forum said here Monday.
With upcoming elections later this year, Myanmar is expected to fail in bringing about a political change, the forum heard. Activists worldwide have agreed that punishment and internal pressure must be maximized for Myanmar’s reform to work, while at the same time looking into reconciliation between the ruling and opposition groups.
Khin Maung Win, the Oslo-based deputy director executive of the Democratic Voice of Burma, said political reform in Myanmar had not been working in the absence of synergy between those preferring engagement and those looking for more sanctions.
“I’d say we have to engage Myanmar and at the same time make sanctions an option.”
Khin was speaking on a sidelines of the “World Movement for Democracy”, an international symposium that runs from April 11-14, and hosts 600 activists from 110 countries around the world.
Recognizing the need for domestic factors as the main force for reform within Myanmar, Khin also said it had so far had little success.
“We have had several uprisings since the elections in 1990, but none was successful because the military were so powerful. Realistically speaking, you cannot hope the common people will rally again and expect it will eventually work without help from the outside,” he said.
The US and other western countries have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar, while Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries have opposed the sanctions, saying the economic isolation will not help to bring about change.
Rama Naidu, the executive director of the Durban-based Democracy Development Program, said the approach applied in South Africa could be adopted for Myanmar to woo the military rulers to hand over power.
South Africa survived the aftermath of the apartheid system because its truth and reconciliation commission managed to find a resolution that worked both for the oppressors and victims, he said. The commission did not bring perpetrators in the apartheid system to justice.
“We have to compromise when we come seeking a reconciliation. Each country has their own culture and accepted ways of how to deal with this ... We can use our local standard in this case. The international standard of bringing perpetrators to justice may not be the best [way to approach our circumstances].”
Carl Gershman, the president of the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy, said reconciliation should limit vengeance and retribution toward past perpetrators because this would destabilize the democratic process.
“We have to make a compromise and find a middle ground that can work for everybody. And I think the military junta will open more room for a change if they know they have some future after they are no longer in power,” he said.
Lilian Budianto , The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Tue, 04/13/2010 10:13 AM | World
International sanctions and domestic pressure should be combined to push for democracy reform that will lead to reconciliation in the military-ruled Myanmar, activists at an international forum said here Monday.
With upcoming elections later this year, Myanmar is expected to fail in bringing about a political change, the forum heard. Activists worldwide have agreed that punishment and internal pressure must be maximized for Myanmar’s reform to work, while at the same time looking into reconciliation between the ruling and opposition groups.
Khin Maung Win, the Oslo-based deputy director executive of the Democratic Voice of Burma, said political reform in Myanmar had not been working in the absence of synergy between those preferring engagement and those looking for more sanctions.
“I’d say we have to engage Myanmar and at the same time make sanctions an option.”
Khin was speaking on a sidelines of the “World Movement for Democracy”, an international symposium that runs from April 11-14, and hosts 600 activists from 110 countries around the world.
Recognizing the need for domestic factors as the main force for reform within Myanmar, Khin also said it had so far had little success.
“We have had several uprisings since the elections in 1990, but none was successful because the military were so powerful. Realistically speaking, you cannot hope the common people will rally again and expect it will eventually work without help from the outside,” he said.
The US and other western countries have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar, while Indonesia and other Southeast Asian countries have opposed the sanctions, saying the economic isolation will not help to bring about change.
Rama Naidu, the executive director of the Durban-based Democracy Development Program, said the approach applied in South Africa could be adopted for Myanmar to woo the military rulers to hand over power.
South Africa survived the aftermath of the apartheid system because its truth and reconciliation commission managed to find a resolution that worked both for the oppressors and victims, he said. The commission did not bring perpetrators in the apartheid system to justice.
“We have to compromise when we come seeking a reconciliation. Each country has their own culture and accepted ways of how to deal with this ... We can use our local standard in this case. The international standard of bringing perpetrators to justice may not be the best [way to approach our circumstances].”
Carl Gershman, the president of the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy, said reconciliation should limit vengeance and retribution toward past perpetrators because this would destabilize the democratic process.
“We have to make a compromise and find a middle ground that can work for everybody. And I think the military junta will open more room for a change if they know they have some future after they are no longer in power,” he said.
******************************************************
Asian Tribune - ASEAN’s dream may not come true if it fails to tame its unprincipled member, Burma
Tue, 2010-04-13 01:38 — editor
By – Zin Linn
At the end of the 16th ASEAN Summit in the Vietnamese capital Ha Noi on April 9, the Chairman of ASEAN Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung called on Burma/Myanmar to stick to its “road map to democracy” and hold free, fair and inclusive elections.
