U.N. rights forum condemns Myanmar, extends probe
By Stephanie Nebehay – 59 mins ago
GENEVA (Reuters) – The U.N. Human Rights Council condemned Friday widespread violations in Myanmar and called on its generals to release 2,100 political prisoners ahead of an election this year, saying the vote must be free and fair.
It adopted by consensus a resolution, presented by the European Union, which also extended by one year the mandate of the Council's special investigator on the former Burma.
Tomas Ojea Quintana, U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, called in a report this month for an international inquiry into possible war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the ruling junta.
The Council condemned "systematic violations," including disappearances, arbitrary detentions, torture and ill-treatment of prisoners and recruitment of child soldiers.
It urged Myanmar's government to "ensure a free, transparent, fair electoral process which allows for the participation of all voters, all political parties."
This included the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), which won the 1990 poll in a landslide, a result the regime ignored and recently annulled.
The Council voiced concern at the "continued arbitrary house arrest" of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, head of the NLD party, who has been detained for 15 of the past 21 years. She was sentenced to a further 18 months of house arrest last August.
Myanmar's ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva, Wunna Maung Lwin, rejected the EU resolution as being "politically motivated" and infringing on his country's internal affairs.
Resource-rich Myanmar, crippled by sanctions, has promised to hand over power to an elected civilian government, although few people believe the military will really transfer power.
Spain's ambassador Javier Garrigues, presenting the EU resolution, told the Council: "We reaffirm the essential importance of inclusive political dialogue with a view to national reconciliation and of the release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi."
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed frustration on Thursday at slow progress toward democracy in Myanmar, where planned elections have been derided in the West as a sham.
Ban spoke after discussing Myanmar with a group of countries, but diplomats said any Security Council action was blocked by objections from China and Russia to what they see as interference in the Asian country's internal affairs.
In Geneva, Chinese diplomat Ke Yousheng told the Council his country regretted that the EU resolution was "sharp in words" and failed to reflect efforts by Myanmar's rulers.
By Stephanie Nebehay – 59 mins ago
GENEVA (Reuters) – The U.N. Human Rights Council condemned Friday widespread violations in Myanmar and called on its generals to release 2,100 political prisoners ahead of an election this year, saying the vote must be free and fair.
It adopted by consensus a resolution, presented by the European Union, which also extended by one year the mandate of the Council's special investigator on the former Burma.
Tomas Ojea Quintana, U.N. special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, called in a report this month for an international inquiry into possible war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the ruling junta.
The Council condemned "systematic violations," including disappearances, arbitrary detentions, torture and ill-treatment of prisoners and recruitment of child soldiers.
It urged Myanmar's government to "ensure a free, transparent, fair electoral process which allows for the participation of all voters, all political parties."
This included the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), which won the 1990 poll in a landslide, a result the regime ignored and recently annulled.
The Council voiced concern at the "continued arbitrary house arrest" of Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, head of the NLD party, who has been detained for 15 of the past 21 years. She was sentenced to a further 18 months of house arrest last August.
Myanmar's ambassador to the U.N. in Geneva, Wunna Maung Lwin, rejected the EU resolution as being "politically motivated" and infringing on his country's internal affairs.
Resource-rich Myanmar, crippled by sanctions, has promised to hand over power to an elected civilian government, although few people believe the military will really transfer power.
Spain's ambassador Javier Garrigues, presenting the EU resolution, told the Council: "We reaffirm the essential importance of inclusive political dialogue with a view to national reconciliation and of the release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi."
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed frustration on Thursday at slow progress toward democracy in Myanmar, where planned elections have been derided in the West as a sham.
Ban spoke after discussing Myanmar with a group of countries, but diplomats said any Security Council action was blocked by objections from China and Russia to what they see as interference in the Asian country's internal affairs.
In Geneva, Chinese diplomat Ke Yousheng told the Council his country regretted that the EU resolution was "sharp in words" and failed to reflect efforts by Myanmar's rulers.
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Myanmar junta prepares for final salute
By Martin Petty – Fri Mar 26, 7:14 am ET
BANGKOK (Reuters) – An ostentatious parade by Myanmar's ruling generals on Saturday is being cast by the junta as a swansong, but the military looks set to remain the dominant political force even after handing power to a civilian government after elections later this year.
The annual Army Day parade in the new capital of Naypyitaw will no doubt feature nationalist speeches on economic potential and democratic rule in the former Burma, but analysts say the generals have a far more important message to deliver.
"They will talk about ideology, policy and the steps they've taken toward democracy," said Aung Naing Oo, a Harvard-educated Burmese academic based in Thailand.
"More symbolic is their attempt to show everyone at home and abroad that the military will not, and must not, be discounted."
The generals hope that a veneer of democracy may lead Western powers into easing sanctions, but critics have already dismissed forthcoming elections as a sham.
If the incoming government cannot win legitimacy, it will struggle to fix an economy in ruins after decades of military rule.
Despite growing trade with China and Asia, its sanctions-hit banks, for instance, remain largely shut off from the world, posing a major challenge for the next generation of leaders.
The isolated country of 48 million people, with its rich natural resources from natural gas to timber and gems, is strategically nestled between Asia's rising powers of China and India, with a port in Southeast Asia.
Undeterred by Western sanctions, those three players are racing to tap Myanmar's economy, but with few experienced technocrats in the country, corruption, cronyism and clumsy fiscal management look set to continue.
DEMOCRATIC FACADE
A glance at the army-drafted constitution of 2008 shows critics have good reason to doubt the generals' sincerity. The new, "democratic" Myanmar will effectively remain a military dictatorship, even if the polls are free and fair, as promised.
The armed forces chief will be more senior than an elected president, the military will retain control over key ministries and a quarter of parliamentary seats will be set aside for the men in green.
Other seats are likely to be taken by junta cronies and their proxies in civilian-led parties.
Detained opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi on Tuesday said she wouldn't dream of entering her party in the polls, although she said fellow members would have the final say. The generals have spent billions of dollars in Naypyitaw building lavish mansions, a parliament, senate and dozens of new ministries, determined to push ahead with their polls, but trouble looms in the mountains beyond.
Powerful ethnic armies along Myanmar's borders with China and Thailand, which have enjoyed de facto autonomy for decades, are refusing to accept the junta's "offer" to disarm and join the political process, riling Burmese generals determined to take full control of the ethnically diverse country.
War between these groups and government troops could be imminent in the rebellious Shan and Kachin states.
WHITHER THE GENERALS?
Most people in Myanmar privately express deep cynicism toward the election but are reluctant to criticize it publicly for fear of repercussions in a country that routinely jails critics.
Many are anyway more focused on pocketbook issues -- from the high cost of fuel to climbing food prices -- in the teeth of rampant inflation blamed on years of neglect and economic mismanagement by the military junta.
So what will happen to the top generals?
Despite speculation 77-year-old junta supremo Than Shwe could become president, Myanmar experts believe he and number two, Maung Aye, will retire and hand over power to loyal army proteges, perhaps pulling some strings from behind the scenes.
Junta number three Thura Shwe Mann, 62, is widely tipped to take the top job of armed forces supreme commander, who can assume power at a time of crisis, according to the constitution.
Although the polls have already been written off, many believe a transition to full civilian rule, albeit drawn out and gradual, will eventually transpire.
"They're committed to this process so there's the potential of some devolution of power, a half-way house," said Christopher Roberts, an author and Myanmar specialist at the University of Canberra.
"For now, the generals want to show they're still in control, but that might not necessarily be the case in another 10 years."
By Martin Petty – Fri Mar 26, 7:14 am ET
BANGKOK (Reuters) – An ostentatious parade by Myanmar's ruling generals on Saturday is being cast by the junta as a swansong, but the military looks set to remain the dominant political force even after handing power to a civilian government after elections later this year.
The annual Army Day parade in the new capital of Naypyitaw will no doubt feature nationalist speeches on economic potential and democratic rule in the former Burma, but analysts say the generals have a far more important message to deliver.
"They will talk about ideology, policy and the steps they've taken toward democracy," said Aung Naing Oo, a Harvard-educated Burmese academic based in Thailand.
"More symbolic is their attempt to show everyone at home and abroad that the military will not, and must not, be discounted."
The generals hope that a veneer of democracy may lead Western powers into easing sanctions, but critics have already dismissed forthcoming elections as a sham.
If the incoming government cannot win legitimacy, it will struggle to fix an economy in ruins after decades of military rule.
Despite growing trade with China and Asia, its sanctions-hit banks, for instance, remain largely shut off from the world, posing a major challenge for the next generation of leaders.
The isolated country of 48 million people, with its rich natural resources from natural gas to timber and gems, is strategically nestled between Asia's rising powers of China and India, with a port in Southeast Asia.
Undeterred by Western sanctions, those three players are racing to tap Myanmar's economy, but with few experienced technocrats in the country, corruption, cronyism and clumsy fiscal management look set to continue.
DEMOCRATIC FACADE
A glance at the army-drafted constitution of 2008 shows critics have good reason to doubt the generals' sincerity. The new, "democratic" Myanmar will effectively remain a military dictatorship, even if the polls are free and fair, as promised.
The armed forces chief will be more senior than an elected president, the military will retain control over key ministries and a quarter of parliamentary seats will be set aside for the men in green.
Other seats are likely to be taken by junta cronies and their proxies in civilian-led parties.
Detained opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi on Tuesday said she wouldn't dream of entering her party in the polls, although she said fellow members would have the final say. The generals have spent billions of dollars in Naypyitaw building lavish mansions, a parliament, senate and dozens of new ministries, determined to push ahead with their polls, but trouble looms in the mountains beyond.
Powerful ethnic armies along Myanmar's borders with China and Thailand, which have enjoyed de facto autonomy for decades, are refusing to accept the junta's "offer" to disarm and join the political process, riling Burmese generals determined to take full control of the ethnically diverse country.
War between these groups and government troops could be imminent in the rebellious Shan and Kachin states.
WHITHER THE GENERALS?
Most people in Myanmar privately express deep cynicism toward the election but are reluctant to criticize it publicly for fear of repercussions in a country that routinely jails critics.
Many are anyway more focused on pocketbook issues -- from the high cost of fuel to climbing food prices -- in the teeth of rampant inflation blamed on years of neglect and economic mismanagement by the military junta.
So what will happen to the top generals?
Despite speculation 77-year-old junta supremo Than Shwe could become president, Myanmar experts believe he and number two, Maung Aye, will retire and hand over power to loyal army proteges, perhaps pulling some strings from behind the scenes.
Junta number three Thura Shwe Mann, 62, is widely tipped to take the top job of armed forces supreme commander, who can assume power at a time of crisis, according to the constitution.
Although the polls have already been written off, many believe a transition to full civilian rule, albeit drawn out and gradual, will eventually transpire.
"They're committed to this process so there's the potential of some devolution of power, a half-way house," said Christopher Roberts, an author and Myanmar specialist at the University of Canberra.
"For now, the generals want to show they're still in control, but that might not necessarily be the case in another 10 years."
********************************************************
U.N.'s Ban frustrated and disappointed over Myanmar
By Patrick Worsnip – Thu Mar 25, 3:41 pm ET
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) – U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed frustration on Thursday at slow progress toward democracy in Myanmar, where planned elections have been derided in the West as a sham.
Ban spoke after discussing Myanmar with a group of key countries, but diplomats said any Security Council action was blocked by objections from China and Russia to what they see as interference in the Asian country's internal affairs.
Thursday's meeting and a Security Council discussion of Myanmar on Wednesday came after the ruling junta this month published rules for the elections, for which no date is set.
One of the rules says parties registering for the elections must exclude members serving prison terms. That would include opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi -- under house detention for breaching security laws -- and many senior members of her National League for Democracy.
"It's frustrating and ... disappointing that we have not seen much progress" toward democracy, said Ban, who has called for the release of all Myanmar's 2,000 political prisoners.
He said Myanmar had been slow to implement commitments made to him by General Than Shwe during the U.N. chief's visit last year. Ban cited the lateness in publishing the electoral laws and also complained of the failure to set a date or free prisoners of conscience.
Critics say the election will be a sham aimed at creating a facade of civilian rule with the junta still calling the shots. The military has ruled the former British colony for almost five decades.
DIVISIONS BETWEEN POWERS
Ban said that at Thursday's meeting the so-called "Group of Friends" on Myanmar stressed that elections should be inclusive and transparent to advance democracy in Myanmar.
The group comprises Australia, Britain, China, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States, Vietnam and the European Union.
But diplomats said divisions between major powers precluded any action. One envoy said Russia and China insisted on their usual stance of not interfering in the internal affairs.
China has long been unwilling to take punitive action against neighboring Myanmar, whose coastline provides it with easy access to lucrative Asian markets.
The differences were also apparent after Wednesday's closed-door Security Council discussion of Myanmar.
"A general election being held in any country is a matter of a sovereign state, so that should be respected," China's Ambassador Li Baodong told reporters.
But British Ambassador Mark Lyall Grant did not agree. "The instability that could be caused by a flawed electoral process is a threat to international peace and security," he said.
By Patrick Worsnip – Thu Mar 25, 3:41 pm ET
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) – U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed frustration on Thursday at slow progress toward democracy in Myanmar, where planned elections have been derided in the West as a sham.
Ban spoke after discussing Myanmar with a group of key countries, but diplomats said any Security Council action was blocked by objections from China and Russia to what they see as interference in the Asian country's internal affairs.
Thursday's meeting and a Security Council discussion of Myanmar on Wednesday came after the ruling junta this month published rules for the elections, for which no date is set.
One of the rules says parties registering for the elections must exclude members serving prison terms. That would include opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi -- under house detention for breaching security laws -- and many senior members of her National League for Democracy.
"It's frustrating and ... disappointing that we have not seen much progress" toward democracy, said Ban, who has called for the release of all Myanmar's 2,000 political prisoners.
He said Myanmar had been slow to implement commitments made to him by General Than Shwe during the U.N. chief's visit last year. Ban cited the lateness in publishing the electoral laws and also complained of the failure to set a date or free prisoners of conscience.
Critics say the election will be a sham aimed at creating a facade of civilian rule with the junta still calling the shots. The military has ruled the former British colony for almost five decades.
DIVISIONS BETWEEN POWERS
Ban said that at Thursday's meeting the so-called "Group of Friends" on Myanmar stressed that elections should be inclusive and transparent to advance democracy in Myanmar.
The group comprises Australia, Britain, China, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States, Vietnam and the European Union.
But diplomats said divisions between major powers precluded any action. One envoy said Russia and China insisted on their usual stance of not interfering in the internal affairs.
China has long been unwilling to take punitive action against neighboring Myanmar, whose coastline provides it with easy access to lucrative Asian markets.
The differences were also apparent after Wednesday's closed-door Security Council discussion of Myanmar.
"A general election being held in any country is a matter of a sovereign state, so that should be respected," China's Ambassador Li Baodong told reporters.
But British Ambassador Mark Lyall Grant did not agree. "The instability that could be caused by a flawed electoral process is a threat to international peace and security," he said.
********************************************************
SCENARIOS -Myanmar's uncertain post-election future
Fri Mar 26, 2010 1:18pm IST
By Martin Petty
BANGKOK (Reuters) - Military-ruled Myanmar will hold its first democratic election in two decades later this year, polls that critics say will be a sham resulting in no significant transfer of power to a civilian government.
The resource-rich country of 48 million people is heading for a period of uncertainty, with concerns about economic and social stability after almost five decades of army rule.
Following are possible post-election scenarios:
COSMETIC CHANGE ONLY, MILITARY RETAINS POWER
Few believe the military will really hand power back to a civilian government. The new constitution guarantees the army 25 percent of parliamentary seats, and junta proxies are expected to run and win plenty more. The military will have jurisdiction over key ministries and reserves the right to take power at a time of national crisis.
Civilians backed, or at least vetted, by the junta will probably be given some government positions, but analysts say the military will still control major policy and budget decisions.
This is the most likely scenario. Analysts say the generals sincerely believe the military is the only institution capable of keeping the country together and therefore want to remain in charge.
GRADUAL TRANSFER TO CIVILIAN CONTROL
In the long term, Myanmar could undergo a gradual transition of power to a civilian government free of military control. This would be an evolutionary process rather than a junta-inspired shift.
Future elections, constitutional amendments and shifts in the power structure or patronage systems could lead to the emergence of splinter groups or factions within the military; some may favour offering a role to experienced, educated technocrats deemed capable of handling the economy, for example.
"The generals may believe they can control political proxies, crony businessmen, military colleagues and ethnic factions ... but in a new context these groups might develop independent agendas," the International Crisis Group said in a report.
PUBLIC REJECTS MILITARY-CONTROLLED GOVERNMENT
Decades of economic mismanagement, human rights abuses and a failure to invest sufficiently in education, health and public services have created deep public resentment of the military.
Nationwide monk-led protests in 2007 triggered by increases in fuel and cooking gas prices stoked public anger. The bloody crackdown that followed showed the junta had no qualms about using force to suppress dissent. However, ordinary people are willing to take that risk, as seen in a recent wave of strikes by garment workers that have rattled the military.
Myanmar's people have been promised big things after the elections. Analysts say they could revolt if a new government fails to deliver the goods.
"DEMOCRACY" FAILS, MILITARY TAKES BACK POWER
The last time elections were held in 1990, the result was unfavourable for the generals and they refused to hand over power. It appears the junta has learned from that and drafted electoral laws that will limit the powers of elected opponents.
However, if the 2010 election process throws up problems, the regime could scrap or indefinitely postpone the polls, citing reasons of national security and stability.
Even if a government and national assembly are in place, a constitutional clause allows the commander-in-chief to dissolve the house and assume power at a time of crisis. If army influence wanes, it could provoke a crisis of its own making as a pretext to wrestle back control.
However, most analysts say the generals won't find this necessary: provisions written into the constitution, drafted mainly by the military, will ensure there is no real threat to the status quo.
Fri Mar 26, 2010 1:18pm IST
By Martin Petty
BANGKOK (Reuters) - Military-ruled Myanmar will hold its first democratic election in two decades later this year, polls that critics say will be a sham resulting in no significant transfer of power to a civilian government.
The resource-rich country of 48 million people is heading for a period of uncertainty, with concerns about economic and social stability after almost five decades of army rule.
Following are possible post-election scenarios:
COSMETIC CHANGE ONLY, MILITARY RETAINS POWER
Few believe the military will really hand power back to a civilian government. The new constitution guarantees the army 25 percent of parliamentary seats, and junta proxies are expected to run and win plenty more. The military will have jurisdiction over key ministries and reserves the right to take power at a time of national crisis.
Civilians backed, or at least vetted, by the junta will probably be given some government positions, but analysts say the military will still control major policy and budget decisions.
This is the most likely scenario. Analysts say the generals sincerely believe the military is the only institution capable of keeping the country together and therefore want to remain in charge.
GRADUAL TRANSFER TO CIVILIAN CONTROL
In the long term, Myanmar could undergo a gradual transition of power to a civilian government free of military control. This would be an evolutionary process rather than a junta-inspired shift.
