Suu Kyi asks court to stop party dissolution
2 hrs 41 mins ago
YANGON (AFP) – Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi filed a lawsuit with Myanmar's Supreme Court Thursday in an attempt to prevent the dissolution of her party under a controversial new election law.
The detained pro-democracy icon's lawyer said two suits were submitted against the top junta leader Senior General Than Shwe, one on behalf of Suu Kyi herself and the other by her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
The Nobel peace laureate asked the court to annul the part of the election law that would have forced the party to oust its detained leader in order to participate in the first polls to be held in two decades.
Instead, her party decided last month to boycott the elections, which are expected to be later this year. The NLD faces dissolution if it fails to re-register by May 6.
In addition, the lawsuits asked for the formation of a parliament made up of lawmakers who won in 1990 elections, her lawyer Kyi Win told reporters.
The Supreme Court is expected to announce Friday whether it will accept the request to hear the matter, he said.
Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory in the 1990 polls, but the junta never allowed it to take office, and placed her under house arrest for 14 of the next 20 years.
Myanmar's new election law nullifies the result of the 1990 polls.
"You can't change the rules during the game," Kyi Win said of the new legislation. "We have to say these matters at the high court if we are allowed."
In February the Supreme Court rejected an appeal by Suu Kyi against her extended house arrest.
The 64-year-old opposition leader had her incarceration lengthened by 18 months in August after being convicted over a bizarre incident in which an American man swam to her lakeside home in Yangon.
Critics dismiss the planned elections as a sham designed to entrench the power of the military which has ruled since 1962.
Myanmar's prime minister and 22 other ministers retired from their military posts this week, in a move seen as converting the leadership to civilian form ahead of elections due this year.
2 hrs 41 mins ago
YANGON (AFP) – Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi filed a lawsuit with Myanmar's Supreme Court Thursday in an attempt to prevent the dissolution of her party under a controversial new election law.
The detained pro-democracy icon's lawyer said two suits were submitted against the top junta leader Senior General Than Shwe, one on behalf of Suu Kyi herself and the other by her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
The Nobel peace laureate asked the court to annul the part of the election law that would have forced the party to oust its detained leader in order to participate in the first polls to be held in two decades.
Instead, her party decided last month to boycott the elections, which are expected to be later this year. The NLD faces dissolution if it fails to re-register by May 6.
In addition, the lawsuits asked for the formation of a parliament made up of lawmakers who won in 1990 elections, her lawyer Kyi Win told reporters.
The Supreme Court is expected to announce Friday whether it will accept the request to hear the matter, he said.
Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory in the 1990 polls, but the junta never allowed it to take office, and placed her under house arrest for 14 of the next 20 years.
Myanmar's new election law nullifies the result of the 1990 polls.
"You can't change the rules during the game," Kyi Win said of the new legislation. "We have to say these matters at the high court if we are allowed."
In February the Supreme Court rejected an appeal by Suu Kyi against her extended house arrest.
The 64-year-old opposition leader had her incarceration lengthened by 18 months in August after being convicted over a bizarre incident in which an American man swam to her lakeside home in Yangon.
Critics dismiss the planned elections as a sham designed to entrench the power of the military which has ruled since 1962.
Myanmar's prime minister and 22 other ministers retired from their military posts this week, in a move seen as converting the leadership to civilian form ahead of elections due this year.
******************************************************
US panel names 13 countries as religious violators
By WILLIAM C. MANN, Associated Press Writer – Thu Apr 29, 12:02 am ET
WASHINGTON (AP) – Saudi Arabia and China are among 13 countries a U.S. government panel named on Thursday as serious violators of religious freedom.
The panel's report also criticized the current and former administrations in Washington for doing far too little to make basic religious rights universal.
That is the goal of the congressional act that founded the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom in 1998. The commission investigates conditions in what it calls "hot spots," where religious freedom is endangered. Its job is to recommend U.S. government policies to improve conditions.
It is a "small but critically important point of intersection of foreign policy, national security and international religious freedom standards," the report said. "Regrettably that small point seems to shrink year-after-year for the White House and he State Department."
This year's list of 13 "countries of particular concern" included all eight named last year — Myanmar, also known as Burma; China; Eritrea; Iran; North Korea; Saudi Arabia; Sudan; and Uzbekistan — plus Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Turkmenistan and Vietnam.
U.S. actions currently in force against the original eight include embargoes, often on top of existing sanctions, and denial of military or financial aid. Sanctions have been waived indefinitely for Saudi Arabia, and Uzbekistan has a waiver of 180 days which remains in force.
President Barack Obama's administration has not officially accepted the 2009 findings or named the specified countries as violators of religious rights. Neither did the administration of President George W. Bush between November 2006 and January 2009.
In addition to the 13 designated the worst violators, the report identified 12 countries on a watch list: Afghanistan, Belarus, Cuba, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Laos, Russia, Somalia, Tajikistan, Turkey and Venezuela.
Thursday's report described violations of religious freedom in Saudi Arabia as "systematic, egregious and ongoing" despite limited reforms implemented by King Abdullah.
"In China, the government continues to engage in systematic and egregious violations of the freedom of religion or belief," the report said. It alleged "a marked deterioration in the past year, particularly in Tibetan Buddhist and Uighur Muslim areas."