Nguyen Tan Dung further said, “We were briefed by H.E. Prime Minister Thein Sein of Myanmar on recent political developments and the progress made in the implementation of the Roadmap for Democracy, especially the preparations for the general election in Myanmar in 2010.
We underscored the importance of national reconciliation in Myanmar and the holding of the general election in a free, fair, and inclusive manner, thus contributing to Myanmar’s stability and development. We also stressed the need that Myanmar would continue to work with ASEAN and United Nations in this process.”
The Heads of the ASEAN Member States, gathered in Ha Noi for the 16th ASEAN Summit on 8-9 April 2010 also agreed that ASEAN would act swiftly at national, regional and global levels to achieve sustained economic recovery and development for ASEAN in the aftermath of the global economic and financial crisis. ASEAN is superficially committed to accelerating economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the South-East Asia region, to strengthen the institution for a prosperous and composed community of Southeast Asian nations. So far one of its members is a military-ruled nation that pays no attention to the norms of the grouping. How can the association ignore the recalcitrance of its desperado member, Burma or Myanmar?
ASEAN aims to promote regional peace and stability through respect for justice and the rule of law compliant with the U.N. Charter. It has just stressed the importance of bringing the ASEAN Charter into life in all aspects at the earliest.
Yet it shuts its eyes while extrajudicial killings and violence against women and children take place daily in Burma, one of its members. There is no law and order at all under Burma’s military dictatorship.
Burma, world's worst human rights violator
People of Burma have suffered under high-handed military rulers since 1962. The regime has earned a reputation as one of the world's worst human rights violators. It inhumanly suppressed pro-democracy movements in 1988, followed by, during the Depayin conspiracy on May 30, 2003, and in the Saffron Revolution in September 2007, as well as in many other sporadic crackdowns. The junta has arrested nearly 2,200 political dissidents including the Nobel laureate of Burma, who has been confined to her residence for the 14 of the last 20 years.
The regime held a deceptive referendum at gunpoint in May, 2008, just a few days after Cyclone Nargis devastated the country. The junta said its 2008 Constitution was “approved” by more than 90 per cent of the qualified voters in the referendum, which has been widely dismissed as a fraud.
The worst of the so-called Nargis Constitution is that it provides the blanket immunity to the members of the military junta for their past human rights violations. It also provides a special status for military to live above the law and to practice coup at its will. However, to prevent the participation of key political figures, the 2008 constitution bars the political prisoners including the Lady and the ethnic leaders to contest in the polls. The constitution also does not recognize the ethnic people’s demand for a federal union guaranteeing self-determination and equal opportunity.
The regime has ignored calls from the international community and Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, to review the 2008 Constitution, which will only bring further troubles to the Burmese people.
People are convinced that, like the referendum held at gunpoint, the secret ballot will not be free, fair and inclusive. The junta may not be able to deal with the worsening socio-economic situation if it continues to turn down the national reconciliation process being urged by the opposition NLD, the United Nationalities Alliance and the Association of the Veteran Politicians. Without National Reconciliation settlement, Burma may not prevail over the current political and economic hardships.
Three key benchmarks at least for good start
In the mean time, ‘Burma’s movement for Democracy and Rights of Ethnic Nationalities’ which represents multi-ethnic political and civil society organizations inside and outside the country working for national reconciliation, has expressed three key benchmarks toward the military regime. Three key benchmarks are to release all political prisoners, to stop all hostilities against ethnic and pro-democracy groupings and inclusive dialogue with key stakeholders plus review of 2008 Constitution. Those benchmarks are appropriate as minimum conditions to be met to begin a good start for peaceful Burma.
But, the character of the junta shows clearly that it has no plan to pay attention to international and domestic concerns, release political prisoners or commence a dialogue for reconciliation. According to a Burmese forecaster, it is baseless to believe that the military dictators are going to build a democratic country by means of the 2008 constitution and it is also useless to wait for a helping hand from the ASEAN for democratization in this military ruled country.
Peoples from all walks of life are severely suffering from a lot of miseries under the military regime which is in the saddle for nearly five decades. The consequences of this reign of violence produce spilling over effects directly into territories of the neighboring countries, especially Thailand and Malaysia.