Future elections, constitutional amendments and shifts in the power structure or patronage systems could lead to the emergence of splinter groups or factions within the military; some may favour offering a role to experienced, educated technocrats deemed capable of handling the economy, for example.
"The generals may believe they can control political proxies, crony businessmen, military colleagues and ethnic factions ... but in a new context these groups might develop independent agendas," the International Crisis Group said in a report.
PUBLIC REJECTS MILITARY-CONTROLLED GOVERNMENT
Decades of economic mismanagement, human rights abuses and a failure to invest sufficiently in education, health and public services have created deep public resentment of the military.
Nationwide monk-led protests in 2007 triggered by increases in fuel and cooking gas prices stoked public anger. The bloody crackdown that followed showed the junta had no qualms about using force to suppress dissent. However, ordinary people are willing to take that risk, as seen in a recent wave of strikes by garment workers that have rattled the military.
Myanmar's people have been promised big things after the elections. Analysts say they could revolt if a new government fails to deliver the goods.
"DEMOCRACY" FAILS, MILITARY TAKES BACK POWER
The last time elections were held in 1990, the result was unfavourable for the generals and they refused to hand over power. It appears the junta has learned from that and drafted electoral laws that will limit the powers of elected opponents.
However, if the 2010 election process throws up problems, the regime could scrap or indefinitely postpone the polls, citing reasons of national security and stability.
Even if a government and national assembly are in place, a constitutional clause allows the commander-in-chief to dissolve the house and assume power at a time of crisis. If army influence wanes, it could provoke a crisis of its own making as a pretext to wrestle back control.
However, most analysts say the generals won't find this necessary: provisions written into the constitution, drafted mainly by the military, will ensure there is no real threat to the status quo.
********************************************************
U.N. critical of Myanmar election process
By Shruti Pant and Richard Roth, CNN
March 25, 2010 10:46 p.m. EDT
United Nations (CNN) -- Key U.N. member countries are not pleased with Myanmar despite the Asian nation's plan to hold its first general elections in 20 years.
The so-called Group of Friends on Myanmar, an informal collection of 14 countries and the European Union, are unhappy with the ruling military junta's lack of progress toward establishing a fair and transparent election process.
"It is frustrating and disappointing that we have not seen the progress we expected," said U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, who chaired a meeting of the group.
"The current electoral laws do not measure up to what is needed," said Ban, who spoke on behalf of the nations present at the meeting.
On his last visit to the impoverished nation in July 2009, the U.N. chief explained that Myanmar's Senior General Than Shwe had made several commitments to him, one of which was publishing electoral laws.
However, "the current electoral laws do not measure up to what is needed," he said.
The recently published electoral laws disqualify anyone serving a prison term from joining a political party, including Aung San Suu Kyi , pro-democracy activist and leader of Myanmar's opposition party the National Democratic Front. Suu Kyi is in her fourteenth year under house arrest despite protests by human rights activists.
The group stressed the need for elections to be "participatory and transparent" and called for "the release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi," explained Ban.
Britain, a member of the group, has voiced particular concern with Myanmar's new electoral laws. On the eve of the Group of Friends meeting, Britain called for Security Council consultations to discuss the issue.
The British ambassador, Mark Lyall Grant, said Wednesday that the consultations were the first time the United Nations had taken stock of Myanmar, also known as Burma, since July last year.
Grant disagreed with his Chinese counterpart, Li Baodong, who called for respecting Myanmar's sovereignty and respecting its election as a domestic matter.
"We do not agree with that," Grant said. "Burma is an item on the agenda, and the instability that could be caused by a flawed electoral process is a threat to international peace and security,"
Despite frustrations and divisions over Myanmar between U.N. member states, Ban stressed that one of the poorest countries in the world -- ruled for close to five decades by a military junta -- will only change "gradually and slowly."
The date of Myanmar's general election has yet to be published.
By Shruti Pant and Richard Roth, CNN
March 25, 2010 10:46 p.m. EDT
United Nations (CNN) -- Key U.N. member countries are not pleased with Myanmar despite the Asian nation's plan to hold its first general elections in 20 years.
The so-called Group of Friends on Myanmar, an informal collection of 14 countries and the European Union, are unhappy with the ruling military junta's lack of progress toward establishing a fair and transparent election process.
"It is frustrating and disappointing that we have not seen the progress we expected," said U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, who chaired a meeting of the group.
"The current electoral laws do not measure up to what is needed," said Ban, who spoke on behalf of the nations present at the meeting.
On his last visit to the impoverished nation in July 2009, the U.N. chief explained that Myanmar's Senior General Than Shwe had made several commitments to him, one of which was publishing electoral laws.
However, "the current electoral laws do not measure up to what is needed," he said.
The recently published electoral laws disqualify anyone serving a prison term from joining a political party, including Aung San Suu Kyi , pro-democracy activist and leader of Myanmar's opposition party the National Democratic Front. Suu Kyi is in her fourteenth year under house arrest despite protests by human rights activists.
The group stressed the need for elections to be "participatory and transparent" and called for "the release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi," explained Ban.
Britain, a member of the group, has voiced particular concern with Myanmar's new electoral laws. On the eve of the Group of Friends meeting, Britain called for Security Council consultations to discuss the issue.
The British ambassador, Mark Lyall Grant, said Wednesday that the consultations were the first time the United Nations had taken stock of Myanmar, also known as Burma, since July last year.
Grant disagreed with his Chinese counterpart, Li Baodong, who called for respecting Myanmar's sovereignty and respecting its election as a domestic matter.
"We do not agree with that," Grant said. "Burma is an item on the agenda, and the instability that could be caused by a flawed electoral process is a threat to international peace and security,"
Despite frustrations and divisions over Myanmar between U.N. member states, Ban stressed that one of the poorest countries in the world -- ruled for close to five decades by a military junta -- will only change "gradually and slowly."
The date of Myanmar's general election has yet to be published.
********************************************************
EarthTimes - Myanmar junta welcomes, then expels CNN correspondent
Posted : Fri, 26 Mar 2010 09:20:52 GMT
Naypyitaw, Myanmar - Myanmar authorities on Friday expelled CNN South-East Asia correspondent Dan Rivers after officially inviting him to attend an annual military parade, sources said.
Rivers arrived in Yangon Thursday, travelling on a journalist visa allowing him to cover Armed Forces Day, an annual parade presided over by the military junta's chief, Senior General Than Shwe, in the military's capital of Naypyitaw, 320 kilometres north of Yangon.
"I was a bit surprised that they allowed me in because the last time I was here they had deported me," Rivers said in Naypyitaw, shortly before his most recent deportation.
Rivers had last entered Myanmar in May 2008, travelling on a tourist visa to cover the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis, which killed about 140,000 people.
Myanmar's ruling junta was widely criticized at the time for failing to facilitate visas for foreign relief workers seeking to enter the country to assist the disaster-hit communities.
Foreign journalists were also barred from entering, but that is the norm in Myanmar, where the regime keeps a tight grip on local reporters and only occasionally allows foreign reporters to enter officially, usually on junkets that serve its own political purposes.
Rivers was initially granted a journalist visa to cover Armed Forces Day Saturday but then was suddenly escorted back to Yangon without explanation.
"A special agent came and told him he would not be allowed to attend Armed Forces Day and took him to the airport," a witness said.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962. Than Shwe has promised to hold a general election some time this year, but few predict the polls would be either free or fair.
Posted : Fri, 26 Mar 2010 09:20:52 GMT
Naypyitaw, Myanmar - Myanmar authorities on Friday expelled CNN South-East Asia correspondent Dan Rivers after officially inviting him to attend an annual military parade, sources said.
Rivers arrived in Yangon Thursday, travelling on a journalist visa allowing him to cover Armed Forces Day, an annual parade presided over by the military junta's chief, Senior General Than Shwe, in the military's capital of Naypyitaw, 320 kilometres north of Yangon.
"I was a bit surprised that they allowed me in because the last time I was here they had deported me," Rivers said in Naypyitaw, shortly before his most recent deportation.
Rivers had last entered Myanmar in May 2008, travelling on a tourist visa to cover the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis, which killed about 140,000 people.
Myanmar's ruling junta was widely criticized at the time for failing to facilitate visas for foreign relief workers seeking to enter the country to assist the disaster-hit communities.
Foreign journalists were also barred from entering, but that is the norm in Myanmar, where the regime keeps a tight grip on local reporters and only occasionally allows foreign reporters to enter officially, usually on junkets that serve its own political purposes.
Rivers was initially granted a journalist visa to cover Armed Forces Day Saturday but then was suddenly escorted back to Yangon without explanation.
"A special agent came and told him he would not be allowed to attend Armed Forces Day and took him to the airport," a witness said.
Myanmar has been under military rule since 1962. Than Shwe has promised to hold a general election some time this year, but few predict the polls would be either free or fair.
********************************************************
EarthTimes - Myanmar capital readies for discipline-flourishing democracy - Feature
Posted : Fri, 26 Mar 2010 09:03:22 GMT
Naypyitaw, Myanmar - Myanmar's enormous new parliament building in Naypyitaw is nearing completion, but democracy seems far away for this beautiful but politically bleak South-East Asian country.
Myanmar's military supremo, Senior General Than Shwe, has promised a general election this year as part of his seven-step road map to "discipline-flourishing democracy," as the ruling junta chief termed his unique vision of the country's future political system.
Myanmar, also called Burma, is no stranger to leaders with a unique perception of the world, which unfortunately they have successfully foisted on their people.
General Ne Win, who like Than Shwe started his career as a postal clerk, overthrew Myanmar's first democratically elected government of prime minister U Nu in 1962 and launched the country down his disastrous "Burmese Road to Socialism."
Fifty-two years later, Myanmar is still under military rule but now embarking on a new road to "democracy."
An election date has not been set, but this month, the junta issued election laws covering party registration; the establishment of an election commission; and polls for the upper, lower and division-level houses of parliament.
Judging by the laws, Myanmar's election promises to be neither free nor fair.
The party registration law bars current prisoners from being members of political parties, effectively forcing the National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party to expel its leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, from its ranks if it wishes to register within the 60 days allowed.
Suu Kyi, who has spent 14 of the past 21 years under house arrest, has made it known that she disagrees with the party registration law, sending a fairly strong signal to the NLD that it should boycott the polls whenever they are.
The NLD plans to decide Monday whether to do so. Chances are it would follow Suu Kyi's lead.
That would suit Than Shwe just fine. The junta has plans to field candidates from one or two parties springing from its Union Solidarity and Development Association, a mass organization that boasts millions of members.
The association already has a huge headquarters in Naypyitaw, Myanmar's capital since 2005, so it would be easy for members to simply shift over to the new parliament building in the post-election period.
Myanmar's new military-drafted constitution, which is to go into effect after the election and an endorsement by the new parliament, effectively cements army control over the legislative body by allowing the military to appoint 25 per cent of the upper house, enough to veto any legislation it deems unfavourable.
Naypyitaw itself is an indication of the discipline-flourishing democracy in store for Myanmar. Than Shwe forced thousands of civil servants to move from Yangon to Naypyitaw in a matter of months after announcing his surprise decision to shift the capital from Yangon on the coast to central Myanmar.
The city is split into zones, with ministries far apart and separated by long, straight roads that could easily serve as airplane runways in a pinch.
Unlike Yangon, where the military has prohibited people from riding motorcycles, they are allowed in Naypyitaw. Oddly, it has become fashionable among the Naypyitaw motorcyclists to sport helmets modelled after German World War II soldiers' head gear, some of them bearing swastikas.
A zone is being levelled for foreign embassies, which to date have chosen to remain in Yangon.
"The situation now is artificial, to have all the embassies in the main port city and none in the capital, but then Naypyitaw is a rather artificial city," one Western diplomat in Yangon said.
There is set-like quality to the place, which has drawn comparisons to the Truman Show, a Jim Carrey drama about a man whose entire life has been filmed as a TV reality show, unbeknownst to him.
Naypyitaw is also full of people watching you.
Taking photographs of innocuous sights, such as women washing their clothes in the river, can earn you a quick visit from the local police as two photographers with the epa european pressphoto agencydiscovered recently on a press junket.
The city also has few attractions, other than a newly built Gem Museum; the Naypyitaw Zoo, stocked with animals taken from the Yangon Zoo; and the Oppatadhanti Pagoda, a replica of Yangon's famous Shwedagon Pagoda.
Even the Oppatadhanti Pagoda has a somewhat discipline-flourishing flavour. Oppatadhanti translates as "Victory Over All Enemies," conveying a not very Buddhist message.
At present, foreign visitors are not encouraged to visit the capital although that might change after the election.
"I have been here for two years and in that time,, I have only seen two Western tourists," said a Burmese journalist based in Naypyitaw. "And one of them was on a bicycle which was being followed by a policeman on a motorcycle.
Posted : Fri, 26 Mar 2010 09:03:22 GMT
Naypyitaw, Myanmar - Myanmar's enormous new parliament building in Naypyitaw is nearing completion, but democracy seems far away for this beautiful but politically bleak South-East Asian country.
Myanmar's military supremo, Senior General Than Shwe, has promised a general election this year as part of his seven-step road map to "discipline-flourishing democracy," as the ruling junta chief termed his unique vision of the country's future political system.
Myanmar, also called Burma, is no stranger to leaders with a unique perception of the world, which unfortunately they have successfully foisted on their people.
General Ne Win, who like Than Shwe started his career as a postal clerk, overthrew Myanmar's first democratically elected government of prime minister U Nu in 1962 and launched the country down his disastrous "Burmese Road to Socialism."
Fifty-two years later, Myanmar is still under military rule but now embarking on a new road to "democracy."
An election date has not been set, but this month, the junta issued election laws covering party registration; the establishment of an election commission; and polls for the upper, lower and division-level houses of parliament.
Judging by the laws, Myanmar's election promises to be neither free nor fair.
The party registration law bars current prisoners from being members of political parties, effectively forcing the National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party to expel its leader, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, from its ranks if it wishes to register within the 60 days allowed.
Suu Kyi, who has spent 14 of the past 21 years under house arrest, has made it known that she disagrees with the party registration law, sending a fairly strong signal to the NLD that it should boycott the polls whenever they are.
The NLD plans to decide Monday whether to do so. Chances are it would follow Suu Kyi's lead.
That would suit Than Shwe just fine. The junta has plans to field candidates from one or two parties springing from its Union Solidarity and Development Association, a mass organization that boasts millions of members.
The association already has a huge headquarters in Naypyitaw, Myanmar's capital since 2005, so it would be easy for members to simply shift over to the new parliament building in the post-election period.
Myanmar's new military-drafted constitution, which is to go into effect after the election and an endorsement by the new parliament, effectively cements army control over the legislative body by allowing the military to appoint 25 per cent of the upper house, enough to veto any legislation it deems unfavourable.
Naypyitaw itself is an indication of the discipline-flourishing democracy in store for Myanmar. Than Shwe forced thousands of civil servants to move from Yangon to Naypyitaw in a matter of months after announcing his surprise decision to shift the capital from Yangon on the coast to central Myanmar.
The city is split into zones, with ministries far apart and separated by long, straight roads that could easily serve as airplane runways in a pinch.
Unlike Yangon, where the military has prohibited people from riding motorcycles, they are allowed in Naypyitaw. Oddly, it has become fashionable among the Naypyitaw motorcyclists to sport helmets modelled after German World War II soldiers' head gear, some of them bearing swastikas.
A zone is being levelled for foreign embassies, which to date have chosen to remain in Yangon.
"The situation now is artificial, to have all the embassies in the main port city and none in the capital, but then Naypyitaw is a rather artificial city," one Western diplomat in Yangon said.
There is set-like quality to the place, which has drawn comparisons to the Truman Show, a Jim Carrey drama about a man whose entire life has been filmed as a TV reality show, unbeknownst to him.
Naypyitaw is also full of people watching you.
Taking photographs of innocuous sights, such as women washing their clothes in the river, can earn you a quick visit from the local police as two photographers with the epa european pressphoto agencydiscovered recently on a press junket.
The city also has few attractions, other than a newly built Gem Museum; the Naypyitaw Zoo, stocked with animals taken from the Yangon Zoo; and the Oppatadhanti Pagoda, a replica of Yangon's famous Shwedagon Pagoda.
Even the Oppatadhanti Pagoda has a somewhat discipline-flourishing flavour. Oppatadhanti translates as "Victory Over All Enemies," conveying a not very Buddhist message.
At present, foreign visitors are not encouraged to visit the capital although that might change after the election.
"I have been here for two years and in that time,, I have only seen two Western tourists," said a Burmese journalist based in Naypyitaw. "And one of them was on a bicycle which was being followed by a policeman on a motorcycle.
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VOA News - UN Chief to Burma: Create Conditions for Free, Fair Elections
Margaret Besheer | United Nations 25 March 2010
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon says the government of Burma must create conditions that give all stakeholders the opportunity to participate freely in elections, if the vote is to be viewed as fair and credible.
Mr. Ban spoke to reporters after a meeting of his so-called Group of Friends of Myanmar, the other name by which Burma is known.
He said the 15 governments which make up the group discussed developments following the military government's announcement earlier this month of the new election law.
The law has raised international concerns because one of its provisions prohibits anyone serving a prison term from voting or being a member of a political party.
That would effectively ban National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners from participating in the general election.
No date has been set for the vote, which would be the country's first in 20 years.
Mr. Ban said the electoral law and the overall electoral environment so far fall short of what is needed for an inclusive political process.
Speaking on behalf of the Group of Friends, Mr. Ban said they urged the elections be inclusive, participatory and transparent.
"We encourage all parties to work in the national interest," Mr. Ban said. "The government must create conditions that give all stakeholders the opportunity to participate freely in elections. This includes the release of all political prisoners - including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi - and respect for fundamental freedoms."
Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years, has said she is opposed to her party registering for the vote, but that the NLD (National League for Democracy) must decide for itself whether to participate in the election.
Mr. Ban said if that is her genuine belief, then "we have to respect it." But he expressed some reservations, saying he did not know the circumstances surrounding her statement.
On Wednesday, the U.N. Security Council had its first briefing on Burma in more than six months. British Ambassador Mark Lyall Grant said many council members expressed their concern about the electoral laws, which he said appeared to target Aung San Suu Kyi and her opposition party.
Margaret Besheer | United Nations 25 March 2010
U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon says the government of Burma must create conditions that give all stakeholders the opportunity to participate freely in elections, if the vote is to be viewed as fair and credible.
Mr. Ban spoke to reporters after a meeting of his so-called Group of Friends of Myanmar, the other name by which Burma is known.
He said the 15 governments which make up the group discussed developments following the military government's announcement earlier this month of the new election law.
The law has raised international concerns because one of its provisions prohibits anyone serving a prison term from voting or being a member of a political party.
That would effectively ban National League for Democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners from participating in the general election.
No date has been set for the vote, which would be the country's first in 20 years.
Mr. Ban said the electoral law and the overall electoral environment so far fall short of what is needed for an inclusive political process.
Speaking on behalf of the Group of Friends, Mr. Ban said they urged the elections be inclusive, participatory and transparent.