It had similar observations for the other countries listed. In Iran, it noted "prolonged detention, torture and executions based primarily or entirely upon the religion of the accused." It said the Tehran government's record deteriorated after contentious elections in June.
The commission's chairman, Leonard Leo, said in a statement that visits to the "hot spots" had found situations "where freedom of religion is obstructed and related human rights are trampled."
He said the report offers important foreign policy solutions that should be implemented. "The report's conclusion is clear," Leo said: "the administration must do more."
By WILLIAM C. MANN, Associated Press Writer – Thu Apr 29, 12:02 am ET
WASHINGTON (AP) – Saudi Arabia and China are among 13 countries a U.S. government panel named on Thursday as serious violators of religious freedom.
The panel's report also criticized the current and former administrations in Washington for doing far too little to make basic religious rights universal.
That is the goal of the congressional act that founded the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom in 1998. The commission investigates conditions in what it calls "hot spots," where religious freedom is endangered. Its job is to recommend U.S. government policies to improve conditions.
It is a "small but critically important point of intersection of foreign policy, national security and international religious freedom standards," the report said. "Regrettably that small point seems to shrink year-after-year for the White House and he State Department."
This year's list of 13 "countries of particular concern" included all eight named last year — Myanmar, also known as Burma; China; Eritrea; Iran; North Korea; Saudi Arabia; Sudan; and Uzbekistan — plus Iraq, Nigeria, Pakistan, Turkmenistan and Vietnam.
U.S. actions currently in force against the original eight include embargoes, often on top of existing sanctions, and denial of military or financial aid. Sanctions have been waived indefinitely for Saudi Arabia, and Uzbekistan has a waiver of 180 days which remains in force.
President Barack Obama's administration has not officially accepted the 2009 findings or named the specified countries as violators of religious rights. Neither did the administration of President George W. Bush between November 2006 and January 2009.
In addition to the 13 designated the worst violators, the report identified 12 countries on a watch list: Afghanistan, Belarus, Cuba, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Laos, Russia, Somalia, Tajikistan, Turkey and Venezuela.
Thursday's report described violations of religious freedom in Saudi Arabia as "systematic, egregious and ongoing" despite limited reforms implemented by King Abdullah.
"In China, the government continues to engage in systematic and egregious violations of the freedom of religion or belief," the report said. It alleged "a marked deterioration in the past year, particularly in Tibetan Buddhist and Uighur Muslim areas."
It had similar observations for the other countries listed. In Iran, it noted "prolonged detention, torture and executions based primarily or entirely upon the religion of the accused." It said the Tehran government's record deteriorated after contentious elections in June.
The commission's chairman, Leonard Leo, said in a statement that visits to the "hot spots" had found situations "where freedom of religion is obstructed and related human rights are trampled."
He said the report offers important foreign policy solutions that should be implemented. "The report's conclusion is clear," Leo said: "the administration must do more."
******************************************************
Myanmar TV says pro-junta group registers for vote
AP - 1 hour 2 minutes ago
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A group aligned with Myanmar's ruling military junta has applied for registration as a political party, the first step to participate in upcoming elections.
Myanmar state television reported the Union Solidarity and Development Party applied Thursday with the Election Commission. It said party leader Thein Sein applied with 26 other members, but gave no further details.
Thein Sein resigned from his military post on Monday along with 22 other Cabinet members in uniform.
The ruling junta founded the Union Solidarity and Development Association, a mass social organization, in 1993.
The elections planned sometime this year are Myanmar's first since 1990. The opposition won those polls, but the military refused to cede power.
AP - 1 hour 2 minutes ago
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A group aligned with Myanmar's ruling military junta has applied for registration as a political party, the first step to participate in upcoming elections.
Myanmar state television reported the Union Solidarity and Development Party applied Thursday with the Election Commission. It said party leader Thein Sein applied with 26 other members, but gave no further details.
Thein Sein resigned from his military post on Monday along with 22 other Cabinet members in uniform.
The ruling junta founded the Union Solidarity and Development Association, a mass social organization, in 1993.
The elections planned sometime this year are Myanmar's first since 1990. The opposition won those polls, but the military refused to cede power.
******************************************************
Activists say Myanmar still too repressive
Published: April 29, 2010 at 12:05 AM
NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar, April 28 (UPI) -- Human Rights Watch called Thursday for international pressure on the Myanmar government to loosen restrictions on aid workers helping rebuild the country.
The international rights organization alleged in a release the government in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, continues to deny basic freedoms and place undue restrictions on aid agencies working in the country since Cyclone Nargis struck May 8, 2008, killing about 140,000 people and affecting about 2.4 million more.
Human Rights Watch called for renewed efforts to free more than 20 imprisoned local aid workers, along with other political prisoners, and to ensure humanitarian aid reaches the entire country.
"Two years after one of the world's worst natural disasters, local aid workers still feel the brunt of continued repression by the military authorities," said Elaine Pearson, the group's deputy Asia director.
The group's report details what it says are continuing violations of rights to free expression, association and movement against aid workers and their organizations by Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council.
Human Rights Watch said there are ongoing difficulties of reconstruction in the country's delta region, including access to water and sanitation, housing, health needs and employment.
The group says the council is failing to use revenues from natural gas sales to adequately support reconstruction efforts and that millions of people are "living in unnecessary poverty fueled by systematic corruption and repression."