Burmese workers flee to Thailand
Over the past two decades, more than a million Burmese workers have fled to Thailand. This has placed tremendous pressure on the Thai governments which has been facing its own civil unrests. Trans-border crime has gone up with a massive influx of narcotics drugs, including heroin and methamphetamines. Trafficking in women and children has increased along the 2,400 km-long Thailand-Burma border. The regime's neglect of health-care has also produced a new HIV/AIDS flow into neighboring countries.
Within the country, the living standards of average citizens are rapidly falling. The situation is alarming even on the outskirts of Yangon. According to the UN estimation, one child in three under the age of five is suffering from malnutrition.
The junta’s generals are well-bred gentlemen in front of the ASEAN counterparts where as they are the inhumane dictators to their own populace, especially to the various ethnic groups in Burma.
ASEAN has agreed at the end of the 16th ASEAN Summit that it would act swiftly at national, regional and global levels to achieve sustained economic recovery and development for ASEAN in the aftermath of the global economic and financial crisis. If ASEAN failed to take responsibility taming of its unprincipled member, ASEAN’s dream - Strategy for Economic Recovery and Development – may not come true due to lack of teamwork among member countries, especially Burma the black sheep.
The suffering of the people of Burma has been going on for five decades. The member nations have a moral duty to do whatever they can to help the people of Burma reach a peaceful and sustainable political settlement. No effort may cause a dire reputation toward the association.
In conclusion, ASEAN ought to support three key benchmarks - to release all political prisoners, to stop all hostilities against ethnic and pro-democracy groupings and inclusive dialogue with key stakeholders plus review of 2008 Constitution – solving Burma question as well as raising the association’s dignity higher. People of Burma need ASEAN’s sympathy.
Zin Linn:The author, a freelance Burmese journalist, lives in exile. He is vice-president of Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers.
Tue, 2010-04-13 01:38 — editor
By – Zin Linn
At the end of the 16th ASEAN Summit in the Vietnamese capital Ha Noi on April 9, the Chairman of ASEAN Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung called on Burma/Myanmar to stick to its “road map to democracy” and hold free, fair and inclusive elections.
Nguyen Tan Dung further said, “We were briefed by H.E. Prime Minister Thein Sein of Myanmar on recent political developments and the progress made in the implementation of the Roadmap for Democracy, especially the preparations for the general election in Myanmar in 2010.
We underscored the importance of national reconciliation in Myanmar and the holding of the general election in a free, fair, and inclusive manner, thus contributing to Myanmar’s stability and development. We also stressed the need that Myanmar would continue to work with ASEAN and United Nations in this process.”
The Heads of the ASEAN Member States, gathered in Ha Noi for the 16th ASEAN Summit on 8-9 April 2010 also agreed that ASEAN would act swiftly at national, regional and global levels to achieve sustained economic recovery and development for ASEAN in the aftermath of the global economic and financial crisis. ASEAN is superficially committed to accelerating economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the South-East Asia region, to strengthen the institution for a prosperous and composed community of Southeast Asian nations. So far one of its members is a military-ruled nation that pays no attention to the norms of the grouping. How can the association ignore the recalcitrance of its desperado member, Burma or Myanmar?
ASEAN aims to promote regional peace and stability through respect for justice and the rule of law compliant with the U.N. Charter. It has just stressed the importance of bringing the ASEAN Charter into life in all aspects at the earliest.
Yet it shuts its eyes while extrajudicial killings and violence against women and children take place daily in Burma, one of its members. There is no law and order at all under Burma’s military dictatorship.
Burma, world's worst human rights violator
People of Burma have suffered under high-handed military rulers since 1962. The regime has earned a reputation as one of the world's worst human rights violators. It inhumanly suppressed pro-democracy movements in 1988, followed by, during the Depayin conspiracy on May 30, 2003, and in the Saffron Revolution in September 2007, as well as in many other sporadic crackdowns. The junta has arrested nearly 2,200 political dissidents including the Nobel laureate of Burma, who has been confined to her residence for the 14 of the last 20 years.
The regime held a deceptive referendum at gunpoint in May, 2008, just a few days after Cyclone Nargis devastated the country. The junta said its 2008 Constitution was “approved” by more than 90 per cent of the qualified voters in the referendum, which has been widely dismissed as a fraud.
The worst of the so-called Nargis Constitution is that it provides the blanket immunity to the members of the military junta for their past human rights violations. It also provides a special status for military to live above the law and to practice coup at its will. However, to prevent the participation of key political figures, the 2008 constitution bars the political prisoners including the Lady and the ethnic leaders to contest in the polls. The constitution also does not recognize the ethnic people’s demand for a federal union guaranteeing self-determination and equal opportunity.