"We encourage all parties to work in the national interest," Mr. Ban said. "The government must create conditions that give all stakeholders the opportunity to participate freely in elections. This includes the release of all political prisoners - including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi - and respect for fundamental freedoms."
Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years, has said she is opposed to her party registering for the vote, but that the NLD (National League for Democracy) must decide for itself whether to participate in the election.
Mr. Ban said if that is her genuine belief, then "we have to respect it." But he expressed some reservations, saying he did not know the circumstances surrounding her statement.
On Wednesday, the U.N. Security Council had its first briefing on Burma in more than six months. British Ambassador Mark Lyall Grant said many council members expressed their concern about the electoral laws, which he said appeared to target Aung San Suu Kyi and her opposition party.
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Alcatel-Lucent Denies Supplying Surveillance Gear to Myanmar
March 26, 2010, 9:52 AM EDT
By Matthew Campbell
March 26 (Bloomberg) -- Alcatel-Lucent SA, France’s biggest telecommunications equipment supplier, denied a magazine report suggesting it provided the military government of Myanmar with equipment that could be used for surveillance.
The Paris-based company is providing normal telecommunication infrastructure to Myanmar and not “any solution dedicated to the control of conversations”, Alcatel said in a statement. Nouvel Observateur, a French magazine, today published a letter from non-governmental organizations that said Alcatel products could help Myanmar censor communications.
Myanmar, the south-east Asian country formerly known as Burma, is preparing for its first elections since 1990. Earlier this month, the country’s rulers announced election laws that will ban political prisoners including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from participating.
“Alcatel-Lucent understands and shares concerns about the situation in Myanmar,” the company said. “We are nevertheless convinced that the improvement of communications infrastructure can promote the economic and cultural development of a country and equally contribute to its evolution toward democracy.”
March 26, 2010, 9:52 AM EDT
By Matthew Campbell
March 26 (Bloomberg) -- Alcatel-Lucent SA, France’s biggest telecommunications equipment supplier, denied a magazine report suggesting it provided the military government of Myanmar with equipment that could be used for surveillance.
The Paris-based company is providing normal telecommunication infrastructure to Myanmar and not “any solution dedicated to the control of conversations”, Alcatel said in a statement. Nouvel Observateur, a French magazine, today published a letter from non-governmental organizations that said Alcatel products could help Myanmar censor communications.
Myanmar, the south-east Asian country formerly known as Burma, is preparing for its first elections since 1990. Earlier this month, the country’s rulers announced election laws that will ban political prisoners including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from participating.
“Alcatel-Lucent understands and shares concerns about the situation in Myanmar,” the company said. “We are nevertheless convinced that the improvement of communications infrastructure can promote the economic and cultural development of a country and equally contribute to its evolution toward democracy.”
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Inner City Press - At UN, As Friends on Myanmar Calculate Their Share, Ban Splits Difference
By Matthew Russell Lee
UNITED NATIONS, March 25 -- Following the closed door meeting on Myanmar by the UN Secretary General's "Group of Friends" on Thursday morning, S-G Ban Ki-moon took two questions from the Press. One of his advisors told Inner City Press that both the United States and France have become "more nuanced," with only the UK still beating the drum about what they call Burma.
He said that donors like Norway and Australia and Japan are trying to "recalibrate." He snidely pointed out that on roads outside of Yangon, the construction equipment is "all from Caterpillar," the U.S. firm.
Meanwhile, India's Tata now plans a truck factory in Myanmar. India is said to be concerned that if they don't invest, Myanmar will become an economic colony of China. Money is talking.
Ban was flanked by his interim envoy to Myanmar, Vijay Nambiar and performed under the watchful eyes of diplomats from Friends of Myanmar who urge a hands-off approach. One of these told Inner City Press, before Ban began, that he would mention something about "that lady." Inner City Press was about to say, "The Lady?" but then asked Ban about it. See below.
From the UN's transcript:
Inner City Press: Mr. Secretary-General, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said, she has actually encouraged the NLD not to register for the polls under the current laws. I wonder what do you think can happen between now and when a date is set. Would you view that as a fatal flaw to the election, if the NLD didn’t participate? And are you thinking of naming a more permanent successor to Mr. [Ibrahim] Gambari to carry out the good offices? Some say that having an interim person may either reflect or be interpreted as a lack of commitment on the issue.
SG: If what she said is based on her genuine belief, based on the current situations, then we have to respect her decision. I’m not quite sure what the surrounding circumstances were as she made that statement. However, she is the leader of her party and when she said such decision then I think that should be respected. That depends upon how people will decide on that. As a matter of principle, as I have said repeatedly, publicly and privately to the Myanmar leadership, that this election should be fully open, transparent, inclusive and participatory and credible, and I told the Myanmar leadership that without full participation of all the people, including political prisoners, and particularly Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, it may not be regarded as credible and inclusive. Therefore all the process and development, we have to carefully monitor. And about the appointment of Mr. Gambari’s position: at this time I have designated my Chef de Cabinet, Mr. Vijay Nambiar as ad interim Special Advisor until such time when I will be able to find a Special Advisor for that post.
Inner City Press: There was at least one report that you proposed a name to Myanmar and they turned it down. Maybe the report was wrong?
SG: No. I have never proposed any names.
The purveyor of the report was the only other journalist to ask Ban a Myanmar question. Before he did, a UN Security Officer asked him to move away from the meeting room. He maintained to Inner City Press that Nambiar traveled to Myanmar to deliver Ban's letter, and that Ban has received a response that emphasizes Myanmar's sovereignty.
Inner City Press asked at the noon briefing for confirmation that a response had been received, but the spokesman merely said he would look into it.
By Matthew Russell Lee
UNITED NATIONS, March 25 -- Following the closed door meeting on Myanmar by the UN Secretary General's "Group of Friends" on Thursday morning, S-G Ban Ki-moon took two questions from the Press. One of his advisors told Inner City Press that both the United States and France have become "more nuanced," with only the UK still beating the drum about what they call Burma.
He said that donors like Norway and Australia and Japan are trying to "recalibrate." He snidely pointed out that on roads outside of Yangon, the construction equipment is "all from Caterpillar," the U.S. firm.
Meanwhile, India's Tata now plans a truck factory in Myanmar. India is said to be concerned that if they don't invest, Myanmar will become an economic colony of China. Money is talking.
Ban was flanked by his interim envoy to Myanmar, Vijay Nambiar and performed under the watchful eyes of diplomats from Friends of Myanmar who urge a hands-off approach. One of these told Inner City Press, before Ban began, that he would mention something about "that lady." Inner City Press was about to say, "The Lady?" but then asked Ban about it. See below.
From the UN's transcript:
Inner City Press: Mr. Secretary-General, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said, she has actually encouraged the NLD not to register for the polls under the current laws. I wonder what do you think can happen between now and when a date is set. Would you view that as a fatal flaw to the election, if the NLD didn’t participate? And are you thinking of naming a more permanent successor to Mr. [Ibrahim] Gambari to carry out the good offices? Some say that having an interim person may either reflect or be interpreted as a lack of commitment on the issue.
SG: If what she said is based on her genuine belief, based on the current situations, then we have to respect her decision. I’m not quite sure what the surrounding circumstances were as she made that statement. However, she is the leader of her party and when she said such decision then I think that should be respected. That depends upon how people will decide on that. As a matter of principle, as I have said repeatedly, publicly and privately to the Myanmar leadership, that this election should be fully open, transparent, inclusive and participatory and credible, and I told the Myanmar leadership that without full participation of all the people, including political prisoners, and particularly Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, it may not be regarded as credible and inclusive. Therefore all the process and development, we have to carefully monitor. And about the appointment of Mr. Gambari’s position: at this time I have designated my Chef de Cabinet, Mr. Vijay Nambiar as ad interim Special Advisor until such time when I will be able to find a Special Advisor for that post.
Inner City Press: There was at least one report that you proposed a name to Myanmar and they turned it down. Maybe the report was wrong?
SG: No. I have never proposed any names.
The purveyor of the report was the only other journalist to ask Ban a Myanmar question. Before he did, a UN Security Officer asked him to move away from the meeting room. He maintained to Inner City Press that Nambiar traveled to Myanmar to deliver Ban's letter, and that Ban has received a response that emphasizes Myanmar's sovereignty.
Inner City Press asked at the noon briefing for confirmation that a response had been received, but the spokesman merely said he would look into it.
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Mar 27, 2010
Asia Times Online - Decision time for Myanmar's opposition
By Brian McCartan
BANGKOK - Myanmar's detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has come out strongly against new military-drafted election laws that bar her participation in the vote, referring to them as "unjust". She has also called on her opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party to boycott the polls, a date for which has yet to be set.
The new election laws are likely to undermine the credibility of the polls scheduled for later this year in the eyes of the international community. Their restrictive nature also means that the national reconciliation that the junta claims its stage-managed transition to democracy will lead to will remain elusive.
Registration began this week for political parties and Myanmar's pro-democracy and ethnic activists now must make some hard choices. Suu Kyi made it clear that her rejection of the laws was her personal opinion and not an order to the NLD, but her words carry much weight in her party and in pro-democracy circles, both within Myanmar and the exile community.
Potential opposition candidates and their nascent parties must now go against the one person who over the years has come to symbolize non-violent political defiance and democratic leadership for many in Myanmar and the international community in choosing to participate in the polls.
Debate over participation in the regime's move towards "discipline democracy" has raged since the junta's draft constitution was approved through a controversial referendum in 2008. For pro-democracy advocates that debate has centered on whether the junta's vision of democracy will allow them any real political space, or simply legitimize military control under the guise of civilian rule.
For ethnic group activists, there is the additional question of whether participation in the polls will advance or diminish hopes held for the establishment of a federal system under democracy that gives autonomy to their peripheral regions.
Pro-participation proponents say that by contesting the elections opposition groups will at least have a seat at the decision-making table and not be completely excluded from the political process. Parties that do not participate in the elections will likely be banned by the regime, making resistance to it even more difficult.
Those opposed believe that no matter how they vote, the military will still effectively be in power and the democratic process will serve to legitimize and perpetuate the ruling regime. They note that the 2008 constitution already provides for military dominance in the two bodies of the national legislature, as well as in regional and state legislatures.
According to the charter, 25% of both houses must be reserved for members put forward by the military. Legislative bills and constitutional amendments must have over 75% of parliament members in order to pass, giving the military de facto veto power over proposed major reforms. With the election laws now promulgated and a May 7 deadline set for the registration of parties, the debate has intensified.
Although some 15 parties have already registered or claim to be intending to register, without the participation of the largest and longest-serving opposition party, the NLD, the elections will likely lack legitimacy in the eyes of the international community.
For Suu Kyi's NLD party, the choice has become even more difficult. Under a new election law governing party registration, persons currently serving prison sentences are barred from forming political parties or standing in elections. This means that should the NLD choose to re-register, they must drop Suu Kyi and some 300 other party members, including 11 of its 100-member Central Committee, all of whom are currently serving prison sentences for political offenses.
In addition to dropping party members, the NLD would also need to backtrack on pledges made to stand by its 2009 Shwegondaing Declaration that it said the junta must honor before the party would participate in the polls. Announced on April 29, 2009, the declaration calls for the release of all political prisoners, recognition of the 1990 election result that the NLD won and the military annulled, a review of the 2008 constitution and the start of a dialogue with Suu Kyi. The generals have so far ignored the declaration.
Retracting these demands is probably non-negotiable for some top party members, especially key leaders such as Win Tin, freed in 2008 after 19 years in jail, and Nyan Win, Suu Kyi's lawyer and an NLD spokesman. NLD vice chairman and former general, U Tin Oo, has yet to make a statement. U Tin Oo was released in February after six years of house arrest.
Although Suu Kyi and Win Tin have come out strongly against joining the election process, others, such as party chairman, U Aung Shwe, and central executive committee members, Khin Maung Shwe and Than Nyein, are known to be in favor of re-registration. This, say analysts, could signal a possible split in the NLD.
The NLD is due to hold a meeting on March 29 to decide whether it will participate in the elections. The meeting will be held between some 90 central committee members and the 20-member central executive committee. Some party officials have said that a final decision can only be made after a meeting between Suu Kyi and Aung Shwe. Some reports in the Myanmar exile-run media indicate that re-registration could result in a serious split in the party, with a possible "revolt" among township-level members.
The junta is clearly bidding to capitalize on the opposing views. On March 10 it allowed the reopening of the NLD's offices shuttered in the aftermath of the attack on Suu Kyi's convoy in 2003 that saw the deaths of scores of her supporters at the hands of government-backed thugs. Since then only the NLD's headquarters in Yangon has been permitted to operate.
Party stripes
Ethnic-based parties, some of which represent the political wings of armed insurgent groups, are also divided on whether or not to join the military designed electoral process. Some, such as the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), which had the second-strongest showing in the 1990 elections behind the NLD, have said they will not participate unless their leaders are released and the constitution is reviewed to better reflect ethnic aspirations. The Arakan League for Democracy has likewise said it will not participate unless amendments are made to the constitution that guarantee ethnic rights.
Certain ethnic parties that have chosen to register include the Shan State People's Freedom League for Democracy, led by veteran Shan politician Shwe Ohn, and the Karen People party spearheaded by Simon Tha, a medical doctor who has previously treated senior Myanmar leaders as well as acted as a ceasefire broker between the regime and Karen National Union (KNU).
A third grouping of ethnic parties, including the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP) and the Mon Democracy Party (MDP), have been formed from former members of ceasefire groups. Many analysts perceive this as a double game allowing the ceasefire groups to continue to resist government drives to force them to hand over their weapons while also partaking in the political process.
KSPP leader Manam Tuja was the vice chairman of the insurgent Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) from 1975 to 2009 when he left to form the KSPP. The MDP is also reported to have several New Mon State Party (NMSP) leaders among its members. Both the KIO and the NMSP declined to form political parties and still support their armed wings to maintain a fallback position should the new elected government not meet their expectations.
For parties with known ties to the generals, registration is a non-issue. This includes the Aye Lwin-led Union of Myanmar National Political Force (UMNPF). Although a former political prisoner, Aye Lwin is viewed by activists as being close to the regime and has been criticized for allegedly accepting their financial support. Another party, the 88 Generation Students Union of Myanmar, has deceptively chosen a name similar to the dissident 88 Generation Students composed of former student activists from the 1988 period, many of which, including Min Ko Naing, remain in prison. The 88 Generation Students Union of Myanmar, however, is known to be close to the regime.
The two parties most directly linked to the generals are the National Unity Party (NUP) and the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA). Both are alleged by activists to have already begun what amounts to campaigning prior to the promulgation of the election laws by registering people for party identity cards and making publicized donations to impoverished communities and monasteries. NUP officials reportedly told the visiting UN Human Rights Rapporteur for Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, that they had chosen candidates and formed party policies.
The NUP was the military's party in the annulled 1990 elections, where it received 21% of the vote. The USDA was originally created in 1993 under the auspices of the Ministry of Home Affairs as a social organization and has grown into the regime's mass organization. It is widely believed that the USDA will either transform itself into a political party or perhaps form three separate parties.
There is also widespread speculation that with the USDA's mass support base, the NUP will play a supporting role as the military's main party and allow the USDA to assume a broader base among civil servants and the general population. A growing number of military officers and civil servants have resigned their posts and are believed by observers set to join one or the either military-linked party.
Several other parties of what some observers have dubbed "the third force" have also registered. These parties are not directly linked to the military regime and are also not closely associated with the democracy movement. They include the Democratic Party led by former political prisoner Thu Wai and is supported by the daughters of three previous Myanmar leaders, including the last democratically elected prime minister, U Nu.
The election laws, promulgated on March 8 and announced in the state-run media the following day, have been a source of controversy. The laws cover the formation of an Election Commission, registration of political parties, and three laws covering the Pyithu Hluttaw (People's Parliament), Amyotha Hluttaw (Nationalities Parliament) and the region and state parliamentary elections.
The two laws that have raised the most objections are the Union Election Commission Law and the Political Parties Registration Law. Criticism of the first law centers on the junta's appointment of 17 commissioners who will supervise the election process, including determining who will be eligible to stand for election. The chairman of the commission is U Thein Soe, Vice Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and a former major general and Judge Advocate General.
The commission is charged with interviewing and vetting candidates and has the power to veto any it deems unsuitable. This, critics say, gives it the power to eliminate anyone that the generals may find objectionable for their political views or opposition history. The commission's appointment by the regime also means that any irregularities brought to it against regime-backed candidates will likely not be given an impartial hearing.
The commission will also be empowered to determine whether an election can take place in areas of the country adversely affected by "natural catastrophe or security reasons". This may give the government the ability to avoid holding elections in areas of insurgent activity and even in areas of the Mon, Shan and Kachin States where former ethnic ceasefire groups are now under pressure to join the government's Border Guard Force and transform their political wings into political parties.
Similar objections to the Political Parties Registration Law concern the legal requirement for already recognized parties, including the NLD, to re-register, and a regulation barring persons serving prison sentences or on trial from participating in the election or joining a political party.
The second point will of course bar Suu Kyi along with another 2,100 political prisoners from taking part in the election and effectively eliminate the junta's most prominent opponents. Suu Kyi is also barred from holding office due to a stipulation in the 2008 Constitution that bars anyone married to a foreigner from doing so. She was married to the late British academic Michael Aris.
The law also bars anyone associated with outlawed organizations from taking part in the polls. This will effectively eliminate anyone connected to armed insurgent groups, including likely those that formerly had ceasefires with the regime but have yet to agree to transform into government-controlled border guards, from partaking in the polls.
Although the regime has made it clear that international observers will not be allowed to monitor the polls, party representatives and other local scrutinizers will be allowed to watch the vote count to guard against irregularities. This is the same format used in 1990 elections and experts say will go some way towards preventing the regime's manipulation of the results.
International outcry
At the same time, many in the international community suspected that the regime would angle to sculpt the electoral process in a way to assure victory for its preferred candidates. The new election laws, many analysts say, have largely reinforced this view and amplified international concerns that the elections will be neither free nor fair.
The US has so far been the most vocal critic. Within two days of their promulgation, US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific, Kurt Campbell, told reporters in Kuala Lumpur, "I think it would be fair to say what we have seen so far is disappointing and regrettable." Campbell went on to reiterate the US's demand for the release of Suu Kyi and call for an inclusive dialogue in advance of the elections. State Department spokesman P J Crowley was stronger in his criticism on March 10 when he called the laws "a step in the wrong direction" and that their promulgation "makes a mockery of the democratic process".
During a March 12 press conference in Bangkok, Campbell made it clear that the election laws made it difficult to foster the type of dialogue the US had hoped for between the government and Suu Kyi-led opposition. Although he said that the US would continue to engage with the junta, he also expressed his disappointment by saying, "This is not what we had hoped for and it is a setback." Campbell, who visited Myanmar in November last year, was denied a visa to travel to the country during his current Asian tour, which included various Southeast Asian stops. Washington is reportedly arranging for a future visit.
UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar Quintana told a press conference after delivering his report on the country to the UN Human Rights Council, "Under these conditions, elections in Myanmar cannot be considered credible." On Wednesday, members of the UN Security Council participated in a briefing on the situation in Myanmar, the first such meeting held by the body since August 2009.
Myanmar ally China defended the generals' right to hold elections as it saw fit and referred to them as a domestic matter. A China representative to the UN asked for the international community and the Security Council "to help Myanmar promote a constructive, healthy environment conducive to the coming general election".
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon also called for a meeting of the so-called "Group of Friends on Myanmar" to discuss the junta's new election laws. Established in 2007 after the regime violently crushed Buddhist monk-led protests, the group includes Australia, Britain, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam, and aims to foster an informal discussion and develop shared approaches to back UN efforts in Myanmar.
The junta has long used the prospect of new polls to keep the opposition on the back foot. The junta has announced several times that elections would be held in 2010, but without announcing an exact date or election-related laws the junta's intentions remained unclear. There is still uncertainty over how parties may or may not campaign, although its clear certain military-linked parties have begun in earnest canvassing for votes.
The generals clearly want to avoid a repeat of the 1990 election result that saw military candidates trumped overwhelmingly by the NLD and other opposition parties. The restrictions included in the election laws promulgated so far have stacked the odds against opposition candidates and diminished previous international hopes that the country's transition to democracy would represent meaningful political change. But increasingly it seems Myanmar's upcoming elections will merely hand power from soldiers in khakis to soldiers wearing business suits.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
Asia Times Online - Decision time for Myanmar's opposition
By Brian McCartan
BANGKOK - Myanmar's detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has come out strongly against new military-drafted election laws that bar her participation in the vote, referring to them as "unjust". She has also called on her opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party to boycott the polls, a date for which has yet to be set.
The new election laws are likely to undermine the credibility of the polls scheduled for later this year in the eyes of the international community. Their restrictive nature also means that the national reconciliation that the junta claims its stage-managed transition to democracy will lead to will remain elusive.
Registration began this week for political parties and Myanmar's pro-democracy and ethnic activists now must make some hard choices. Suu Kyi made it clear that her rejection of the laws was her personal opinion and not an order to the NLD, but her words carry much weight in her party and in pro-democracy circles, both within Myanmar and the exile community.
Potential opposition candidates and their nascent parties must now go against the one person who over the years has come to symbolize non-violent political defiance and democratic leadership for many in Myanmar and the international community in choosing to participate in the polls.
Debate over participation in the regime's move towards "discipline democracy" has raged since the junta's draft constitution was approved through a controversial referendum in 2008. For pro-democracy advocates that debate has centered on whether the junta's vision of democracy will allow them any real political space, or simply legitimize military control under the guise of civilian rule.
For ethnic group activists, there is the additional question of whether participation in the polls will advance or diminish hopes held for the establishment of a federal system under democracy that gives autonomy to their peripheral regions.
Pro-participation proponents say that by contesting the elections opposition groups will at least have a seat at the decision-making table and not be completely excluded from the political process. Parties that do not participate in the elections will likely be banned by the regime, making resistance to it even more difficult.
Those opposed believe that no matter how they vote, the military will still effectively be in power and the democratic process will serve to legitimize and perpetuate the ruling regime. They note that the 2008 constitution already provides for military dominance in the two bodies of the national legislature, as well as in regional and state legislatures.
According to the charter, 25% of both houses must be reserved for members put forward by the military. Legislative bills and constitutional amendments must have over 75% of parliament members in order to pass, giving the military de facto veto power over proposed major reforms. With the election laws now promulgated and a May 7 deadline set for the registration of parties, the debate has intensified.
Although some 15 parties have already registered or claim to be intending to register, without the participation of the largest and longest-serving opposition party, the NLD, the elections will likely lack legitimacy in the eyes of the international community.
For Suu Kyi's NLD party, the choice has become even more difficult. Under a new election law governing party registration, persons currently serving prison sentences are barred from forming political parties or standing in elections. This means that should the NLD choose to re-register, they must drop Suu Kyi and some 300 other party members, including 11 of its 100-member Central Committee, all of whom are currently serving prison sentences for political offenses.
In addition to dropping party members, the NLD would also need to backtrack on pledges made to stand by its 2009 Shwegondaing Declaration that it said the junta must honor before the party would participate in the polls. Announced on April 29, 2009, the declaration calls for the release of all political prisoners, recognition of the 1990 election result that the NLD won and the military annulled, a review of the 2008 constitution and the start of a dialogue with Suu Kyi. The generals have so far ignored the declaration.
Retracting these demands is probably non-negotiable for some top party members, especially key leaders such as Win Tin, freed in 2008 after 19 years in jail, and Nyan Win, Suu Kyi's lawyer and an NLD spokesman. NLD vice chairman and former general, U Tin Oo, has yet to make a statement. U Tin Oo was released in February after six years of house arrest.
Although Suu Kyi and Win Tin have come out strongly against joining the election process, others, such as party chairman, U Aung Shwe, and central executive committee members, Khin Maung Shwe and Than Nyein, are known to be in favor of re-registration. This, say analysts, could signal a possible split in the NLD.
The NLD is due to hold a meeting on March 29 to decide whether it will participate in the elections. The meeting will be held between some 90 central committee members and the 20-member central executive committee. Some party officials have said that a final decision can only be made after a meeting between Suu Kyi and Aung Shwe. Some reports in the Myanmar exile-run media indicate that re-registration could result in a serious split in the party, with a possible "revolt" among township-level members.
The junta is clearly bidding to capitalize on the opposing views. On March 10 it allowed the reopening of the NLD's offices shuttered in the aftermath of the attack on Suu Kyi's convoy in 2003 that saw the deaths of scores of her supporters at the hands of government-backed thugs. Since then only the NLD's headquarters in Yangon has been permitted to operate.
Party stripes
Ethnic-based parties, some of which represent the political wings of armed insurgent groups, are also divided on whether or not to join the military designed electoral process. Some, such as the Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD), which had the second-strongest showing in the 1990 elections behind the NLD, have said they will not participate unless their leaders are released and the constitution is reviewed to better reflect ethnic aspirations. The Arakan League for Democracy has likewise said it will not participate unless amendments are made to the constitution that guarantee ethnic rights.
Certain ethnic parties that have chosen to register include the Shan State People's Freedom League for Democracy, led by veteran Shan politician Shwe Ohn, and the Karen People party spearheaded by Simon Tha, a medical doctor who has previously treated senior Myanmar leaders as well as acted as a ceasefire broker between the regime and Karen National Union (KNU).
A third grouping of ethnic parties, including the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP) and the Mon Democracy Party (MDP), have been formed from former members of ceasefire groups. Many analysts perceive this as a double game allowing the ceasefire groups to continue to resist government drives to force them to hand over their weapons while also partaking in the political process.
KSPP leader Manam Tuja was the vice chairman of the insurgent Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) from 1975 to 2009 when he left to form the KSPP. The MDP is also reported to have several New Mon State Party (NMSP) leaders among its members. Both the KIO and the NMSP declined to form political parties and still support their armed wings to maintain a fallback position should the new elected government not meet their expectations.
For parties with known ties to the generals, registration is a non-issue. This includes the Aye Lwin-led Union of Myanmar National Political Force (UMNPF). Although a former political prisoner, Aye Lwin is viewed by activists as being close to the regime and has been criticized for allegedly accepting their financial support. Another party, the 88 Generation Students Union of Myanmar, has deceptively chosen a name similar to the dissident 88 Generation Students composed of former student activists from the 1988 period, many of which, including Min Ko Naing, remain in prison. The 88 Generation Students Union of Myanmar, however, is known to be close to the regime.
The two parties most directly linked to the generals are the National Unity Party (NUP) and the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA). Both are alleged by activists to have already begun what amounts to campaigning prior to the promulgation of the election laws by registering people for party identity cards and making publicized donations to impoverished communities and monasteries. NUP officials reportedly told the visiting UN Human Rights Rapporteur for Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, that they had chosen candidates and formed party policies.
The NUP was the military's party in the annulled 1990 elections, where it received 21% of the vote. The USDA was originally created in 1993 under the auspices of the Ministry of Home Affairs as a social organization and has grown into the regime's mass organization. It is widely believed that the USDA will either transform itself into a political party or perhaps form three separate parties.
There is also widespread speculation that with the USDA's mass support base, the NUP will play a supporting role as the military's main party and allow the USDA to assume a broader base among civil servants and the general population. A growing number of military officers and civil servants have resigned their posts and are believed by observers set to join one or the either military-linked party.
Several other parties of what some observers have dubbed "the third force" have also registered. These parties are not directly linked to the military regime and are also not closely associated with the democracy movement. They include the Democratic Party led by former political prisoner Thu Wai and is supported by the daughters of three previous Myanmar leaders, including the last democratically elected prime minister, U Nu.
The election laws, promulgated on March 8 and announced in the state-run media the following day, have been a source of controversy. The laws cover the formation of an Election Commission, registration of political parties, and three laws covering the Pyithu Hluttaw (People's Parliament), Amyotha Hluttaw (Nationalities Parliament) and the region and state parliamentary elections.
The two laws that have raised the most objections are the Union Election Commission Law and the Political Parties Registration Law. Criticism of the first law centers on the junta's appointment of 17 commissioners who will supervise the election process, including determining who will be eligible to stand for election. The chairman of the commission is U Thein Soe, Vice Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and a former major general and Judge Advocate General.
The commission is charged with interviewing and vetting candidates and has the power to veto any it deems unsuitable. This, critics say, gives it the power to eliminate anyone that the generals may find objectionable for their political views or opposition history. The commission's appointment by the regime also means that any irregularities brought to it against regime-backed candidates will likely not be given an impartial hearing.
The commission will also be empowered to determine whether an election can take place in areas of the country adversely affected by "natural catastrophe or security reasons". This may give the government the ability to avoid holding elections in areas of insurgent activity and even in areas of the Mon, Shan and Kachin States where former ethnic ceasefire groups are now under pressure to join the government's Border Guard Force and transform their political wings into political parties.
Similar objections to the Political Parties Registration Law concern the legal requirement for already recognized parties, including the NLD, to re-register, and a regulation barring persons serving prison sentences or on trial from participating in the election or joining a political party.
The second point will of course bar Suu Kyi along with another 2,100 political prisoners from taking part in the election and effectively eliminate the junta's most prominent opponents. Suu Kyi is also barred from holding office due to a stipulation in the 2008 Constitution that bars anyone married to a foreigner from doing so. She was married to the late British academic Michael Aris.
The law also bars anyone associated with outlawed organizations from taking part in the polls. This will effectively eliminate anyone connected to armed insurgent groups, including likely those that formerly had ceasefires with the regime but have yet to agree to transform into government-controlled border guards, from partaking in the polls.
Although the regime has made it clear that international observers will not be allowed to monitor the polls, party representatives and other local scrutinizers will be allowed to watch the vote count to guard against irregularities. This is the same format used in 1990 elections and experts say will go some way towards preventing the regime's manipulation of the results.
International outcry
At the same time, many in the international community suspected that the regime would angle to sculpt the electoral process in a way to assure victory for its preferred candidates. The new election laws, many analysts say, have largely reinforced this view and amplified international concerns that the elections will be neither free nor fair.
The US has so far been the most vocal critic. Within two days of their promulgation, US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific, Kurt Campbell, told reporters in Kuala Lumpur, "I think it would be fair to say what we have seen so far is disappointing and regrettable." Campbell went on to reiterate the US's demand for the release of Suu Kyi and call for an inclusive dialogue in advance of the elections. State Department spokesman P J Crowley was stronger in his criticism on March 10 when he called the laws "a step in the wrong direction" and that their promulgation "makes a mockery of the democratic process".
During a March 12 press conference in Bangkok, Campbell made it clear that the election laws made it difficult to foster the type of dialogue the US had hoped for between the government and Suu Kyi-led opposition. Although he said that the US would continue to engage with the junta, he also expressed his disappointment by saying, "This is not what we had hoped for and it is a setback." Campbell, who visited Myanmar in November last year, was denied a visa to travel to the country during his current Asian tour, which included various Southeast Asian stops. Washington is reportedly arranging for a future visit.
UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Myanmar Quintana told a press conference after delivering his report on the country to the UN Human Rights Council, "Under these conditions, elections in Myanmar cannot be considered credible." On Wednesday, members of the UN Security Council participated in a briefing on the situation in Myanmar, the first such meeting held by the body since August 2009.
Myanmar ally China defended the generals' right to hold elections as it saw fit and referred to them as a domestic matter. A China representative to the UN asked for the international community and the Security Council "to help Myanmar promote a constructive, healthy environment conducive to the coming general election".
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon also called for a meeting of the so-called "Group of Friends on Myanmar" to discuss the junta's new election laws. Established in 2007 after the regime violently crushed Buddhist monk-led protests, the group includes Australia, Britain, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam, and aims to foster an informal discussion and develop shared approaches to back UN efforts in Myanmar.
The junta has long used the prospect of new polls to keep the opposition on the back foot. The junta has announced several times that elections would be held in 2010, but without announcing an exact date or election-related laws the junta's intentions remained unclear. There is still uncertainty over how parties may or may not campaign, although its clear certain military-linked parties have begun in earnest canvassing for votes.
The generals clearly want to avoid a repeat of the 1990 election result that saw military candidates trumped overwhelmingly by the NLD and other opposition parties. The restrictions included in the election laws promulgated so far have stacked the odds against opposition candidates and diminished previous international hopes that the country's transition to democracy would represent meaningful political change. But increasingly it seems Myanmar's upcoming elections will merely hand power from soldiers in khakis to soldiers wearing business suits.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
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Politics Daily (blog) - The Curious Case of Nyi Nyi Aung
Posted: 03/25/10
Filed Under:Foreign Policy
Six months ago, a man named Nyi Nyi Aung landed at the Yangon International Airport in Myanmar (formerly known as Burma). He had come to Myanmar in the hopes of visiting his mother, who is currently in jail for pro-democracy activities and sick with cancer. Before he could clear customs, Aung's baggage cart was seized by airport personnel and he was told to come into their offices to answer some "personal questions." Although Aung has a background as a human rights activist, and was a prominent leader during Burma's 1988 uprising, he had broken no laws. Perhaps more important, Aung is also an American citizen, which should have provided some insurance against wrongful incarceration.
Once inside the airport offices, Aung said he was interrogated about his political activities and contacts by military security from both the Myanmar Air Force and Navy. He was then handcuffed, blindfolded, and driven for several hours to an unknown destination. While in the car, Myanmar police threatened to beat and kill him. When Aung was finally dropped off at an interrogation center, he was placed in a small, dark room, handcuffed to the table and kicked repeatedly while security officials grilled him on purported terrorist activities.
In an apparent attempt to tie him to illegal activities inside Myanmar, they demanded, Where are the C4 explosives? Where are you hiding the weapons? Where are the satellite phones? Aung, who claims he was innocent of any wrongdoing, answered only that he hoped for national reconciliation and a free, democratic Burma. Security forces were unrelenting in their interrogation, he said, and kept him awake for two weeks while torturing him and denying him food of any kind. On the 14th day, they let him take a shower.
Aung relayed these details to me over the phone this week from suburban Maryland, where he has finally returned after being held for more than six months in a Myanmar jail. Because there was no evidence to support the government's initial terrorism charges, Aung was convicted on trumped-up charges of forging a national identity card, possessing undeclared foreign currency, and failing to renounce his Burmese citizenship when becoming an American citizen. For this, he was sentenced to five years of hard labor.
Last Friday, the Myanmar government announced that they were giving Nyi Nyi Aung an early release because of their "friendship" with the U.S. government. While this gesture was certainly not lost on an administration that is attempting a policy of engagement with the Myanmar military junta, one can safely say that no part of Myanmar's treatment of Nyi Nyi Aung was in any way friendly. But it is perhaps also safe to say that the U.S. response to his abduction and incarceration wasn't exactly angry or contentious, either -- it wasn't much of anything, really. Neither the president nor the secretary of state released a statement after Aung's sentencing -- a pointed counter to Bill Clinton's televised airlift of imprisoned U.S. citizens Euna Lee and Laura Ling a few months earlier. The only response was a brief three-line statement from State Department spokesperson P.J. Crowley, who called Aung's sentencing "unjustified."
For the first 14 days of his incarceration, Aung told me, he felt "very alone." He had no contact with anyone from his family or from the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon. His thoughts, he said, went from being sure that, as a U.S. citizen, his release would be imminent, to fear that the U.S. government was powerless with the Myanmar regime. Aung estimates that on the 18th or 19th day, a deputy from the U.S. Embassy was able to visit him, and assured him that they were "following his case" and that "requests had been filed."
Over the next few months, Aung estimated that consular officials visited him once a month, every two months, and sometimes, every 45 days. In the meantime, he was kept in solitary confinement. Because of his history as a human rights organizer, Myanmar security apparently feared he would find a way to impart his knowledge to other political prisoners, so he was kept as far removed from the rest of the prison population as possible, oftentimes in pens reserved for security dogs. This did not deter him. Aung said: "We just shouted to each other through the walls. Many of the prisoners are much younger than me, so I told them my thoughts about community organizing, about human rights and democracy. I was trying to train them, in a way."
When Aung tried to take up the case of Myanmar's estimated 2,100 political prisoners, U.S. Embassy officials told him "they were unable to discuss political issues." He would ask what, precisely, was being done for incarcerated activists, and their response, he said, was that they were trying, but "the Burmese regime was very difficult." According to Aung, the top U.S. Embassy official in Rangoon never visited him.
In the end, what may have secured Aung's release is a confluence of things. Several weeks ago, the Myanmar junta announced its election law, which, among other things, requires the expulsion of Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from her party, the National League for Democracy, and excludes many pro-democracy activists from running. The international community has responded to the junta's election law with overwhelming criticism. This law holds particular importance for the regime, which is intent on legitimizing its rule via elections scheduled for later this year.
The U.S. State Department, in the meantime, has found itself defending the efficacy of its engagement policy as the Myanmar regime has, in recent months, increased persecution of dissidents, violent attacks on ethnic minorities, and shown an increasingly hostile attitude toward Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest. Nyi Nyi Aung's fiancee, Wa Wa Maw, publicly aired much of her frustration at the lack of progress on Aung's case in an op-ed in The Wall Street Journal. For a regime looking for a distraction and an administration hungry for a win (or just a decisive development on the international stage), perhaps the time for a backroom deal on Nyi Nyi Aung's freedom, 197 days later, had arrived.
When he learned of his impending freedom, Aung said he didn't feel much. "I might have gotten released, but all my colleagues, my family -- they are still in jail. I can't really be happy." And though Aung said he was thankful for efforts by the international community to secure his release, he still wondered: "I know the U.S. government has a lot of responsibilities, but I am an American citizen, too. Why is it that [Missouri resident] John Yettaw [who swam illegally across a lake to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi] was freed so quickly?" Aung further took issue with current U.S.-Myanmar policy: "The U.S. keeps talking about carrots. How many Burmese lives will be lost before they get to the sticks?"