"The humanitarian needs of Burma's people for food, clean water, and basic health care are immense because the military government has for so long mismanaged the
economy and put stringent conditions on aid," Pearson said.
Published: April 29, 2010 at 12:05 AM
NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar, April 28 (UPI) -- Human Rights Watch called Thursday for international pressure on the Myanmar government to loosen restrictions on aid workers helping rebuild the country.
The international rights organization alleged in a release the government in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, continues to deny basic freedoms and place undue restrictions on aid agencies working in the country since Cyclone Nargis struck May 8, 2008, killing about 140,000 people and affecting about 2.4 million more.
Human Rights Watch called for renewed efforts to free more than 20 imprisoned local aid workers, along with other political prisoners, and to ensure humanitarian aid reaches the entire country.
"Two years after one of the world's worst natural disasters, local aid workers still feel the brunt of continued repression by the military authorities," said Elaine Pearson, the group's deputy Asia director.
The group's report details what it says are continuing violations of rights to free expression, association and movement against aid workers and their organizations by Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council.
Human Rights Watch said there are ongoing difficulties of reconstruction in the country's delta region, including access to water and sanitation, housing, health needs and employment.
The group says the council is failing to use revenues from natural gas sales to adequately support reconstruction efforts and that millions of people are "living in unnecessary poverty fueled by systematic corruption and repression."
"The humanitarian needs of Burma's people for food, clean water, and basic health care are immense because the military government has for so long mismanaged the
economy and put stringent conditions on aid," Pearson said.
******************************************************
Reuters AlertNet - Repression continues, humanitarian space narrowing in Myanmar - report
29 Apr 2010 15:35:00 GMT
Written by: Thin Lei Win
BANGKOK (AlertNet) - Almost two years after Cyclone Nargis killed nearly 140,000 people in Myanmar, the repression of rights in areas hit by the cyclone continues and the humanitarian space in the country is shrinking instead of growing as originally hoped, a report released on Thursday said.
"Civilians in cyclone-affected areas continue to be subjected to various forms of forced labour, everyday restrictions on movements, and infringements of the rights to freedom of expression and association," according to Human Rights Watch's new report.
It said ongoing international recovery efforts are not accompanied by measures to protect human rights and 21 people who were arrested in the immediate aftermath of the cyclone, for speaking out against the iron-fisted junta's handling of relief efforts, remain in jail.
The report called for their release as well as those of nearly 2,100 political prisoners. It cautioned that while the rise of civil society groups in Myanmar - formed to provide relief to cyclone survivors in the first few weeks before international aid was allowed in - is to be applauded, their existence remains extremely fragile.
The cyclone was the worst to hit Asia since 1991, and the country's ruling generals came under harsh international criticism for initially refusing to allow foreign aid workers into the country.
The government finally relented but progress was slow. Without the government's stringent restrictions in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, the survivors would be much farther down the road to recovery, the report said.
Despite estimated foreign reserves of US$5 billion and income from lucrative natural gas sales, "the Burmese government has failed to adequately support reconstruction efforts that benefit the population," it added, calling the country by its former name.
According to the report, the junta had allocated a mere 5 million kyats (US$50,000) to an emergency fund immediately after the storm.
Aid agencies also have not been able to replicate the same kind of assistance in other parts of Myanmar, the report quoted aid workers as saying. Approximately a third of Myanmar's population lives below the poverty line and maternal mortality is the worst in Asia after Afghanistan.
TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS
Elaine Pearson, HRW's deputy director for Asia, said humanitarian needs are high in Northern Rakhine State, Shan State, eastern Myanmar and the dry zone in Central Myanmar, yet "foreigners continue to face unnecessary travel delays and the need for travel permits" to visit these areas.
"Locals continue to face obstructions, preventing them from reaching and accessing local conditions. Unreasonable bureaucratic delays delayed the renewal of some MOUs (memorandum of understanding) and agreements in order to provide humanitarian assistance," she said.
"It's really a constant negotiation for space and this can be restricted or refused at any time."
According to David Mathieson, co-author of the report, most aid workers expect the humanitarian space to narrow considerably or freeze completely closer to the elections, likely to be held in late 2010.
"Once again, we're seeing that the Myanmar government is putting its sham political process ahead of the needs of its people," Pearson said.
"And this really creates a vicious cycle. As the regime increases the repression and oppression on aid efforts, then donors simply cut or refused to pledge the funds that are really needed to extend humanitarian access."
SMALL IS BEAUTIFUL
Mathieson said international donors should also be aware of the realities on the ground in Myanmar especially when it comes to giving out grants. He pointed out the example of Paung Ku, a major local non-government organisation (NGO) which provides micro grants.
The average size of an aid grant according to Paung Ku was about $3,000 - an amount small village initiatives could absorb - and most of it was in cash, Mathieson said.
"A lot of donors going to Burma do have large grants and $100,000 is very difficult to actually be absorbed in a local community especially for a school, a health clinic or an orphanage," he said.
"People should start thinking a bit smaller, it is the only way for a lot of these (civil society) groups to avoid attention from the central government."
The report also urged international donors to provide the full amounts needed for recovery efforts which are currently under-funded and press the junta to increase its financial contributions.
"The whole country is in urgent need," Mathieson said. "It's not just reaching areas of acute need. It's about consolidating the gains that have already been made. It's really about trying to formalise a lot of the (NGO) presences and slowly expanding."