The regime has ignored calls from the international community and Burma’s main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, to review the 2008 Constitution, which will only bring further troubles to the Burmese people.
People are convinced that, like the referendum held at gunpoint, the secret ballot will not be free, fair and inclusive. The junta may not be able to deal with the worsening socio-economic situation if it continues to turn down the national reconciliation process being urged by the opposition NLD, the United Nationalities Alliance and the Association of the Veteran Politicians. Without National Reconciliation settlement, Burma may not prevail over the current political and economic hardships.
Three key benchmarks at least for good start
In the mean time, ‘Burma’s movement for Democracy and Rights of Ethnic Nationalities’ which represents multi-ethnic political and civil society organizations inside and outside the country working for national reconciliation, has expressed three key benchmarks toward the military regime. Three key benchmarks are to release all political prisoners, to stop all hostilities against ethnic and pro-democracy groupings and inclusive dialogue with key stakeholders plus review of 2008 Constitution. Those benchmarks are appropriate as minimum conditions to be met to begin a good start for peaceful Burma.
But, the character of the junta shows clearly that it has no plan to pay attention to international and domestic concerns, release political prisoners or commence a dialogue for reconciliation. According to a Burmese forecaster, it is baseless to believe that the military dictators are going to build a democratic country by means of the 2008 constitution and it is also useless to wait for a helping hand from the ASEAN for democratization in this military ruled country.
Peoples from all walks of life are severely suffering from a lot of miseries under the military regime which is in the saddle for nearly five decades. The consequences of this reign of violence produce spilling over effects directly into territories of the neighboring countries, especially Thailand and Malaysia.
Burmese workers flee to Thailand
Over the past two decades, more than a million Burmese workers have fled to Thailand. This has placed tremendous pressure on the Thai governments which has been facing its own civil unrests. Trans-border crime has gone up with a massive influx of narcotics drugs, including heroin and methamphetamines. Trafficking in women and children has increased along the 2,400 km-long Thailand-Burma border. The regime's neglect of health-care has also produced a new HIV/AIDS flow into neighboring countries.
Within the country, the living standards of average citizens are rapidly falling. The situation is alarming even on the outskirts of Yangon. According to the UN estimation, one child in three under the age of five is suffering from malnutrition.
The junta’s generals are well-bred gentlemen in front of the ASEAN counterparts where as they are the inhumane dictators to their own populace, especially to the various ethnic groups in Burma.
ASEAN has agreed at the end of the 16th ASEAN Summit that it would act swiftly at national, regional and global levels to achieve sustained economic recovery and development for ASEAN in the aftermath of the global economic and financial crisis. If ASEAN failed to take responsibility taming of its unprincipled member, ASEAN’s dream - Strategy for Economic Recovery and Development – may not come true due to lack of teamwork among member countries, especially Burma the black sheep.
The suffering of the people of Burma has been going on for five decades. The member nations have a moral duty to do whatever they can to help the people of Burma reach a peaceful and sustainable political settlement. No effort may cause a dire reputation toward the association.
In conclusion, ASEAN ought to support three key benchmarks - to release all political prisoners, to stop all hostilities against ethnic and pro-democracy groupings and inclusive dialogue with key stakeholders plus review of 2008 Constitution – solving Burma question as well as raising the association’s dignity higher. People of Burma need ASEAN’s sympathy.
Zin Linn:The author, a freelance Burmese journalist, lives in exile. He is vice-president of Burma Media Association, which is affiliated with the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers.
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Mother Jones - What You Can Do for Burma
— By Mac McClelland
| Tue Apr. 13, 2010 9:12 AM PDT
I'm back from a month of reading, presenting, and radio-interviewing about Burma, during which several people asked a question that begs to be more widely answered. So, herewith, a re-creation of how that conversation went down in Portland. In the name of scene-setting: When we get to the Q&A point in the lecture, many people are generally wincing, because the situation seems hopeless, because they can't believe something so horrible is happening outside their awareness, and, well, because by that time I'm standing in front of this picture, which is just one slide in a pretty unsettling show.
Wincing gal: [with hand raised] So what can we do? Are we just supposed to write a strong letter to our congressman?