Since he arrived home, Aung has been seeking emergency medical attention for injuries incurred during his interrogation and incarceration. While in jail, Aung remained in considerable pain, and though he received injections of painkillers, Burmese prisons are notorious for transmitting deadly viruses (including Hepatitis and HIV) via contaminated needles. His fiancee has reported that so far tests have come back negative. Right now, she said, her primary focus is on applying for financial assistance to help pay for Aung's mounting medical bills, for which they have no health insurance. "He's in excruciating pain," she said. "I can see it in his face."
Posted: 03/25/10
Filed Under:Foreign Policy
Six months ago, a man named Nyi Nyi Aung landed at the Yangon International Airport in Myanmar (formerly known as Burma). He had come to Myanmar in the hopes of visiting his mother, who is currently in jail for pro-democracy activities and sick with cancer. Before he could clear customs, Aung's baggage cart was seized by airport personnel and he was told to come into their offices to answer some "personal questions." Although Aung has a background as a human rights activist, and was a prominent leader during Burma's 1988 uprising, he had broken no laws. Perhaps more important, Aung is also an American citizen, which should have provided some insurance against wrongful incarceration.
Once inside the airport offices, Aung said he was interrogated about his political activities and contacts by military security from both the Myanmar Air Force and Navy. He was then handcuffed, blindfolded, and driven for several hours to an unknown destination. While in the car, Myanmar police threatened to beat and kill him. When Aung was finally dropped off at an interrogation center, he was placed in a small, dark room, handcuffed to the table and kicked repeatedly while security officials grilled him on purported terrorist activities.
In an apparent attempt to tie him to illegal activities inside Myanmar, they demanded, Where are the C4 explosives? Where are you hiding the weapons? Where are the satellite phones? Aung, who claims he was innocent of any wrongdoing, answered only that he hoped for national reconciliation and a free, democratic Burma. Security forces were unrelenting in their interrogation, he said, and kept him awake for two weeks while torturing him and denying him food of any kind. On the 14th day, they let him take a shower.
Aung relayed these details to me over the phone this week from suburban Maryland, where he has finally returned after being held for more than six months in a Myanmar jail. Because there was no evidence to support the government's initial terrorism charges, Aung was convicted on trumped-up charges of forging a national identity card, possessing undeclared foreign currency, and failing to renounce his Burmese citizenship when becoming an American citizen. For this, he was sentenced to five years of hard labor.
Last Friday, the Myanmar government announced that they were giving Nyi Nyi Aung an early release because of their "friendship" with the U.S. government. While this gesture was certainly not lost on an administration that is attempting a policy of engagement with the Myanmar military junta, one can safely say that no part of Myanmar's treatment of Nyi Nyi Aung was in any way friendly. But it is perhaps also safe to say that the U.S. response to his abduction and incarceration wasn't exactly angry or contentious, either -- it wasn't much of anything, really. Neither the president nor the secretary of state released a statement after Aung's sentencing -- a pointed counter to Bill Clinton's televised airlift of imprisoned U.S. citizens Euna Lee and Laura Ling a few months earlier. The only response was a brief three-line statement from State Department spokesperson P.J. Crowley, who called Aung's sentencing "unjustified."
For the first 14 days of his incarceration, Aung told me, he felt "very alone." He had no contact with anyone from his family or from the U.S. Embassy in Rangoon. His thoughts, he said, went from being sure that, as a U.S. citizen, his release would be imminent, to fear that the U.S. government was powerless with the Myanmar regime. Aung estimates that on the 18th or 19th day, a deputy from the U.S. Embassy was able to visit him, and assured him that they were "following his case" and that "requests had been filed."
Over the next few months, Aung estimated that consular officials visited him once a month, every two months, and sometimes, every 45 days. In the meantime, he was kept in solitary confinement. Because of his history as a human rights organizer, Myanmar security apparently feared he would find a way to impart his knowledge to other political prisoners, so he was kept as far removed from the rest of the prison population as possible, oftentimes in pens reserved for security dogs. This did not deter him. Aung said: "We just shouted to each other through the walls. Many of the prisoners are much younger than me, so I told them my thoughts about community organizing, about human rights and democracy. I was trying to train them, in a way."
When Aung tried to take up the case of Myanmar's estimated 2,100 political prisoners, U.S. Embassy officials told him "they were unable to discuss political issues." He would ask what, precisely, was being done for incarcerated activists, and their response, he said, was that they were trying, but "the Burmese regime was very difficult." According to Aung, the top U.S. Embassy official in Rangoon never visited him.
In the end, what may have secured Aung's release is a confluence of things. Several weeks ago, the Myanmar junta announced its election law, which, among other things, requires the expulsion of Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from her party, the National League for Democracy, and excludes many pro-democracy activists from running. The international community has responded to the junta's election law with overwhelming criticism. This law holds particular importance for the regime, which is intent on legitimizing its rule via elections scheduled for later this year.
The U.S. State Department, in the meantime, has found itself defending the efficacy of its engagement policy as the Myanmar regime has, in recent months, increased persecution of dissidents, violent attacks on ethnic minorities, and shown an increasingly hostile attitude toward Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest. Nyi Nyi Aung's fiancee, Wa Wa Maw, publicly aired much of her frustration at the lack of progress on Aung's case in an op-ed in The Wall Street Journal. For a regime looking for a distraction and an administration hungry for a win (or just a decisive development on the international stage), perhaps the time for a backroom deal on Nyi Nyi Aung's freedom, 197 days later, had arrived.
When he learned of his impending freedom, Aung said he didn't feel much. "I might have gotten released, but all my colleagues, my family -- they are still in jail. I can't really be happy." And though Aung said he was thankful for efforts by the international community to secure his release, he still wondered: "I know the U.S. government has a lot of responsibilities, but I am an American citizen, too. Why is it that [Missouri resident] John Yettaw [who swam illegally across a lake to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi] was freed so quickly?" Aung further took issue with current U.S.-Myanmar policy: "The U.S. keeps talking about carrots. How many Burmese lives will be lost before they get to the sticks?"
Since he arrived home, Aung has been seeking emergency medical attention for injuries incurred during his interrogation and incarceration. While in jail, Aung remained in considerable pain, and though he received injections of painkillers, Burmese prisons are notorious for transmitting deadly viruses (including Hepatitis and HIV) via contaminated needles. His fiancee has reported that so far tests have come back negative. Right now, she said, her primary focus is on applying for financial assistance to help pay for Aung's mounting medical bills, for which they have no health insurance. "He's in excruciating pain," she said. "I can see it in his face."
********************************************************
Sydney Morning Herald - China urges Burma to free political prisoners
BILL VARNER
March 27, 2010
NEW YORK: China has joined Australia and the US in telling Burma's military junta to free all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and allow them to participate in upcoming elections, the United Nations Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, said.
''The government must create conditions that give all stakeholders the opportunity to participate freely in elections,'' Mr Ban said. ''This includes the release of all political prisoners.''
The call came at a meeting of the Group of Friends of Burma on Thursday convened by Mr Ban to review the new electoral laws that disqualify Suu Kyi before the first national polls in 20 years.
The group comprises Australia, Britain, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam.
Mr Ban said the group was ''disappointed'' with the junta's lack of progress towards democratic elections, including electoral laws that ''do not fully measure up to what is needed for an inclusive political process''.
Further pressure was put on the junta when Britain's representative on the Security Council, Sir Mark Lyall Grant, said Britain would back moves to refer Burma's military leaders to the International Criminal Court for investigation into war crimes and crimes against humanity.
He said Britain supported a recommendation by the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma that the court open a war crimes investigation.
However Sir Mark said the Security Council's five permanent members were ''not sufficiently unanimous'' in their views to allow an ICC referral to happen immediately.
The junta announced laws on March 9 that bar participation by Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, a spokesman for her National League for Democracy said. The regulations prohibit them from standing for office and give political parties 60 days to register or face dissolution.
Excluding Suu Kyi and about 2100 other political prisoners from the election may set back attempts by the US President, Barack Obama, to engage with Burma's military, which has ruled since 1962.
The election laws say that political parties must pledge to uphold a constitution approved in a 2008 referendum in which voters were not allowed to cast ballots in secret.
The constitution, approved by 92 per cent of voters, includes a clause effectively barring Suu Kyi from holding office.
China's acquiescence in Mr Ban's statement represented backing for stronger international engagement than its UN ambassador expressed on Thursday when he was asked about possible Security Council action. China has resisted Security Council involvement in Burma.
''A general election, held in any country, is a matter of a sovereign state,'' the Chinese ambassador, Li Baodong, said. ''That should be respected.''
Mr Li also said it was ''very important for the international community and the UN to help Burma to promote a constructive, healthy environment'' for elections.
BILL VARNER
March 27, 2010
NEW YORK: China has joined Australia and the US in telling Burma's military junta to free all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and allow them to participate in upcoming elections, the United Nations Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, said.
''The government must create conditions that give all stakeholders the opportunity to participate freely in elections,'' Mr Ban said. ''This includes the release of all political prisoners.''
The call came at a meeting of the Group of Friends of Burma on Thursday convened by Mr Ban to review the new electoral laws that disqualify Suu Kyi before the first national polls in 20 years.
The group comprises Australia, Britain, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam.
Mr Ban said the group was ''disappointed'' with the junta's lack of progress towards democratic elections, including electoral laws that ''do not fully measure up to what is needed for an inclusive political process''.
Further pressure was put on the junta when Britain's representative on the Security Council, Sir Mark Lyall Grant, said Britain would back moves to refer Burma's military leaders to the International Criminal Court for investigation into war crimes and crimes against humanity.
He said Britain supported a recommendation by the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma that the court open a war crimes investigation.
However Sir Mark said the Security Council's five permanent members were ''not sufficiently unanimous'' in their views to allow an ICC referral to happen immediately.
The junta announced laws on March 9 that bar participation by Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, a spokesman for her National League for Democracy said. The regulations prohibit them from standing for office and give political parties 60 days to register or face dissolution.
Excluding Suu Kyi and about 2100 other political prisoners from the election may set back attempts by the US President, Barack Obama, to engage with Burma's military, which has ruled since 1962.
The election laws say that political parties must pledge to uphold a constitution approved in a 2008 referendum in which voters were not allowed to cast ballots in secret.
The constitution, approved by 92 per cent of voters, includes a clause effectively barring Suu Kyi from holding office.
China's acquiescence in Mr Ban's statement represented backing for stronger international engagement than its UN ambassador expressed on Thursday when he was asked about possible Security Council action. China has resisted Security Council involvement in Burma.
''A general election, held in any country, is a matter of a sovereign state,'' the Chinese ambassador, Li Baodong, said. ''That should be respected.''
Mr Li also said it was ''very important for the international community and the UN to help Burma to promote a constructive, healthy environment'' for elections.
********************************************************
Mar 26, 2010
Straits Times - Election laws not 'inclusive'
JAPAN PUSHES FOR FREE ELECTION
Straits Times - Election laws not 'inclusive'
JAPAN PUSHES FOR FREE ELECTION
TOKYO - JAPANESE Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada summoned Friday an ambassador from Myanmar to tell the military junta to hold a free election including Aung San Suu Kyi.
Okada told ambassador Hla Myint that Japan 'extremely regretted' the junta's decision to bar anyone serving a prison term from being a member of an official party, in effect excluding Suu Kyi from what will be the first national polls in 20 years.
'This clearly differs from a free election that all stakeholders can participate, as Japan wishes,' Okada told a press conference.
Okada said he will discuss the issue next week with fellow foreign ministers at the Group of Eight meeting in Canada, including US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
'I want to exchange views on Myanmar with Secretary Clinton. By coordinating our efforts, I wish to work so that a free and open election can be held,' he said.
Okada said he also reiterated Japan's offer to give aid to Myanmar in exchange for democratisation efforts.
Japan has maintained trade and dialogue with Myanmar, warning a hard line on the military junta could push it closer to neighbouring China, its main political supporter and commercial partner.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) has yet to announce whether it will take part in the polls, which are expected in October or November although the government has still not set a date.
The 64-year-old opposition leader has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years since the previous elections. -- AFP
GENEVA - THE UN Human Rights Council on Friday passed a resolution expressing concern that election laws adopted by Myanmar failed to include the necessary elements to guarantee an inclusive political process.
The resolution, which was slammed by Myanmar for being 'politically motivated' and based on 'unfounded allegations' was adopted without a vote.
The resolution 'expresses concern that the newly adopted electoral laws do not meet the expectations of the international community regarding what is needed for an inclusive political process.' It also 'calls upon the government of Myanmar to ensure a free, transparent and fair electoral process which allows for the participation therein of all voters, all political parties, and all other relevant stakeholders in a manner of their choosing.'
To this end, the resolution strongly urged the ruling junta to release 'without delay and without conditions' the 2,100 political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and to allow them to participate in the upcoming elections. The resolution came on the heels of a call made Thursday by the so-called Group of Friends of Myanmar for Myanmar's military regime to free all political prisoners and to ensure that upcoming polls are inclusive and transparent.
The group comprises Australia, Britain, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam. On Wednesday, the UN Security Council also held closed-door talks on Myanmar.
Myanmar accused the EU of tabling a 'politically motivated draft resolution which totally disregards and disrespects the principles we adhere to.' Myanmar ambassador Wunna
Maung Lwin added that there was 'clear intention to interfere in the internal affairs of Myanmar' and that the resolution 'does not reflect the true situation in the country.'
Okada told ambassador Hla Myint that Japan 'extremely regretted' the junta's decision to bar anyone serving a prison term from being a member of an official party, in effect excluding Suu Kyi from what will be the first national polls in 20 years.
'This clearly differs from a free election that all stakeholders can participate, as Japan wishes,' Okada told a press conference.
Okada said he will discuss the issue next week with fellow foreign ministers at the Group of Eight meeting in Canada, including US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
'I want to exchange views on Myanmar with Secretary Clinton. By coordinating our efforts, I wish to work so that a free and open election can be held,' he said.
Okada said he also reiterated Japan's offer to give aid to Myanmar in exchange for democratisation efforts.
Japan has maintained trade and dialogue with Myanmar, warning a hard line on the military junta could push it closer to neighbouring China, its main political supporter and commercial partner.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) has yet to announce whether it will take part in the polls, which are expected in October or November although the government has still not set a date.
The 64-year-old opposition leader has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years since the previous elections. -- AFP
GENEVA - THE UN Human Rights Council on Friday passed a resolution expressing concern that election laws adopted by Myanmar failed to include the necessary elements to guarantee an inclusive political process.
The resolution, which was slammed by Myanmar for being 'politically motivated' and based on 'unfounded allegations' was adopted without a vote.
The resolution 'expresses concern that the newly adopted electoral laws do not meet the expectations of the international community regarding what is needed for an inclusive political process.' It also 'calls upon the government of Myanmar to ensure a free, transparent and fair electoral process which allows for the participation therein of all voters, all political parties, and all other relevant stakeholders in a manner of their choosing.'
To this end, the resolution strongly urged the ruling junta to release 'without delay and without conditions' the 2,100 political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and to allow them to participate in the upcoming elections. The resolution came on the heels of a call made Thursday by the so-called Group of Friends of Myanmar for Myanmar's military regime to free all political prisoners and to ensure that upcoming polls are inclusive and transparent.
The group comprises Australia, Britain, China, the European Union, France, India, Indonesia, Japan, Norway, Russia, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, the United States and Vietnam. On Wednesday, the UN Security Council also held closed-door talks on Myanmar.
Myanmar accused the EU of tabling a 'politically motivated draft resolution which totally disregards and disrespects the principles we adhere to.' Myanmar ambassador Wunna
Maung Lwin added that there was 'clear intention to interfere in the internal affairs of Myanmar' and that the resolution 'does not reflect the true situation in the country.'
********************************************************
ASIAONE - What do we know about Myanmar's election?
Fri, Mar 26, 2010
AFP - By Martin Petty
BANGKOK - Myanmar's top generals will attend the annual Armed Forces Day parade on Saturday for the final time as the country's leaders as the military prepares to hand over power to an elected civilian government.
The parade will be led by reclusive junta strongman Than Shwe, who says the military top brass will become civilians after this year's long-awaited election. Few, however, believe the military will really transfer power.
Why is Myanmar holding elections?
Sanctions have crippled the resource-rich country, which was the world's top rice exporter when it won independence from Britain in 1948 after more than 120 years of colonial rule.
Although Asian trade is picking up, particularly with China, the regime's refusal to release political prisoners and halt human rights abuses have made it a pariah in the West.
Analysts say Myanmar wants to join the global economy and attract investment. The generals know they must give up power - nominally at least - to achieve this, but they appear to believe the military is the only institution capable of running the country.
What do we know about the polls?
No date has been set for the elections but the generals have unveiled laws governing how the vote will be conducted and who can stand. An election commission comprising people "prominent and of good reputation" has been appointed.
Analysts and Western diplomats believe the junta is holding out on a date to try to get rebellious ethnic groups to take part in the process in an effort to show the country is united. The participation of the big ethnic groups is unlikely.
There is wide speculation the vote will take place sometime in October on a date deemed auspicious to the notoriously superstitious generals.
Who will hold power?
A constitution approved in a disputed 2008 referendum stipulates Myanmar will be run by an elected civilian government, but key ministries such as justice, defence and the interior will be under the control of the military, which will also be granted a quarter of the 440 seats in parliament.
The army commander will remain the country's most powerful figure, senior to an elected president, able to appoint key ministers and with authority to assume power "in times of emergency".
Than Shwe has said his inner circle of army generals will fade from the political scene, but analysts expect them or their proxies to continue to pull the strings.
Than Shwe and Maung Aye, another ageing strongman, will probably retire and hand power to army proteges who will ensure they are insulated from any future recriminations. Junta number three Thura Shwe Mann, 62, is widely tipped to take the top post.
Why is Aung San Suu Kyi sidelined?
The hugely popular Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, remains the biggest threat to the military. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) party won the 1990 poll in a landslide, a result the regime ignored and recently annulled.
Because of her rousing speeches, ability to mobilise pro-democracy activists and popular appeal among more than a dozen armed ethnic groups who deeply resent the Burmese generals, the junta has kept her in detention for 15 of the past 21 years.
It is unlikely she will be freed before the polls, for fear of her influence on the public.
Detained or not, she is unable to run because her late husband was a foreigner, and because of the British citizenship of her children and her criminal record.
Who will be allowed to take part?
The junta recognises 10 political parties. The NLD, the National Unity Party and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy were the top three in the 1990 polls. The NLD plans to announce on March 29 if it will run or not.
There are divisions inside the NLD between those who reject the constitution and modernisers who believe a boycott could render the NLD a spent force. Suu Kyi said on March 23 she wouldn't dream of registering the NLD for the elections, although she also said the decision was not hers to make.
The junta will probably have its own nominee parties fronted by cronies and civilian proxies. With more than 2,000 political activists in prison - and barred from running even if released - the polls will inevitably be far from inclusive.
Two new parties have registered so far, both of them seen as close to the junta. They are the 88 Generation Students of the Union of Myanmar (GSUM) and the Union of Myanmar National Political Force (UMNPF).