29 Apr 2010 15:35:00 GMT
Written by: Thin Lei Win
BANGKOK (AlertNet) - Almost two years after Cyclone Nargis killed nearly 140,000 people in Myanmar, the repression of rights in areas hit by the cyclone continues and the humanitarian space in the country is shrinking instead of growing as originally hoped, a report released on Thursday said.
"Civilians in cyclone-affected areas continue to be subjected to various forms of forced labour, everyday restrictions on movements, and infringements of the rights to freedom of expression and association," according to Human Rights Watch's new report.
It said ongoing international recovery efforts are not accompanied by measures to protect human rights and 21 people who were arrested in the immediate aftermath of the cyclone, for speaking out against the iron-fisted junta's handling of relief efforts, remain in jail.
The report called for their release as well as those of nearly 2,100 political prisoners. It cautioned that while the rise of civil society groups in Myanmar - formed to provide relief to cyclone survivors in the first few weeks before international aid was allowed in - is to be applauded, their existence remains extremely fragile.
The cyclone was the worst to hit Asia since 1991, and the country's ruling generals came under harsh international criticism for initially refusing to allow foreign aid workers into the country.
The government finally relented but progress was slow. Without the government's stringent restrictions in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, the survivors would be much farther down the road to recovery, the report said.
Despite estimated foreign reserves of US$5 billion and income from lucrative natural gas sales, "the Burmese government has failed to adequately support reconstruction efforts that benefit the population," it added, calling the country by its former name.
According to the report, the junta had allocated a mere 5 million kyats (US$50,000) to an emergency fund immediately after the storm.
Aid agencies also have not been able to replicate the same kind of assistance in other parts of Myanmar, the report quoted aid workers as saying. Approximately a third of Myanmar's population lives below the poverty line and maternal mortality is the worst in Asia after Afghanistan.
TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS
Elaine Pearson, HRW's deputy director for Asia, said humanitarian needs are high in Northern Rakhine State, Shan State, eastern Myanmar and the dry zone in Central Myanmar, yet "foreigners continue to face unnecessary travel delays and the need for travel permits" to visit these areas.
"Locals continue to face obstructions, preventing them from reaching and accessing local conditions. Unreasonable bureaucratic delays delayed the renewal of some MOUs (memorandum of understanding) and agreements in order to provide humanitarian assistance," she said.
"It's really a constant negotiation for space and this can be restricted or refused at any time."
According to David Mathieson, co-author of the report, most aid workers expect the humanitarian space to narrow considerably or freeze completely closer to the elections, likely to be held in late 2010.
"Once again, we're seeing that the Myanmar government is putting its sham political process ahead of the needs of its people," Pearson said.
"And this really creates a vicious cycle. As the regime increases the repression and oppression on aid efforts, then donors simply cut or refused to pledge the funds that are really needed to extend humanitarian access."
SMALL IS BEAUTIFUL
Mathieson said international donors should also be aware of the realities on the ground in Myanmar especially when it comes to giving out grants. He pointed out the example of Paung Ku, a major local non-government organisation (NGO) which provides micro grants.
The average size of an aid grant according to Paung Ku was about $3,000 - an amount small village initiatives could absorb - and most of it was in cash, Mathieson said.
"A lot of donors going to Burma do have large grants and $100,000 is very difficult to actually be absorbed in a local community especially for a school, a health clinic or an orphanage," he said.
"People should start thinking a bit smaller, it is the only way for a lot of these (civil society) groups to avoid attention from the central government."
The report also urged international donors to provide the full amounts needed for recovery efforts which are currently under-funded and press the junta to increase its financial contributions.
"The whole country is in urgent need," Mathieson said. "It's not just reaching areas of acute need. It's about consolidating the gains that have already been made. It's really about trying to formalise a lot of the (NGO) presences and slowly expanding."
******************************************************
EarthTimes - Myanmar's premier registers party to contest upcoming polls
Posted : Thu, 29 Apr 2010 14:48:43 GMT
Yangon - Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein on Thursday registered a new political party to contest a general election scheduled at an unspecified date this year, state media reports said.
Thein Sein and 27 other ministers and deputy ministers have joined the Union Solidarity and Development Party to contest the polls, Myanmar TV announced.
The announcement followed a mass resignation of former general Thein Sein and more than 22 other government ministers from their army posts on Monday, providing them with the civilian status needed to contest a general election.
Their party is believed to be a new form of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a pro-military mass organization that claims more than 20 million members in Myanmar, where the total population is close to 56 million.
Myanmar's ruling junta has promised an election this year as part of the regime's "seven-step road map to democracy" but the date has not yet been set.
Candidates are not allowed to hold a military rank.
Among those who resigned were Major General Nyan Win, minister of foreign affairs, Colonel Zaw Min, minister for electrical power, former Major General Khin Mg Myint,
Major General Hla Tun, minister for finance and revenue, Brigadier General Thein Zaw, minister of communication and Brigadier General Tin Naing Thein, minister of commerce, said the official, who asked to remain anonymous.
Also on the list were the ministers of interior, social welfare and tourism, four deputy ministers, four members of the public service selection board and two director generals.
In March, the junta passed legislation on the registration of political parties that essentially forced the National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party to choose between dumping their leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, or not contesting the polls.