Me: I know it sounds kind of lame to say "Write a letter to your congressman," but seriously, if you want to get involved you should really write a letter to your congress(wo)man. Many of your representatives are aware, as the Obama administration and the United Nations are aware, that ethnic cleansing abounds in eastern Burma, but it's not likely to make it to the top of anyone's agenda until politicians know it's on their constituents' agendas.
Gal: [not satisfied] Is that it?
Me: [neither this succinctly nor eloquently, but to paraphrase here] If you want to donate money, you can support refugee services in Thailand; check out the organizations providing them under the Committee for Coordination of Services to Displaced Persons in Thailand. Or look at the Global Health Access Program, which funds indigenous medics, or the Free Burma Rangers' bad-ass assistance to internally displaced people in Burma's jungles; ditto the Burma Humanitarian Mission.
In Seattle, one of the Free Burma Rangers was present, and he pointed out when this question inevitably came up that it takes many groups in the United States to help the tens of thousands of Burmese refugees that have been moved here. That's true. And though I talked to many an aid and advocacy organization, no one seems to be aware of any complete listing of them, so I'll report here (with links!) that a good shot of finding one is via your local chapter of the International Rescue Committee, Church World Service, Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service, Episcopal Migration Ministries, Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, World Relief, or Catholic Charities. Googling a nearby International Institute or Jewish Family Service or even "Burmese refugees" alongside the name of your city is another way to turn up the people who are assisting these survivors on our soil. (You'll notice, no doubt, that a lot of them have God/church affiliations. That's the way the Burmese aid cookie largely crumbles. Had it not been for religious groups tending to the desperate needs of the Burmese, frankly, a lot more people would have starved or otherwise suffered to death in the last several decades.)
Hopefully, there will someday be a comprehensive list or umbrella organization that can direct people to all these efforts, but for now, there's a head start for those interested in helping. Other brilliant suggestions? Did I miss any groups doing something way different? Let me know, and I'll add them to the list.
— By Mac McClelland
| Tue Apr. 13, 2010 9:12 AM PDT
I'm back from a month of reading, presenting, and radio-interviewing about Burma, during which several people asked a question that begs to be more widely answered. So, herewith, a re-creation of how that conversation went down in Portland. In the name of scene-setting: When we get to the Q&A point in the lecture, many people are generally wincing, because the situation seems hopeless, because they can't believe something so horrible is happening outside their awareness, and, well, because by that time I'm standing in front of this picture, which is just one slide in a pretty unsettling show.
Wincing gal: [with hand raised] So what can we do? Are we just supposed to write a strong letter to our congressman?
Me: I know it sounds kind of lame to say "Write a letter to your congressman," but seriously, if you want to get involved you should really write a letter to your congress(wo)man. Many of your representatives are aware, as the Obama administration and the United Nations are aware, that ethnic cleansing abounds in eastern Burma, but it's not likely to make it to the top of anyone's agenda until politicians know it's on their constituents' agendas.
Gal: [not satisfied] Is that it?
Me: [neither this succinctly nor eloquently, but to paraphrase here] If you want to donate money, you can support refugee services in Thailand; check out the organizations providing them under the Committee for Coordination of Services to Displaced Persons in Thailand. Or look at the Global Health Access Program, which funds indigenous medics, or the Free Burma Rangers' bad-ass assistance to internally displaced people in Burma's jungles; ditto the Burma Humanitarian Mission.
In Seattle, one of the Free Burma Rangers was present, and he pointed out when this question inevitably came up that it takes many groups in the United States to help the tens of thousands of Burmese refugees that have been moved here. That's true. And though I talked to many an aid and advocacy organization, no one seems to be aware of any complete listing of them, so I'll report here (with links!) that a good shot of finding one is via your local chapter of the International Rescue Committee, Church World Service, Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service, Episcopal Migration Ministries, Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, World Relief, or Catholic Charities. Googling a nearby International Institute or Jewish Family Service or even "Burmese refugees" alongside the name of your city is another way to turn up the people who are assisting these survivors on our soil. (You'll notice, no doubt, that a lot of them have God/church affiliations. That's the way the Burmese aid cookie largely crumbles. Had it not been for religious groups tending to the desperate needs of the Burmese, frankly, a lot more people would have starved or otherwise suffered to death in the last several decades.)
Hopefully, there will someday be a comprehensive list or umbrella organization that can direct people to all these efforts, but for now, there's a head start for those interested in helping. Other brilliant suggestions? Did I miss any groups doing something way different? Let me know, and I'll add them to the list.
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