Will the West maintain sanctions?
Due to the junta's refusal to free political prisoners and the restrictive election laws, the West is unlikely to lift sanctions, even if the vote is deemed free and fair.
But many pro-democracy advocates say sanctions have been counterproductive, serving only to impoverish the people and make the junta more hidebound. An election that brings change without a full transition to democracy would sharpen the debate over whether sanctions should be removed.
Engagement by Asian neighbours, especially on trade, has done nothing to loosen the junta's grip on power.
Fri, Mar 26, 2010
AFP - By Martin Petty
BANGKOK - Myanmar's top generals will attend the annual Armed Forces Day parade on Saturday for the final time as the country's leaders as the military prepares to hand over power to an elected civilian government.
The parade will be led by reclusive junta strongman Than Shwe, who says the military top brass will become civilians after this year's long-awaited election. Few, however, believe the military will really transfer power.
Why is Myanmar holding elections?
Sanctions have crippled the resource-rich country, which was the world's top rice exporter when it won independence from Britain in 1948 after more than 120 years of colonial rule.
Although Asian trade is picking up, particularly with China, the regime's refusal to release political prisoners and halt human rights abuses have made it a pariah in the West.
Analysts say Myanmar wants to join the global economy and attract investment. The generals know they must give up power - nominally at least - to achieve this, but they appear to believe the military is the only institution capable of running the country.
What do we know about the polls?
No date has been set for the elections but the generals have unveiled laws governing how the vote will be conducted and who can stand. An election commission comprising people "prominent and of good reputation" has been appointed.
Analysts and Western diplomats believe the junta is holding out on a date to try to get rebellious ethnic groups to take part in the process in an effort to show the country is united. The participation of the big ethnic groups is unlikely.
There is wide speculation the vote will take place sometime in October on a date deemed auspicious to the notoriously superstitious generals.
Who will hold power?
A constitution approved in a disputed 2008 referendum stipulates Myanmar will be run by an elected civilian government, but key ministries such as justice, defence and the interior will be under the control of the military, which will also be granted a quarter of the 440 seats in parliament.
The army commander will remain the country's most powerful figure, senior to an elected president, able to appoint key ministers and with authority to assume power "in times of emergency".
Than Shwe has said his inner circle of army generals will fade from the political scene, but analysts expect them or their proxies to continue to pull the strings.
Than Shwe and Maung Aye, another ageing strongman, will probably retire and hand power to army proteges who will ensure they are insulated from any future recriminations. Junta number three Thura Shwe Mann, 62, is widely tipped to take the top post.
Why is Aung San Suu Kyi sidelined?
The hugely popular Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, remains the biggest threat to the military. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) party won the 1990 poll in a landslide, a result the regime ignored and recently annulled.
Because of her rousing speeches, ability to mobilise pro-democracy activists and popular appeal among more than a dozen armed ethnic groups who deeply resent the Burmese generals, the junta has kept her in detention for 15 of the past 21 years.
It is unlikely she will be freed before the polls, for fear of her influence on the public.
Detained or not, she is unable to run because her late husband was a foreigner, and because of the British citizenship of her children and her criminal record.
Who will be allowed to take part?
The junta recognises 10 political parties. The NLD, the National Unity Party and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy were the top three in the 1990 polls. The NLD plans to announce on March 29 if it will run or not.
There are divisions inside the NLD between those who reject the constitution and modernisers who believe a boycott could render the NLD a spent force. Suu Kyi said on March 23 she wouldn't dream of registering the NLD for the elections, although she also said the decision was not hers to make.
The junta will probably have its own nominee parties fronted by cronies and civilian proxies. With more than 2,000 political activists in prison - and barred from running even if released - the polls will inevitably be far from inclusive.
Two new parties have registered so far, both of them seen as close to the junta. They are the 88 Generation Students of the Union of Myanmar (GSUM) and the Union of Myanmar National Political Force (UMNPF).
Will the West maintain sanctions?
Due to the junta's refusal to free political prisoners and the restrictive election laws, the West is unlikely to lift sanctions, even if the vote is deemed free and fair.
But many pro-democracy advocates say sanctions have been counterproductive, serving only to impoverish the people and make the junta more hidebound. An election that brings change without a full transition to democracy would sharpen the debate over whether sanctions should be removed.
Engagement by Asian neighbours, especially on trade, has done nothing to loosen the junta's grip on power.
********************************************************
Friday, March 26, 2010
Burma Wants Freedom and Democracy (Weblog)
INTELLIGENCE FROM BURMA POLICE DEFECTOR
Please forward
Contact: Roland Watson
roland@dictatorwatch.org
Dictator Watch has been given the results of the debriefing of a new defector out of Burma, Inspector Soe Min of the Pa-an Police Force, Karen State. He was responsible for forty subordinate officers.
Soe Min fled because one of his subordinates lost a patrol car, for which loss he was held responsible. He is presently in hiding in a large Thai city.
He was actively involved in rigging the results of the 2008 Constitutional Referendum (to see that the referendum passed), and which steps he confirms will also be used in the upcoming 2010 election.
Soe Min was ordered by his superior officer, Maung Maung, to block all “No” votes on the referendum. He was told to discard such ballots, and to replace them with false “Yes” votes.
He ordered his subordinate officers to visit all the townships under his command and tell the local USDA, Fire Brigade and other pro-SPDC factions to collect “Yes” votes from the population. These organizations threatened the people such that many individuals did in fact vote “Yes.” Still, the “No” vote was over 50% of the total. These votes were destroyed. The police pocketed the ballots at the polling stations, and then tore them up later. They were substituted with fake “Yes” ballots. Over half of the entire count for Pa-an was completely fraudulent.
Before his defection, Soe Min learned that the same actions will be conducted in the upcoming election. In addition, convicts are being recruited to vote for the SPDC in return for release or other forms of leniency.
Soe Min’s information, which for the referendum has been duplicated many times by sources from other parts of Burma, has an important implication:
The 2010 election will unquestionably be rigged. This in turn begs the question of why anyone would want to participate in it, either as a candidate or voter. Any candidate who is truly for democracy is certain to be defeated. The only candidates who will win seats will be people who want to join the SPDC and share in its corruption. For the voters, individuals who intend to choose pro-democracy candidates are naïve to believe that their votes will actually count. Instead, they will be changed and given to pro-junta candidates. Other than the relatives of the SPDC and its cronies, the only other people who will vote will be individuals who have been forced to do so.
Under no circumstances whatsoever will the election legitimately reflect the will of the people of Burma. It does not matter whether the NLD chooses to register or not – although once hopes the organization will follow Daw Suu’s principled and courageous lead. No matter what happens, the entire exercise is doomed to be a fraud.
DICTATOR WATCH
(www.dictatorwatch.org)
Burma Wants Freedom and Democracy (Weblog)
INTELLIGENCE FROM BURMA POLICE DEFECTOR
Please forward
Contact: Roland Watson
roland@dictatorwatch.org
Dictator Watch has been given the results of the debriefing of a new defector out of Burma, Inspector Soe Min of the Pa-an Police Force, Karen State. He was responsible for forty subordinate officers.
Soe Min fled because one of his subordinates lost a patrol car, for which loss he was held responsible. He is presently in hiding in a large Thai city.
He was actively involved in rigging the results of the 2008 Constitutional Referendum (to see that the referendum passed), and which steps he confirms will also be used in the upcoming 2010 election.
Soe Min was ordered by his superior officer, Maung Maung, to block all “No” votes on the referendum. He was told to discard such ballots, and to replace them with false “Yes” votes.
He ordered his subordinate officers to visit all the townships under his command and tell the local USDA, Fire Brigade and other pro-SPDC factions to collect “Yes” votes from the population. These organizations threatened the people such that many individuals did in fact vote “Yes.” Still, the “No” vote was over 50% of the total. These votes were destroyed. The police pocketed the ballots at the polling stations, and then tore them up later. They were substituted with fake “Yes” ballots. Over half of the entire count for Pa-an was completely fraudulent.
Before his defection, Soe Min learned that the same actions will be conducted in the upcoming election. In addition, convicts are being recruited to vote for the SPDC in return for release or other forms of leniency.
Soe Min’s information, which for the referendum has been duplicated many times by sources from other parts of Burma, has an important implication:
The 2010 election will unquestionably be rigged. This in turn begs the question of why anyone would want to participate in it, either as a candidate or voter. Any candidate who is truly for democracy is certain to be defeated. The only candidates who will win seats will be people who want to join the SPDC and share in its corruption. For the voters, individuals who intend to choose pro-democracy candidates are naïve to believe that their votes will actually count. Instead, they will be changed and given to pro-junta candidates. Other than the relatives of the SPDC and its cronies, the only other people who will vote will be individuals who have been forced to do so.
Under no circumstances whatsoever will the election legitimately reflect the will of the people of Burma. It does not matter whether the NLD chooses to register or not – although once hopes the organization will follow Daw Suu’s principled and courageous lead. No matter what happens, the entire exercise is doomed to be a fraud.
DICTATOR WATCH
(www.dictatorwatch.org)
********************************************************
BURMA: To Contest or Not? Suu Kyi’s Party Faces Tough Elections Test
By Analysis - Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Mar 26 , 2010 (IPS) - Is pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi condemning the opposition party that she heads in military-ruled Burma to political irrelevance or, worse still, a burial ahead of forthcoming elections?
That is the question gnawing at the National League for Democracy (NLD), whose 20-member central executive committee and 110-member central committee are set to decide on Mar. 29 if the party will contest this year’s poll.
The tough decision for the party to make follows Suu Kyi’s unequivocal statement asking her party to boycott Burma’s first general election in two decades.
Suu Kyi, who has been shut away for over 14 of the past 20 years, conveyed her views on Mar. 23 to her party leadership through Nyan Win, her lawyer. "She will never accept registration (of the NLD as party contesting the poll) under unjust laws," Nyan Win said, following a visit to Suu Kyi’s lakeside colonial home in Rangoon, the former capital, where the Nobel Peace laureate is under house arrest.
"But her personal opinion is not to give orders or instructions to the NLD," the lawyer was quoted as saying. "She has asked the NLD to decide democratically."
Suu Kyi’s comments come in the wake of five election laws that the junta released in recent weeks, confirming that it was on course to meet its promised 2010 general election to create a "discipline flourishing democracy."
Yet while these laws also appear to be designed to exclude the likes of Suu Kyi, the NLD and other political figures from the electoral process, rather than pushing a free and fair election that the international community has demanded.
The NLD, which is among the 10 existing political parties, was asked to re- register in order to contest the poll, the date of which has yet to be announced.
But registration under the new election laws means accepting the junta’s invalidation of the results of the 1990 general poll, which the NLD won with a thumping majority but the military-regime refused to recognise and officially abrogated this month.
Through the new party registration law, the junta in Burma, or Myanmar, as it is also called, has forced the NLD to choose between keeping Suu Kyi in its fold or ensuring its own survival as a party.
After all, the law requires parties to ditch members who were convicted of crimes from contesting the poll – and Suu Kyi was convicted of violating the terms of her house arrest when U.S. national U.S. national John William Yeattaw swam to her home last year.
The excessive powers of the new elections commission, whose decisions cannot be challenged till the next poll, and the tough criteria for candidates to be eligible and to register have also led critics to call the new election laws unjust.
Little wonder why there is disquiet within the NLD ranks in the wake of the remarks of their iconic leader. "It is a very difficult time for NLD members," admits Thein Oo, a party member elected to the 1990 parliament who now lives in exile. "Do we register or not? She is our leader and we cannot separate her from the party."
"We are not surprised by her views," he said during a telephone interview from Mae Sot, a Thai town close to the Burma border. "Everybody knows that this election will not be free and fair, and if the NLD does not contest, the poll will not be credible."
Analysts call this the worst crisis the NLD has faced in its 20-year existence.
If the NLD does not register within a 60-day deadline that ends on May 7, it will be declared a non-existent political entity – at least on paper. Subsequent use of the NLD banner could result in arrests and long prison terms for its party activists.
Since its creation to contest the 1990 poll, the NLD has survived many repressive measures by the junta, including the detention of more than 400 party parliamentarians and activists. The party offices across the country were shut for over a decade, except for the NLD’s Rangoon headquarters.
"My concern is that if the NLD opts out of the elections, it will be abolished as a party," says Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political analyst living in Thailand. "It will help the military government, which wants to keep the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi out of contention."
If the party’s officials vote to follow their leader, it will confirm the position the NLD has always taken – "to make policies based on human rights and justice and always take the moral high ground," he told IPS. "But that will open the NLD to questions if it has concrete policies and a political strategy to come into power."
Analysts say that the fact that Suu Kyi and the party she founded have been "one and the same’ from the start is the NLD’s Achilles heel. "It is quite sad to say they have been deficient in terms of policy formulation on economics, health, foreign policy, and why they deserve to be elected," says David Scott Mathieson, the Burma researcher for Human Rights Watch, the New York- based global rights lobby. "That’s the brass tacks of a political party."
"Sitting out an election such as the one in Burma is not going to change the outcome," Mathieson adds in an interview. "The expectation of a political party, besides governing, is to contest elections."
By Analysis - Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Mar 26 , 2010 (IPS) - Is pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi condemning the opposition party that she heads in military-ruled Burma to political irrelevance or, worse still, a burial ahead of forthcoming elections?
That is the question gnawing at the National League for Democracy (NLD), whose 20-member central executive committee and 110-member central committee are set to decide on Mar. 29 if the party will contest this year’s poll.
The tough decision for the party to make follows Suu Kyi’s unequivocal statement asking her party to boycott Burma’s first general election in two decades.
Suu Kyi, who has been shut away for over 14 of the past 20 years, conveyed her views on Mar. 23 to her party leadership through Nyan Win, her lawyer. "She will never accept registration (of the NLD as party contesting the poll) under unjust laws," Nyan Win said, following a visit to Suu Kyi’s lakeside colonial home in Rangoon, the former capital, where the Nobel Peace laureate is under house arrest.
"But her personal opinion is not to give orders or instructions to the NLD," the lawyer was quoted as saying. "She has asked the NLD to decide democratically."
Suu Kyi’s comments come in the wake of five election laws that the junta released in recent weeks, confirming that it was on course to meet its promised 2010 general election to create a "discipline flourishing democracy."
Yet while these laws also appear to be designed to exclude the likes of Suu Kyi, the NLD and other political figures from the electoral process, rather than pushing a free and fair election that the international community has demanded.
The NLD, which is among the 10 existing political parties, was asked to re- register in order to contest the poll, the date of which has yet to be announced.
But registration under the new election laws means accepting the junta’s invalidation of the results of the 1990 general poll, which the NLD won with a thumping majority but the military-regime refused to recognise and officially abrogated this month.
Through the new party registration law, the junta in Burma, or Myanmar, as it is also called, has forced the NLD to choose between keeping Suu Kyi in its fold or ensuring its own survival as a party.
After all, the law requires parties to ditch members who were convicted of crimes from contesting the poll – and Suu Kyi was convicted of violating the terms of her house arrest when U.S. national U.S. national John William Yeattaw swam to her home last year.
The excessive powers of the new elections commission, whose decisions cannot be challenged till the next poll, and the tough criteria for candidates to be eligible and to register have also led critics to call the new election laws unjust.
Little wonder why there is disquiet within the NLD ranks in the wake of the remarks of their iconic leader. "It is a very difficult time for NLD members," admits Thein Oo, a party member elected to the 1990 parliament who now lives in exile. "Do we register or not? She is our leader and we cannot separate her from the party."
"We are not surprised by her views," he said during a telephone interview from Mae Sot, a Thai town close to the Burma border. "Everybody knows that this election will not be free and fair, and if the NLD does not contest, the poll will not be credible."
Analysts call this the worst crisis the NLD has faced in its 20-year existence.
If the NLD does not register within a 60-day deadline that ends on May 7, it will be declared a non-existent political entity – at least on paper. Subsequent use of the NLD banner could result in arrests and long prison terms for its party activists.
Since its creation to contest the 1990 poll, the NLD has survived many repressive measures by the junta, including the detention of more than 400 party parliamentarians and activists. The party offices across the country were shut for over a decade, except for the NLD’s Rangoon headquarters.
"My concern is that if the NLD opts out of the elections, it will be abolished as a party," says Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese political analyst living in Thailand. "It will help the military government, which wants to keep the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi out of contention."
If the party’s officials vote to follow their leader, it will confirm the position the NLD has always taken – "to make policies based on human rights and justice and always take the moral high ground," he told IPS. "But that will open the NLD to questions if it has concrete policies and a political strategy to come into power."
Analysts say that the fact that Suu Kyi and the party she founded have been "one and the same’ from the start is the NLD’s Achilles heel. "It is quite sad to say they have been deficient in terms of policy formulation on economics, health, foreign policy, and why they deserve to be elected," says David Scott Mathieson, the Burma researcher for Human Rights Watch, the New York- based global rights lobby. "That’s the brass tacks of a political party."
"Sitting out an election such as the one in Burma is not going to change the outcome," Mathieson adds in an interview. "The expectation of a political party, besides governing, is to contest elections."
********************************************************
The Telegraph, Calcutta - India ignores West, invites Myanmar general
SUJAN DUTTA
New Delhi, March 25: Defying western sanctions and a UN resolution, India is preparing to welcome a member of Yangon’s military junta next weekend and is quietly re-equipping the neighbour’s navy, sources in the defence ministry told The Telegraph here today.
Myanmar conveyed its request to India for inshore and offshore patrol boats during a visit by its navy chief, Vice-Admiral Nyan Tun, in the last week of February.
Now Lt Gen Thar Aye, a member of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) — the official name of the military regime in Yangon — is scheduled for a visit to India starting with a briefing at the Eastern Command headquarters in Fort William, Calcutta.
Myanmar has asked for an unspecified number — running into tens — of fast inshore boats and interceptors to patrol its rivers and deltas. These boats are of the type used mostly by the Indian Coast Guard.
Designed on the British Archer class boats and armed with 12.7mm machine guns, India has leased such a vessel to Mauritius. The boat was made at a shipyard in Goa.
Cyclone Nargis took a heavy toll on the Myanmar Navy’s ageing inventory last year. It lost more than 20 vessels and an unknown number of sailors. Most of the Myanmarese navy vessels are of American and Chinese origin.
Indian military supplies to Myanmar rankled the European Union, the US and the UK. The UK, in particular, had objected to the transfer of two British-origin BN 2 Islander surveillance aircraft to Myanmar in 2006 and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown had brought up the subject in talks with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last year.
Despite the objections on Myanmar’s human rights record — opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi continues to be confined — India has steadily sought to improve relations with Myanmar for three important reasons: first, India is wary of the strategic space that China is winning in Myanmar; second, India wants Myanmar to help in tackling insurgents in its Northeast who operate from across the 1,643km-long border and, third, New Delhi is interested in gas supplies from Myanmar.