Under the registration rules, people currently serving prison terms are not permitted to be members of political parties contesting the election. Suu Kyi is currently serving an 18-month house detention term.
The NLD, which won Myanmar's last polls in 1990 by a landslide, has opted not to contest this year's election.
Observers believe that without the NLD and Suu Kyi in the contest, the polls are likely to be neither free nor fair nor anything more than a sham exercise in democracy to cement the military's control over the country's political future.
Myanmar has been ruled by military dictatorships since 1962.
Posted : Thu, 29 Apr 2010 14:48:43 GMT
Yangon - Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein on Thursday registered a new political party to contest a general election scheduled at an unspecified date this year, state media reports said.
Thein Sein and 27 other ministers and deputy ministers have joined the Union Solidarity and Development Party to contest the polls, Myanmar TV announced.
The announcement followed a mass resignation of former general Thein Sein and more than 22 other government ministers from their army posts on Monday, providing them with the civilian status needed to contest a general election.
Their party is believed to be a new form of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a pro-military mass organization that claims more than 20 million members in Myanmar, where the total population is close to 56 million.
Myanmar's ruling junta has promised an election this year as part of the regime's "seven-step road map to democracy" but the date has not yet been set.
Candidates are not allowed to hold a military rank.
Among those who resigned were Major General Nyan Win, minister of foreign affairs, Colonel Zaw Min, minister for electrical power, former Major General Khin Mg Myint,
Major General Hla Tun, minister for finance and revenue, Brigadier General Thein Zaw, minister of communication and Brigadier General Tin Naing Thein, minister of commerce, said the official, who asked to remain anonymous.
Also on the list were the ministers of interior, social welfare and tourism, four deputy ministers, four members of the public service selection board and two director generals.
In March, the junta passed legislation on the registration of political parties that essentially forced the National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party to choose between dumping their leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, or not contesting the polls.
Under the registration rules, people currently serving prison terms are not permitted to be members of political parties contesting the election. Suu Kyi is currently serving an 18-month house detention term.
The NLD, which won Myanmar's last polls in 1990 by a landslide, has opted not to contest this year's election.
Observers believe that without the NLD and Suu Kyi in the contest, the polls are likely to be neither free nor fair nor anything more than a sham exercise in democracy to cement the military's control over the country's political future.
Myanmar has been ruled by military dictatorships since 1962.
******************************************************
Obama blasted on religious freedom
Updated 11h 29m ago
By Aamer Madhani, USA TODAY
A bipartisan U.S. commission on religious freedom says President Obama is softening his stand on protecting the right to one's faith at a time when religious persecution is on the rise, according to an annual report to be released today.
The 11th annual report by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom says Obama's recent call for nations to respect "freedom of worship" rather than "religious freedom" allows regimes to claim they are not oppressing certain religions if those faiths exist in a form acceptable to the regime.
"When you start narrowing the discussion, the signal the administration is sending to the international community is that as long as they prop up a few churches or houses of worship (of minority faiths), there isn't going to be a problem," Leonard Leo, the chairman of the commission, told USA TODAY.
The report also criticizes the administration for failing to nominate an ambassador-at-large for religious freedom.
The ambassador-at-large post, which falls under the State Department, is a requirement of a 1998 law that mandated religious freedom be an aim of U.S. diplomacy.
The commission was established to monitor religious freedom and issue an annual report on U.S. efforts in that area. Commission members are appointed by Congress and the White House. It recommends which countries should be named "countries of particular concern" (or CPCs) for egregious violations and suggests penalties.
Among the 13 countries that the State Department has already named CPCs are Burma, China, Iran, North Korea and Saudi Arabia. The label requires the administration to consider whether to levy sanctions against the nations.
The 2010 annual report notes that Obama spoke about the importance of religious freedom in speeches in Ankara, Turkey, and Cairo early in his term. But since then, Obama has stopped using the term, it says.
The White House disagreed. "The president has spoken clearly and unequivocally about his support for religious freedom," White House spokesman Tommy Vietor said.
Steven Groves, an analyst at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative Washington think tank, said the change in the phrase raises a question about the administration's commitment to confront regimes in the Middle East and elsewhere, especially in Iraq and Iran where minority Christian and Muslim sects have been oppressed and even attacked.
"The term religious freedom carries with it a certain understanding in the international community that is a much broader right than the freedom of worship," Groves said.
The commission report slams U.S.-supported nations, such as Iraq and Pakistan, for failing to protect members of minority faiths who have been targeted with violence or discrimination.
In April 2009 in Ankara, Obama said that "freedom of religion and expression lead to a strong and vibrant civil society that only strengthens the state."
In subsequent speeches in China and Japan, Obama appeared to dial back his vision on religious freedom, according to the report. He referred to "freedom of worship" in Japan on Nov. 14 and used the same phrase in a town hall meeting with Chinese students two days later.
Updated 11h 29m ago
By Aamer Madhani, USA TODAY
A bipartisan U.S. commission on religious freedom says President Obama is softening his stand on protecting the right to one's faith at a time when religious persecution is on the rise, according to an annual report to be released today.
The 11th annual report by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom says Obama's recent call for nations to respect "freedom of worship" rather than "religious freedom" allows regimes to claim they are not oppressing certain religions if those faiths exist in a form acceptable to the regime.
"When you start narrowing the discussion, the signal the administration is sending to the international community is that as long as they prop up a few churches or houses of worship (of minority faiths), there isn't going to be a problem," Leonard Leo, the chairman of the commission, told USA TODAY.
The report also criticizes the administration for failing to nominate an ambassador-at-large for religious freedom.
The ambassador-at-large post, which falls under the State Department, is a requirement of a 1998 law that mandated religious freedom be an aim of U.S. diplomacy.
The commission was established to monitor religious freedom and issue an annual report on U.S. efforts in that area. Commission members are appointed by Congress and the White House. It recommends which countries should be named "countries of particular concern" (or CPCs) for egregious violations and suggests penalties.
Among the 13 countries that the State Department has already named CPCs are Burma, China, Iran, North Korea and Saudi Arabia. The label requires the administration to consider whether to levy sanctions against the nations.
The 2010 annual report notes that Obama spoke about the importance of religious freedom in speeches in Ankara, Turkey, and Cairo early in his term. But since then, Obama has stopped using the term, it says.
The White House disagreed. "The president has spoken clearly and unequivocally about his support for religious freedom," White House spokesman Tommy Vietor said.
Steven Groves, an analyst at the Heritage Foundation, a conservative Washington think tank, said the change in the phrase raises a question about the administration's commitment to confront regimes in the Middle East and elsewhere, especially in Iraq and Iran where minority Christian and Muslim sects have been oppressed and even attacked.
"The term religious freedom carries with it a certain understanding in the international community that is a much broader right than the freedom of worship," Groves said.
The commission report slams U.S.-supported nations, such as Iraq and Pakistan, for failing to protect members of minority faiths who have been targeted with violence or discrimination.
In April 2009 in Ankara, Obama said that "freedom of religion and expression lead to a strong and vibrant civil society that only strengthens the state."
In subsequent speeches in China and Japan, Obama appeared to dial back his vision on religious freedom, according to the report. He referred to "freedom of worship" in Japan on Nov. 14 and used the same phrase in a town hall meeting with Chinese students two days later.
******************************************************
By Agence France-Presse, Updated: 4/29/2010
MSN Philippines News - Myanmar aid barriers hinder cyclone recovery: HRW
Two years after a devastating cyclone struck Myanmar its military regime is continuing to frustrate efforts to provide humanitarian aid to survivors, a leading rights group said Thursday.
With elections expected by the end of the year, 22 aid workers remain behind bars while restrictions on travel are further hampering efforts to deliver much-needed assistance, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said.
"Two years after one of the world's worst natural disasters, local aid workers still feel the brunt of continued repression by the military authorities," said Elaine Pearson, the group's deputy Asia director.
Officials are slow to issue travel permits required to transport aid, while the state is taking a more central role in running humanitarian operations, fanning fears of manipulation, the New York-based group said in a report.
Humanitarian access to the country is "again narrowing ahead of elections," it said.
Restraints on aid delivery and oppressive election regulations targeting opposition political parties show that the junta's mindset "emphasises maintenance of control over the well-being of its citizens," it added.
The military government faced a storm of international criticism over its slow aid response to Cyclone Nargis, which hit the country on May 2-3, 2008, killing more than 138,000 people and severely affecting 2.4 million people.
A deal struck between the international community and the Myanmar government led to an opening up of aid channels, but hopes that could lead to greater access in the future were never realised, HRW said.
UN figures estimate that 100,000 people are still without adequate shelter as the 2010 monsoon season approaches, while the agricultural, health and education sectors remain in dire straits.
International donors should renew pressure on the ruling junta to ensure that aid provisions are increased and political prisoners released ahead of this year's polls, HRW said.
More than 20 aid workers and 2,000 political prisoners are behind bars in the military-ruled country, it noted.
They include well-known comedian and activist Zarganar, who helped organise aid deliveries to victims of the cyclone and is serving a 35-year prison sentence for criticising the generals' response to the disaster.
MSN Philippines News - Myanmar aid barriers hinder cyclone recovery: HRW
Two years after a devastating cyclone struck Myanmar its military regime is continuing to frustrate efforts to provide humanitarian aid to survivors, a leading rights group said Thursday.
With elections expected by the end of the year, 22 aid workers remain behind bars while restrictions on travel are further hampering efforts to deliver much-needed assistance, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said.
"Two years after one of the world's worst natural disasters, local aid workers still feel the brunt of continued repression by the military authorities," said Elaine Pearson, the group's deputy Asia director.
Officials are slow to issue travel permits required to transport aid, while the state is taking a more central role in running humanitarian operations, fanning fears of manipulation, the New York-based group said in a report.
Humanitarian access to the country is "again narrowing ahead of elections," it said.
Restraints on aid delivery and oppressive election regulations targeting opposition political parties show that the junta's mindset "emphasises maintenance of control over the well-being of its citizens," it added.
The military government faced a storm of international criticism over its slow aid response to Cyclone Nargis, which hit the country on May 2-3, 2008, killing more than 138,000 people and severely affecting 2.4 million people.
A deal struck between the international community and the Myanmar government led to an opening up of aid channels, but hopes that could lead to greater access in the future were never realised, HRW said.
UN figures estimate that 100,000 people are still without adequate shelter as the 2010 monsoon season approaches, while the agricultural, health and education sectors remain in dire straits.