The visit of the junta member, Lt Gen Thar Aye, who is the commander of the Myanmar army’s Bureau of Special Operations, is of immediate interest in the Northeast. Part of the general’s responsibility covers the division in Myanmar’s Sagaing where Naga militant leader S.S. Khaplang, who heads his own National Socialist Council of Nagaland, is suspected to be based. New Delhi is in talks with the rival NSCN led by Isaac Chi Si Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah.
In January, home secretary G.K. Pillai visited Naypyidaw, the junta’s capital. That was preceded by a visit by the army chief, Gen Deepak Kapoor, in October 2009.
In Calcutta, Lt Gen Thar Aye is scheduled to meet Lt Gen Bikram Singh, on April 5. Lt Gen Bikram Singh is slated to take over as the eastern army commander on March 31 from Lt Gen V.K. Singh who will take over as the army chief on that day.
India has supplied field guns and light artillery to Myanmar, overriding western protests, since 2004. It is training Myanmarese military personnel at INS Garuda in Kochi.
SUJAN DUTTA
New Delhi, March 25: Defying western sanctions and a UN resolution, India is preparing to welcome a member of Yangon’s military junta next weekend and is quietly re-equipping the neighbour’s navy, sources in the defence ministry told The Telegraph here today.
Myanmar conveyed its request to India for inshore and offshore patrol boats during a visit by its navy chief, Vice-Admiral Nyan Tun, in the last week of February.
Now Lt Gen Thar Aye, a member of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) — the official name of the military regime in Yangon — is scheduled for a visit to India starting with a briefing at the Eastern Command headquarters in Fort William, Calcutta.
Myanmar has asked for an unspecified number — running into tens — of fast inshore boats and interceptors to patrol its rivers and deltas. These boats are of the type used mostly by the Indian Coast Guard.
Designed on the British Archer class boats and armed with 12.7mm machine guns, India has leased such a vessel to Mauritius. The boat was made at a shipyard in Goa.
Cyclone Nargis took a heavy toll on the Myanmar Navy’s ageing inventory last year. It lost more than 20 vessels and an unknown number of sailors. Most of the Myanmarese navy vessels are of American and Chinese origin.
Indian military supplies to Myanmar rankled the European Union, the US and the UK. The UK, in particular, had objected to the transfer of two British-origin BN 2 Islander surveillance aircraft to Myanmar in 2006 and British Prime Minister Gordon Brown had brought up the subject in talks with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last year.
Despite the objections on Myanmar’s human rights record — opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi continues to be confined — India has steadily sought to improve relations with Myanmar for three important reasons: first, India is wary of the strategic space that China is winning in Myanmar; second, India wants Myanmar to help in tackling insurgents in its Northeast who operate from across the 1,643km-long border and, third, New Delhi is interested in gas supplies from Myanmar.
The visit of the junta member, Lt Gen Thar Aye, who is the commander of the Myanmar army’s Bureau of Special Operations, is of immediate interest in the Northeast. Part of the general’s responsibility covers the division in Myanmar’s Sagaing where Naga militant leader S.S. Khaplang, who heads his own National Socialist Council of Nagaland, is suspected to be based. New Delhi is in talks with the rival NSCN led by Isaac Chi Si Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah.
In January, home secretary G.K. Pillai visited Naypyidaw, the junta’s capital. That was preceded by a visit by the army chief, Gen Deepak Kapoor, in October 2009.
In Calcutta, Lt Gen Thar Aye is scheduled to meet Lt Gen Bikram Singh, on April 5. Lt Gen Bikram Singh is slated to take over as the eastern army commander on March 31 from Lt Gen V.K. Singh who will take over as the army chief on that day.
India has supplied field guns and light artillery to Myanmar, overriding western protests, since 2004. It is training Myanmarese military personnel at INS Garuda in Kochi.
********************************************************
The New York Times - Despite Authoritarian Rule, Myanmar Art Grows
Published: March 25, 2010
YANGON, Myanmar — The dance music thundered through a crowd of thousands of drunken fans, past the pavilions where skinny women in impossibly high heels gyrated around metal poles and into the streets filled with taxis that ferried partygoers to this free, whiskey-soaked concert in the park.
A dancer at a recent concert in Yangon. Young Burmese are pushing the limits of what the junta allows.
Thxa Soe, a popular musician in Myanmar, performs at a concert in Yangon in early March.
“Our parents don’t allow it, but we do it anyway,” said Zun Pwint Phyu, one of the dancers who endured hours of lascivious stares.
Myanmar is a country where owning a fax machine without a permit is illegal, where even spontaneous gatherings of more than five people are technically banned and where critics of the government are regularly locked away for decades in tiny prison cells.
Yet despite this repression, or perhaps partly because of it, young people here are pushing the limits of what the military government, let alone their parents, considers acceptable art and entertainment.
Art exhibitions, some featuring risky hidden political messages, open nearly every week in Yangon, Myanmar’s main city. Yangon has a festival of underground music, including punk bands, twice a year. Fans of the most popular musical genres, hip-hop and electronic dance music, wear low-slung baggy pants to regularly held concerts here.
U Thxa Soe, a popular artist who mixes traditional “spirit dances” with something resembling techno music, said he believed that the government tolerated wild concerts in recent years partly because it suited its strategy of control. “You need to squeeze and release, squeeze and release,” he said.
“We live in fear,” he said. “We live under a dictatorship. People need fresh air. They release their anger, their energy.”
The success of artists like Mr. Thxa Soe undermines Myanmar’s often monochromatic image as a place of zero freedoms. This country, formerly known as Burma, is by many measures a brutally authoritarian place — human rights groups count 2,100 political prisoners.
But even if the generals willed it, people here say, the government would probably not be able to pull off North Korean-style totalitarianism. Society here is too unruly, disorganized and corrupt; people are too creative, the climate too hot for 24-hour repression.
The police are famously brutal, but they, too, suffer from tropical torpor: a common scene is a group of police officers napping in the back of a truck.
Over the past two years, entertainment options have rapidly expanded for residents of the country’s largest cities.
The government has nurtured the creation of a soccer league after years without any organized matches. Soccer games are famously raucous, with fans spewing invective toward the opposing side, ignoring government exhortations to be “polite.”
The number of FM radio stations in Yangon, formerly Rangoon, has gone from just one a few years ago to a handful that play both Burmese and Western-style music. Last year, a private company started up the country’s first television channel dedicated to music videos.
“The government is trying to distract people from politics,” said a Western-educated Burmese businessman who declined to be identified because he thought it might jeopardize his business. “There’s not enough bread, but there’s a lot of circus.”
The contrast between the military government’s heavy-handed authoritarianism and the surprisingly uninhibited entertainment scene can be jarring.
Early this month the leader of the ruling junta, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, observed Peasants Day, a national holiday honoring farmers, with a message addressed to the “Esteemed Peasantry.”
“I wish you, the peasantry, physical and mental well-being and greater success in agricultural farming,” the message said.
By contrast, as night fell at a lakeside fairground in Yangon, security guards had trouble holding back the thousands of fans, who clambered over one another like peasants in revolt. Police officers at times raised their nightsticks menacingly but were largely ignored by the crowd, who had come to see a bill of popular artists playing music that ranged from heavy metal to pop.
One longtime analyst of Myanmar said the government tolerated politics with a small p — gatherings of intellectuals and members of smaller political groups. But it cracks down on Politics, with a capital P, which the analyst defined as anyone who questioned the legitimacy of the military rulers, like groups that support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader and Nobel laureate.
The analyst, like this reporter, did not want to be identified because the junta does not tolerate foreign journalists, aid workers or academics who operate here without permission, which is often denied.
A fan at a concert featuring pop, hip hop and a mix of electronic dance music with traditional dancing in Yangon in early March.
Mr. Thxa Soe said he experienced both the government’s hard-line rigidity and its quirky, laissez-faire side. He is one of the most harassed musicians in the country, constantly called in for reprimands by the censors, who banned 9 of the 12 tracks on a recent album.
They have ordered him to delete other songs over the years from DVDs and CDs and passed a law last year banning his innovative musical style.
Yet in a telling sign of the complexities of Burmese society, his hard-driving music is popular with civil servants. He sometimes jokes with the military intelligence officers assigned to spy on his shows. They are also fans, he said. He was invited to inaugurate the zoo at the country’s new capital, Naypyidaw, several years ago and has been invited back to perform three times.
“Some people in government like me, some people hate me,” Mr. Thxa Soe said.
His songs include “We Have No Money,” a title that appears to have slipped past the censors. Poverty is a delicate topic in Myanmar, because many blame government mismanagement and corruption for the country’s poor economic performance.
Speculating about what kinds of activities the government will tolerate is a regular topic of conversation here, especially among those who push the limits.
Artists say the censorship board’s approval process often seems random and inconsistent.
U Thu Myat Aung, 24, an artist who says he draws inspiration from the British street artist Banksy, hosted the country’s first graffiti show this month, on the eve of Peasants Day.
“We’ve been wanting to do this since 2003, but we weren’t allowed,” Mr. Thu Myat Aung said at the exposition, where women and men spray-painted pieces of plywood. U Nyein Chan Su, an artist whose work has often met with disapproval from the censors, said the government appeared to be particularly wary of abstract art.
“My opinion is that they only allow art they understand,” he said. “They are afraid that artists are doing political things by using contemporary art.”
Mr. Nyein Chan Su cites the example of an artist’s painting that was rejected by the censors that featured impressions of women with contemplative expressions. “They said, ‘Why don’t you paint the women smiling?’ ”
Published: March 25, 2010
YANGON, Myanmar — The dance music thundered through a crowd of thousands of drunken fans, past the pavilions where skinny women in impossibly high heels gyrated around metal poles and into the streets filled with taxis that ferried partygoers to this free, whiskey-soaked concert in the park.
A dancer at a recent concert in Yangon. Young Burmese are pushing the limits of what the junta allows.
Thxa Soe, a popular musician in Myanmar, performs at a concert in Yangon in early March.
“Our parents don’t allow it, but we do it anyway,” said Zun Pwint Phyu, one of the dancers who endured hours of lascivious stares.
Myanmar is a country where owning a fax machine without a permit is illegal, where even spontaneous gatherings of more than five people are technically banned and where critics of the government are regularly locked away for decades in tiny prison cells.
Yet despite this repression, or perhaps partly because of it, young people here are pushing the limits of what the military government, let alone their parents, considers acceptable art and entertainment.
Art exhibitions, some featuring risky hidden political messages, open nearly every week in Yangon, Myanmar’s main city. Yangon has a festival of underground music, including punk bands, twice a year. Fans of the most popular musical genres, hip-hop and electronic dance music, wear low-slung baggy pants to regularly held concerts here.
U Thxa Soe, a popular artist who mixes traditional “spirit dances” with something resembling techno music, said he believed that the government tolerated wild concerts in recent years partly because it suited its strategy of control. “You need to squeeze and release, squeeze and release,” he said.
“We live in fear,” he said. “We live under a dictatorship. People need fresh air. They release their anger, their energy.”
The success of artists like Mr. Thxa Soe undermines Myanmar’s often monochromatic image as a place of zero freedoms. This country, formerly known as Burma, is by many measures a brutally authoritarian place — human rights groups count 2,100 political prisoners.
But even if the generals willed it, people here say, the government would probably not be able to pull off North Korean-style totalitarianism. Society here is too unruly, disorganized and corrupt; people are too creative, the climate too hot for 24-hour repression.
The police are famously brutal, but they, too, suffer from tropical torpor: a common scene is a group of police officers napping in the back of a truck.
Over the past two years, entertainment options have rapidly expanded for residents of the country’s largest cities.
The government has nurtured the creation of a soccer league after years without any organized matches. Soccer games are famously raucous, with fans spewing invective toward the opposing side, ignoring government exhortations to be “polite.”
The number of FM radio stations in Yangon, formerly Rangoon, has gone from just one a few years ago to a handful that play both Burmese and Western-style music. Last year, a private company started up the country’s first television channel dedicated to music videos.
“The government is trying to distract people from politics,” said a Western-educated Burmese businessman who declined to be identified because he thought it might jeopardize his business. “There’s not enough bread, but there’s a lot of circus.”
The contrast between the military government’s heavy-handed authoritarianism and the surprisingly uninhibited entertainment scene can be jarring.
Early this month the leader of the ruling junta, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, observed Peasants Day, a national holiday honoring farmers, with a message addressed to the “Esteemed Peasantry.”
“I wish you, the peasantry, physical and mental well-being and greater success in agricultural farming,” the message said.
By contrast, as night fell at a lakeside fairground in Yangon, security guards had trouble holding back the thousands of fans, who clambered over one another like peasants in revolt. Police officers at times raised their nightsticks menacingly but were largely ignored by the crowd, who had come to see a bill of popular artists playing music that ranged from heavy metal to pop.
One longtime analyst of Myanmar said the government tolerated politics with a small p — gatherings of intellectuals and members of smaller political groups. But it cracks down on Politics, with a capital P, which the analyst defined as anyone who questioned the legitimacy of the military rulers, like groups that support Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader and Nobel laureate.
The analyst, like this reporter, did not want to be identified because the junta does not tolerate foreign journalists, aid workers or academics who operate here without permission, which is often denied.
A fan at a concert featuring pop, hip hop and a mix of electronic dance music with traditional dancing in Yangon in early March.
Mr. Thxa Soe said he experienced both the government’s hard-line rigidity and its quirky, laissez-faire side. He is one of the most harassed musicians in the country, constantly called in for reprimands by the censors, who banned 9 of the 12 tracks on a recent album.
They have ordered him to delete other songs over the years from DVDs and CDs and passed a law last year banning his innovative musical style.
Yet in a telling sign of the complexities of Burmese society, his hard-driving music is popular with civil servants. He sometimes jokes with the military intelligence officers assigned to spy on his shows. They are also fans, he said. He was invited to inaugurate the zoo at the country’s new capital, Naypyidaw, several years ago and has been invited back to perform three times.
“Some people in government like me, some people hate me,” Mr. Thxa Soe said.
His songs include “We Have No Money,” a title that appears to have slipped past the censors. Poverty is a delicate topic in Myanmar, because many blame government mismanagement and corruption for the country’s poor economic performance.
Speculating about what kinds of activities the government will tolerate is a regular topic of conversation here, especially among those who push the limits.
Artists say the censorship board’s approval process often seems random and inconsistent.
U Thu Myat Aung, 24, an artist who says he draws inspiration from the British street artist Banksy, hosted the country’s first graffiti show this month, on the eve of Peasants Day.
“We’ve been wanting to do this since 2003, but we weren’t allowed,” Mr. Thu Myat Aung said at the exposition, where women and men spray-painted pieces of plywood. U Nyein Chan Su, an artist whose work has often met with disapproval from the censors, said the government appeared to be particularly wary of abstract art.
“My opinion is that they only allow art they understand,” he said. “They are afraid that artists are doing political things by using contemporary art.”
Mr. Nyein Chan Su cites the example of an artist’s painting that was rejected by the censors that featured impressions of women with contemplative expressions. “They said, ‘Why don’t you paint the women smiling?’ ”
********************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Human Trafficking Increases on Sino-Burma Border
By ALEX ELLGEE - Friday, March 26, 2010
RUILI, China —Thi Thi Win reminisces about a time when she wore traditional Burmese clothes and walked around her village at sunset. For the best part of her childhood, she considered herself to be lucky—she had two loving parents and food was plentiful.
Until one day when her family was pushed out of their farm by the Burmese army to make way for a highway. One of eight siblings, she knew she had to find work to help her family.
While she was selling some of her families clothes in the local bus station, a man approached her saying he could find her a “factory job” in China. With high hopes, she packed her bags and left for Burma’s booming neighbor.
“He told me I would no longer have to sell my family’s belongings and could buy presents for them within a month,” said Thi Thi Win, who asked that The Irrawaddy not use her real name.
She said her trip to the border was full of excitement. As she looked out the bus window, paddy fields flew past ,and she dreamed of her new life in China. At the bus station, she was greeted by a Chinese man who took her to a teashop where she was given noodles, which she quickly ate.
“The next thing I remember I was in a small room with Burmese girls—they had drugged me,” she said.
“The next couple of hours I spent chatting with the other girls, and they all had the same story. Then they led us out into a room, in front of lot of Chinese men —one man pointed at me.”
That was the moment that the man “bought” her, and without delay or discussion, she was taken to his farm in rural China to be his wife. At first, she refused, and his family was furious. They beat her until she couldn’t take the suffering anymore, and finally gave in.
Like thousands of girls who are trafficked from Burma to China each year, what followed her forced marriage was a life of hardship. The family forbade her to leave the house, and her days were spent housekeeping and cooking, as a way to “repay” the fee they had paid for her.
One day, after a year with the family—what she says felt like a lifetime—the police came to the home and took her into custody. Treated as an illegal immigrant, she was thrown in prison for three months, without an interview or assessment.
Treatment of trafficking victims is a major concern for NGOs that work in the region. They say that China is not doing enough to identify foreign women who have been forced into marriage. Lacking interpreters and proper screening processes, many trafficking victims end up in jail.
Despite the lack of attention to foreign victims, more work has been done to curb domestic trafficking in China.
With most of the trafficking is related to urban migration, the government has spent large sums educating farmers about the dangers of trafficking. China has a total of 1,351 Relief Administrative Centers located at provincial, county and city levels which work with trafficking victims.
Various counter-trafficking training courses have been held for media, trainers, police and key government officials in collaboration with UN agencies and international NGOs. Legal aid for victims has increased with more centers being opened across the country, and China is attempting to improve its prosecution procedure.
Last year, the public security ministry launched a special crackdown. Police across the country rescued 3,455 children and 7,365 women from April to the end of December last year. A total of 1,684 human-trafficking groups were identified and 2,895 trafficking cases were solved with 19 out of 20 suspects arrested.
In March, China's police chief, Meng Jianzhu, called for greater effort in halting trafficking of women and children, saying the crime "grossly violates human rights." Meng vowed zero tolerance for trafficking cases, asking local governments to address economic and social problems that are at the root of rampant human trafficking.
Unfortunately, all this has done little to stop the flow of Burmese women being sold for between 10,000 and 40,000 yuan (US $1,500 to $6,000) into forced marriage. Local grassroots organizations working along the Sino-Burma border believe that more and more women are trafficked across the border each week.
With increasing cases of land confiscation and what the Kachin Woman’s Organization in Thailand calls the Burmese regime's “mismanagement of the economy,” more and more women are leaving for China to survive.
“They have to work so hard in Burma and make very little. When people tell them about jobs in China they are ready to leave the next day,” one KWA worker based on the Sino-Burma border told The Irrawaddy.
Also to blame is China’s one-child policy which has left many of the rural areas with an overwhelming proportion of men. Faced with a life alone, many men jump at the opportunity to buy a Burmese wife and fulfill their dreams of having a child.
Woman support groups report that in many cases the Chinese men only see their newly acquired Burmese wives as a means to continue their family line. The coordinator of one underground woman’s group told The Irrawaddy that once a women gives birth they are often “passed on.”
“All Chinese men want is to have a baby, once the girl has given birth she is often neglected, and we’ve heard many cases where she is sold on to another husband for the same reason,” she said. “Sometimes they are sold on three of four times.”