International donors should renew pressure on the ruling junta to ensure that aid provisions are increased and political prisoners released ahead of this year's polls, HRW said.
More than 20 aid workers and 2,000 political prisoners are behind bars in the military-ruled country, it noted.
They include well-known comedian and activist Zarganar, who helped organise aid deliveries to victims of the cyclone and is serving a 35-year prison sentence for criticising the generals' response to the disaster.
******************************************************
The Economist - Myanmar's evil junta, The paucity of hope
Apr 29th 2010 | From The Economist print edition
BACK in 1995, The Economist asked Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s opposition leader, now under house arrest, if she saw any hope for her benighted country. “I do not hope,” she replied in her crisp, rather school-mistressy way. “I persevere.” Fifteen years on, hope still seems a frivolous indulgence, despite plans by the ruling junta to stage an election this year that will lead to a notionally civilian government.
This moving account of the regime’s response to a devastating cyclone two years ago is a timely warning against optimism. What kind of government actively impedes the delivery of life-saving aid to its people? By its own, probably drastically understated guess, 138,300 people died or went missing when Cyclone Nargis struck the Irrawaddy delta in May 2008. Yet the junta rejected most foreign offers of assistance. Help from the United Nations, countless NGOs and even the American navy was rebuffed. By the time some aid was allowed in, it was too late for many.
Emma Larkin is the nom de plume of an American living in Bangkok who wrote an earlier book about George Orwell’s links with the country. She secured a visa to visit Myanmar in the aftermath of the cyclone, providing her with a close-up view of the clash between an isolationist regime and an often ignorant outside world. “Does anyone know where I can access the data?” asks a forlorn, newly arrived NGO worker. In Myanmar there are no reliable data, and if there were, access would be denied by the regime.
That makes it hard to write a book whose central question is why the junta behaved so callously. Perhaps it really did fear that the aid effort might provide a pretext for invasion. More likely it was paranoid about allowing foreigners in after the brutality used against rebellious Buddhist monks in September 2007 had outraged popular opinion.
The author is reduced to passing on rumours to explain the inexplicable. There is not much doubt, for example, that the generals are superstitious. But is it really true that, late one night in 2007, the wife of the dictator, “senior general” Than Shwe, went for a walk in Yangon around the Shwedagon, Myanmar’s holiest pagoda, with a dog and a pig on leads? The story is, apparently, widely believed: a dog signifies Monday, a pig Wednesday. Miss Suu Kyi was born on a Tuesday, so the perambulation bound her into powerlessness.
Perhaps soothsayers advised against accepting foreign aid. A cruder suggestion is voiced by a Burmese friend of the author. Than Shwe sees himself as an incarnation of ancient kings, and a king does not bother about how his slaves are doing: “Their death or hardship is not his concern.” That does not stop another story emerging: about the human decency and compassion of a people colonised by their own army who did their best for their afflicted compatriots. Myanmar is indeed an object lesson in perseverance.
Apr 29th 2010 | From The Economist print edition
BACK in 1995, The Economist asked Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s opposition leader, now under house arrest, if she saw any hope for her benighted country. “I do not hope,” she replied in her crisp, rather school-mistressy way. “I persevere.” Fifteen years on, hope still seems a frivolous indulgence, despite plans by the ruling junta to stage an election this year that will lead to a notionally civilian government.
This moving account of the regime’s response to a devastating cyclone two years ago is a timely warning against optimism. What kind of government actively impedes the delivery of life-saving aid to its people? By its own, probably drastically understated guess, 138,300 people died or went missing when Cyclone Nargis struck the Irrawaddy delta in May 2008. Yet the junta rejected most foreign offers of assistance. Help from the United Nations, countless NGOs and even the American navy was rebuffed. By the time some aid was allowed in, it was too late for many.
Emma Larkin is the nom de plume of an American living in Bangkok who wrote an earlier book about George Orwell’s links with the country. She secured a visa to visit Myanmar in the aftermath of the cyclone, providing her with a close-up view of the clash between an isolationist regime and an often ignorant outside world. “Does anyone know where I can access the data?” asks a forlorn, newly arrived NGO worker. In Myanmar there are no reliable data, and if there were, access would be denied by the regime.
That makes it hard to write a book whose central question is why the junta behaved so callously. Perhaps it really did fear that the aid effort might provide a pretext for invasion. More likely it was paranoid about allowing foreigners in after the brutality used against rebellious Buddhist monks in September 2007 had outraged popular opinion.
The author is reduced to passing on rumours to explain the inexplicable. There is not much doubt, for example, that the generals are superstitious. But is it really true that, late one night in 2007, the wife of the dictator, “senior general” Than Shwe, went for a walk in Yangon around the Shwedagon, Myanmar’s holiest pagoda, with a dog and a pig on leads? The story is, apparently, widely believed: a dog signifies Monday, a pig Wednesday. Miss Suu Kyi was born on a Tuesday, so the perambulation bound her into powerlessness.
Perhaps soothsayers advised against accepting foreign aid. A cruder suggestion is voiced by a Burmese friend of the author. Than Shwe sees himself as an incarnation of ancient kings, and a king does not bother about how his slaves are doing: “Their death or hardship is not his concern.” That does not stop another story emerging: about the human decency and compassion of a people colonised by their own army who did their best for their afflicted compatriots. Myanmar is indeed an object lesson in perseverance.