It’s still very hard for the NGOs to work on the border and most do so clandestinely, especially at this moment of increasing pressure by local authorities.
A US trafficiking reported stated: “Factors that continue to impede progress in anti-trafficking efforts include tight controls over civil society organizations, restricted access of foreign anti-trafficking organizations and the government’s systemic lack of transparency.”
Working underground, NGO workers receive countless calls from parents asking them to find their daughters or from the victims themselves, who are often impossible to reach.
There have been public attempts by the Chinese authorities to work with Burma to prevent trafficking. In line with a bilateral framework agreement signed in Kunming, liason offices have been set up along the border at Ruili and Zhangfeng.
When the Chinese authorities correctly identify a woman to be a trafficking victim, their treatment is reported to be good. However, women are normally returned without rehabilitation and problems often arise when they ask the Burmese border officials to pay for transportation home.
Burma has made some efforts with the passage of the Prevention of Trafficking in Persons Law in 2005. Burma is also in the process of drafting a national-level five-year plan of eliminating human trafficking. Burma signed a memorandum of understanding involving the six-member Greater Mekong Sub region against trafficking in persons in 2004.
Julia Matrip, the head of the Kachin Woman's Association in Thailand, believes the regime is mainly involved in pleasing the international community rather than actually dealing with the problem.
“The number of girls coming across is increasing and if the SPDC really cares, they need to address the root causes of this problem which is economic desperation as a result of their poor management of Burma’s economy,” she said.
To curb the number of girls being trafficked into China, the Burmese authorities have restricted under-18 girls from travelling unaccompanied. However, walking around Ruili’s many massage parlors its clear that many children work in the premises. The women's group recent report titled “Eastward bound” says that 25 percent of trafficking victims are under 18.
Many of the women and children are never heard from again and may never be found as they slowly accept a life of solitude and are unable to communicate with anyone. Those who are rescued risk going back to a life of shame in their villages where their forced marriage in China makes them undesirable as wives.
For Thi Thi Win, she knew she couldn’t return to Burma, because she couldn’t face her village again. Instead, she remains in limbo on the border working as a sex worker to fuel her methamphetamine addiction.
Thi Thi Win picked up a wedding album of probably the most depressing wedding photos ever taken. A Burmese girl, lost and scared, standing with a stunned gaze next to her Chinese “husband.”
“Whatever happens after we escape, we all suffer inside for the rest of our lives,” she said, as she turned the pages of a wedding album of a forced marriage.
By ALEX ELLGEE - Friday, March 26, 2010
RUILI, China —Thi Thi Win reminisces about a time when she wore traditional Burmese clothes and walked around her village at sunset. For the best part of her childhood, she considered herself to be lucky—she had two loving parents and food was plentiful.
Until one day when her family was pushed out of their farm by the Burmese army to make way for a highway. One of eight siblings, she knew she had to find work to help her family.
While she was selling some of her families clothes in the local bus station, a man approached her saying he could find her a “factory job” in China. With high hopes, she packed her bags and left for Burma’s booming neighbor.
“He told me I would no longer have to sell my family’s belongings and could buy presents for them within a month,” said Thi Thi Win, who asked that The Irrawaddy not use her real name.
She said her trip to the border was full of excitement. As she looked out the bus window, paddy fields flew past ,and she dreamed of her new life in China. At the bus station, she was greeted by a Chinese man who took her to a teashop where she was given noodles, which she quickly ate.
“The next thing I remember I was in a small room with Burmese girls—they had drugged me,” she said.
“The next couple of hours I spent chatting with the other girls, and they all had the same story. Then they led us out into a room, in front of lot of Chinese men —one man pointed at me.”
That was the moment that the man “bought” her, and without delay or discussion, she was taken to his farm in rural China to be his wife. At first, she refused, and his family was furious. They beat her until she couldn’t take the suffering anymore, and finally gave in.
Like thousands of girls who are trafficked from Burma to China each year, what followed her forced marriage was a life of hardship. The family forbade her to leave the house, and her days were spent housekeeping and cooking, as a way to “repay” the fee they had paid for her.
One day, after a year with the family—what she says felt like a lifetime—the police came to the home and took her into custody. Treated as an illegal immigrant, she was thrown in prison for three months, without an interview or assessment.
Treatment of trafficking victims is a major concern for NGOs that work in the region. They say that China is not doing enough to identify foreign women who have been forced into marriage. Lacking interpreters and proper screening processes, many trafficking victims end up in jail.
Despite the lack of attention to foreign victims, more work has been done to curb domestic trafficking in China.
With most of the trafficking is related to urban migration, the government has spent large sums educating farmers about the dangers of trafficking. China has a total of 1,351 Relief Administrative Centers located at provincial, county and city levels which work with trafficking victims.
Various counter-trafficking training courses have been held for media, trainers, police and key government officials in collaboration with UN agencies and international NGOs. Legal aid for victims has increased with more centers being opened across the country, and China is attempting to improve its prosecution procedure.
Last year, the public security ministry launched a special crackdown. Police across the country rescued 3,455 children and 7,365 women from April to the end of December last year. A total of 1,684 human-trafficking groups were identified and 2,895 trafficking cases were solved with 19 out of 20 suspects arrested.
In March, China's police chief, Meng Jianzhu, called for greater effort in halting trafficking of women and children, saying the crime "grossly violates human rights." Meng vowed zero tolerance for trafficking cases, asking local governments to address economic and social problems that are at the root of rampant human trafficking.
Unfortunately, all this has done little to stop the flow of Burmese women being sold for between 10,000 and 40,000 yuan (US $1,500 to $6,000) into forced marriage. Local grassroots organizations working along the Sino-Burma border believe that more and more women are trafficked across the border each week.
With increasing cases of land confiscation and what the Kachin Woman’s Organization in Thailand calls the Burmese regime's “mismanagement of the economy,” more and more women are leaving for China to survive.
“They have to work so hard in Burma and make very little. When people tell them about jobs in China they are ready to leave the next day,” one KWA worker based on the Sino-Burma border told The Irrawaddy.
Also to blame is China’s one-child policy which has left many of the rural areas with an overwhelming proportion of men. Faced with a life alone, many men jump at the opportunity to buy a Burmese wife and fulfill their dreams of having a child.
Woman support groups report that in many cases the Chinese men only see their newly acquired Burmese wives as a means to continue their family line. The coordinator of one underground woman’s group told The Irrawaddy that once a women gives birth they are often “passed on.”
“All Chinese men want is to have a baby, once the girl has given birth she is often neglected, and we’ve heard many cases where she is sold on to another husband for the same reason,” she said. “Sometimes they are sold on three of four times.”
It’s still very hard for the NGOs to work on the border and most do so clandestinely, especially at this moment of increasing pressure by local authorities.
A US trafficiking reported stated: “Factors that continue to impede progress in anti-trafficking efforts include tight controls over civil society organizations, restricted access of foreign anti-trafficking organizations and the government’s systemic lack of transparency.”
Working underground, NGO workers receive countless calls from parents asking them to find their daughters or from the victims themselves, who are often impossible to reach.
There have been public attempts by the Chinese authorities to work with Burma to prevent trafficking. In line with a bilateral framework agreement signed in Kunming, liason offices have been set up along the border at Ruili and Zhangfeng.
When the Chinese authorities correctly identify a woman to be a trafficking victim, their treatment is reported to be good. However, women are normally returned without rehabilitation and problems often arise when they ask the Burmese border officials to pay for transportation home.
Burma has made some efforts with the passage of the Prevention of Trafficking in Persons Law in 2005. Burma is also in the process of drafting a national-level five-year plan of eliminating human trafficking. Burma signed a memorandum of understanding involving the six-member Greater Mekong Sub region against trafficking in persons in 2004.
Julia Matrip, the head of the Kachin Woman's Association in Thailand, believes the regime is mainly involved in pleasing the international community rather than actually dealing with the problem.
“The number of girls coming across is increasing and if the SPDC really cares, they need to address the root causes of this problem which is economic desperation as a result of their poor management of Burma’s economy,” she said.
To curb the number of girls being trafficked into China, the Burmese authorities have restricted under-18 girls from travelling unaccompanied. However, walking around Ruili’s many massage parlors its clear that many children work in the premises. The women's group recent report titled “Eastward bound” says that 25 percent of trafficking victims are under 18.
Many of the women and children are never heard from again and may never be found as they slowly accept a life of solitude and are unable to communicate with anyone. Those who are rescued risk going back to a life of shame in their villages where their forced marriage in China makes them undesirable as wives.
For Thi Thi Win, she knew she couldn’t return to Burma, because she couldn’t face her village again. Instead, she remains in limbo on the border working as a sex worker to fuel her methamphetamine addiction.
Thi Thi Win picked up a wedding album of probably the most depressing wedding photos ever taken. A Burmese girl, lost and scared, standing with a stunned gaze next to her Chinese “husband.”
“Whatever happens after we escape, we all suffer inside for the rest of our lives,” she said, as she turned the pages of a wedding album of a forced marriage.
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The Irrawaddy - NLD Youths Reject Party Registration
By KYAW THEIN KHA - Friday, March 26, 2010
National League for Democracy (NLD) youth leaders decided today to reject party registration for this year's planned election, according to members of the NLD's youth wing who attended a meeting at the party's headquarters in Rangoon on Friday.
“Today we all decided not to register to contest the election. This was the main topic of discussion at our meeting, and we came to a unanimous decision,” said Nay Myo Kyaw, an NLD youth leader from Magway Division.
He said that all 51 NLD youth leaders who attended the meeting agreed to continue their peaceful struggle for democracy together with the public.
“Even if the party decides to contest the election, we have already decided against it,” said Myo Min Soe, a youth leader from Rangoon Division.
If the party is dissolved, the NLD youths will find another way to pursue their political goals, he said, without providing any further details.
The youth leaders also decided to uphold the NLD's Shwegondaing Declaration, which calls on the Burmese junta to review the 2008 Constitution, and expressed support for Aung San Suu Kyi, the party's detained leader.
They vowed to follow the decisions of Suu Kyi and other NLD executive members, and asked Tin Oo, the party's vice chairman, to lead the NLD youth until Suu Kyi's release.
They also called on the NLD Central Executive Committee to choose five NLD youth representatives to join the party's highest decision-making body.
In October 2008, more than 100 youth members of the NLD resigned from the party, complaining that they were not allowed to participate in decision-making. The mass resignation came soon after NLD Chairman Aung Shwe announced the appointment of six new youth advisers and a plan to assign ten others to lead youth activities.
The NLD Central Executive Committee and more than 100 party leaders from around the country will gather at the party's headquarters on March 29 to decide whether the party will register or not.
Suu Kyi, who has been legally banned from taking part in the election, recently spoke out against registration, but said she would leave it to the party to decide for itself what it wants to do.
By KYAW THEIN KHA - Friday, March 26, 2010
National League for Democracy (NLD) youth leaders decided today to reject party registration for this year's planned election, according to members of the NLD's youth wing who attended a meeting at the party's headquarters in Rangoon on Friday.
“Today we all decided not to register to contest the election. This was the main topic of discussion at our meeting, and we came to a unanimous decision,” said Nay Myo Kyaw, an NLD youth leader from Magway Division.
He said that all 51 NLD youth leaders who attended the meeting agreed to continue their peaceful struggle for democracy together with the public.
“Even if the party decides to contest the election, we have already decided against it,” said Myo Min Soe, a youth leader from Rangoon Division.
If the party is dissolved, the NLD youths will find another way to pursue their political goals, he said, without providing any further details.
The youth leaders also decided to uphold the NLD's Shwegondaing Declaration, which calls on the Burmese junta to review the 2008 Constitution, and expressed support for Aung San Suu Kyi, the party's detained leader.
They vowed to follow the decisions of Suu Kyi and other NLD executive members, and asked Tin Oo, the party's vice chairman, to lead the NLD youth until Suu Kyi's release.
They also called on the NLD Central Executive Committee to choose five NLD youth representatives to join the party's highest decision-making body.
In October 2008, more than 100 youth members of the NLD resigned from the party, complaining that they were not allowed to participate in decision-making. The mass resignation came soon after NLD Chairman Aung Shwe announced the appointment of six new youth advisers and a plan to assign ten others to lead youth activities.
The NLD Central Executive Committee and more than 100 party leaders from around the country will gather at the party's headquarters on March 29 to decide whether the party will register or not.
Suu Kyi, who has been legally banned from taking part in the election, recently spoke out against registration, but said she would leave it to the party to decide for itself what it wants to do.
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Party literature cannot criticize military: Junta
Friday, 26 March 2010 01:14 Mizzima News
(Mizzima ) - The Burmese military junta, which has rolled out harsh electoral laws for political parties, making it difficult for many to contest, has now come up with rules for political parties while printing their pamphlets, books or election-related printed matter.
Elections have been declared for this year but no date has been announced yet.
The announcement on party literature on March 17, says parties have to register for printing election-related matter with the government under the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act.
For permission to print, the political party needs to seek permission from the country’s notorious Press Scrutiny and Registration Board (PSRB) within 90 days after they register with the Election Commission. The party literature cannot criticize the military and the present regime, the announcement says. The printed material cannot disturb “law and order and tranquility” of the nation, it added.
Moreover, a political party has to deposit 500,000 Kyat (USD 500) for permission to print. The amount will be fully or partially forfeited by the PSRB if a party violates the stringent rules announced.
The 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act prohibits publications or materials that go against the interests of the government. The penalties for violators of this Act range from the banning of an article to seven years in jail.
Friday, 26 March 2010 01:14 Mizzima News
(Mizzima ) - The Burmese military junta, which has rolled out harsh electoral laws for political parties, making it difficult for many to contest, has now come up with rules for political parties while printing their pamphlets, books or election-related printed matter.
Elections have been declared for this year but no date has been announced yet.
The announcement on party literature on March 17, says parties have to register for printing election-related matter with the government under the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act.
For permission to print, the political party needs to seek permission from the country’s notorious Press Scrutiny and Registration Board (PSRB) within 90 days after they register with the Election Commission. The party literature cannot criticize the military and the present regime, the announcement says. The printed material cannot disturb “law and order and tranquility” of the nation, it added.
Moreover, a political party has to deposit 500,000 Kyat (USD 500) for permission to print. The amount will be fully or partially forfeited by the PSRB if a party violates the stringent rules announced.
The 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Act prohibits publications or materials that go against the interests of the government. The penalties for violators of this Act range from the banning of an article to seven years in jail.
********************************************************
DVB News - Human Rights Watch call on the G8 to discuss Burma
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 26 March 2010
Ahead of a planning meeting before the June summit of the G8 group of industrialised countries New York based Human Rights Watch (HRW) has urged ministers to include Burma on the agenda.
The G8 is a grouping of 8 of the leading economies, formed by France in 1975 it also includes the US, Japan, Italy, Canada, the UK, Germany and Russia. This year’s gathering will take place in the Canadian city of Toronto in June.
“One of the reasons that we sent this letter to the G8 is to say; for an international policy towards Burma to have more effect it’s actually got to have more unanimity”… “That’s why we talked about the commission of enquiry and targeted financial sanctions and the elections” said David Mathieson, HRW’s Burma analyst.
The letter points to four main issues. The commission of inquiry refers to Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, who recommended on 8 March, after his last visit to Burma, that the UN should initiate a commission of inquiry into the junta’s alleged crimes against humanity.
HRW petition the G8 to support such an inquiry, HRW believe that the grouping; “can play a crucial role in helping to bring an end to these abuses by supporting an impartial inquiry into violations of international human rights and humanitarian law ” said the letter.
Targeted sanctions were an area that HRW felt was an “important way to bring about improvements in human rights” but Mathieson was concerned that; “I am sure the Russians will try to block it because the Russians are pretty interested in diverting attention from all the murky things that they are doing in Burma”.
The letter urged however that; “those punitive measures to be truly effective and effect change, they must be strengthened, fully implemented, and better coordinated among influential international actors”. With Mathieson further labelling US inability to curtail US oil companies operational in Burma as “hypocrisy”.
The elections naturally were included in the letter and it labelled them likely only to “establish a parliamentary facade for continued military rule” but added that “It may be premature to judge the elections themselves, but it is essential that the electoral process conducted in such conditions of repression not be endorsed in any way by the international community.”
The final point was humanitarian assistance with the letter calling for “increased international assistance” concluding that; “strengthening Burmese communities through humanitarian aid while imposing targeted sanctions on the country’s senior leadership is the best approach to support positive change in this long-suffering country”.
Mathieson meanwhile asserted that Burma’s dire humanitarian situation could become a “regional security issue”.
The grouping is made up largely of countries who have been critical of the military junta with the exception of Russia; “the danger of course is that the Russians will just act petulant and show contempt for human rights which is what they always do and water down any sought of initiative.”
By JOSEPH ALLCHIN
Published: 26 March 2010
Ahead of a planning meeting before the June summit of the G8 group of industrialised countries New York based Human Rights Watch (HRW) has urged ministers to include Burma on the agenda.
The G8 is a grouping of 8 of the leading economies, formed by France in 1975 it also includes the US, Japan, Italy, Canada, the UK, Germany and Russia. This year’s gathering will take place in the Canadian city of Toronto in June.
“One of the reasons that we sent this letter to the G8 is to say; for an international policy towards Burma to have more effect it’s actually got to have more unanimity”… “That’s why we talked about the commission of enquiry and targeted financial sanctions and the elections” said David Mathieson, HRW’s Burma analyst.
The letter points to four main issues. The commission of inquiry refers to Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, who recommended on 8 March, after his last visit to Burma, that the UN should initiate a commission of inquiry into the junta’s alleged crimes against humanity.
HRW petition the G8 to support such an inquiry, HRW believe that the grouping; “can play a crucial role in helping to bring an end to these abuses by supporting an impartial inquiry into violations of international human rights and humanitarian law ” said the letter.
Targeted sanctions were an area that HRW felt was an “important way to bring about improvements in human rights” but Mathieson was concerned that; “I am sure the Russians will try to block it because the Russians are pretty interested in diverting attention from all the murky things that they are doing in Burma”.
The letter urged however that; “those punitive measures to be truly effective and effect change, they must be strengthened, fully implemented, and better coordinated among influential international actors”. With Mathieson further labelling US inability to curtail US oil companies operational in Burma as “hypocrisy”.
The elections naturally were included in the letter and it labelled them likely only to “establish a parliamentary facade for continued military rule” but added that “It may be premature to judge the elections themselves, but it is essential that the electoral process conducted in such conditions of repression not be endorsed in any way by the international community.”
The final point was humanitarian assistance with the letter calling for “increased international assistance” concluding that; “strengthening Burmese communities through humanitarian aid while imposing targeted sanctions on the country’s senior leadership is the best approach to support positive change in this long-suffering country”.
Mathieson meanwhile asserted that Burma’s dire humanitarian situation could become a “regional security issue”.
The grouping is made up largely of countries who have been critical of the military junta with the exception of Russia; “the danger of course is that the Russians will just act petulant and show contempt for human rights which is what they always do and water down any sought of initiative.”
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