******************************************************
Apr 30, 2010
Asia Times Online - Myanmar ceasefires on a tripwire
By Brian McCartan
BANGKOK - Yet another deadline has passed for ethnic ceasefire groups in Myanmar to join the military as part of a new government-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF). With the rainy season approaching and a transition from military to civilian rule underway, opportunities are dwindling for the ruling junta to force the groups to agree before elections are held later this year.
The former ceasefire groups, including the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA) are the largest of more than 25 groups that have agreed to suspend their armed struggles since 1989.
The Karen National Union (KNU) and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), as well as several other smaller groups, continue to fight the regime in eastern Myanmar. The ceasefire groups were told by the regime’s negotiator, Lieutenant General Ye Myint, they had until April 22 to announce their decisions on joining the military or face military offensives. The deadline was later extended to yesterday.
Observers note that it was the fifth deadline set by the government and question how committed the regime is to backing its threats with force. Four previous deadlines, in October and December 2009 and February and March 2010, passed without consequence. Prior to yesterday’s deadline, negotiations between junta and ceasefire group representatives have been inconclusive.
The groups were told that failure to comply by the deadline would result in revocation of their ceasefire status and they would be considered illegal organizations. With that designation, they would be forced to surrender without the option of retaining their arms. The situation has left many with the feeling that while the conversion of the ceasefire groups to BGFs is a step on the regime's so-called "roadmap to democracy", the generals are not prepared to resume full-scale hostilities while managing the delicate democratic transition.
From a military perspective, analysts belie'e the generals’ window of opportunity has narrowed. The rainy season is only weeks away and most analysts believe there is not enough time for the army to carry out a knockout offensive. The rains make the largely unpaved roads and trails in ceasefire groups’ territories almost impassable, preventing the effective supply of military units to carry out offensive operations.
Two minor skirmishes on April 23 and 24 between the Myanmar Army and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) near the Thai border resulted in no casualties and an army admission that it had made a mistake, thinking their opponents were the still-insurgent SSA-South. Although Wa in areas along the Thai border have started to flee to areas closer to the border or even into Thailand, the armed exchange did not indicate the beginning of full-blown offensive military operations.
The deadline and the expected outlawing of the ceasefire groups will effectively put them outside the election process and ensure that their political wings are unable to form parties and contest the polls, the country's first since 1990. The military annulled the results of those polls and has since maintained an iron-clad grip on power. There is even some question of whether campaigning and voting will take place in the areas controlled by the groups.
The international community will also pay closer attention to Myanmar during the campaign period and the regime is anxious to win a stamp of approval for their tightly controlled transition towards democratic rule. A military campaign with its attendant casualties and human rights abuses would distract international attention from the elections and likely spark new criticism of the junta.
Ethnic aspirations
Under the proposed BGF arrangement, ethnic rebel armies would be reduced in size and their fighters reorganized into battalions under the command of a department in the military. Myanmar officers and non-commissioned officers would be assigned to each battalion, largely in specialist and logistics roles, and the government would be responsible for training, equipping and paying the new units.
The ethnic groups have argued that they cannot allow their military wings to come under government control while issues are still outstanding regarding guarantees for ethnic rights and a hoped for move towards federalism. They say the 2008 constitution, passed in what many consider to have been a rigged referendum, does not do enough to guarantee ethnic rights.
Rather than reject the BGF plan outright, each of the three main ceasefire groups - the Kachin Independence Organization/Army, the UWSA and the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State - have offered counter-proposals.
The Kachin, probably the most politically savvy of the three and the least tainted by allegations of drug trafficking, have called for discussions to amend the constitution to better reflect ethnic aspirations of federalism. They have called for a return to the "Panglong spirit", referring to an agreement reached in 1947 between independence leader General Aung San and representatives from various ethnic groups, including the Kachin and the Shan, that was supposed to guarantee a form of federalism for the country's ethnic groups.
Pressure on the then democratic government to better implement the federalism enshrined in the Panglong Agreement was one of the reasons for the 1962 coup that turned the country into a military dictatorship. This led directly to the Kachin's revolt and enflamed rebellion in nearby Shan State.
As a concession, the Kachin have recently offered to integrate their troops into a "federal army" that would include separate Kachin battalions. The government has rejected the Kachin proposals and Lieutenant General Ye Myint has said in response that "the Panglong era is over".
The UWSA, widely regarded as the world’s largest narco-trafficking militia, presented the regime with a nine-point proposal in November that it has been presented at each follow-up meeting with the regime. They have indicated they would be willing to join the BGF as long as their concerns in the proposal are addressed.
The main points of contention are the control of an area in the south of Shan State along the border with Thailand known as the UWSA's 171 Military Region, the UWSA's control of two townships along the Chinese border that abut on territory controlled by its ally, the NDAA, and, most significantly, its disagreement with assigning Myanmar army officers to BGF battalions.
The Wa believe the area along the Thai border was given as compensation by the regime for the Wa's role in a seven-year war fought against former Mong Thai army leader and drug lord Khun Sa. In 1999, tens of thousands of Wa farmers were relocated to the region, a move the Wa say would be impossible to reverse.
The UWSA revised its proposal in a submission to the junta on April 1, saying it was willing to concede control of two areas along the Thai border and allow for certain positions within the new border guard battalions for Myanmar army officers. The offer was turned down by a junta delegation on April 9 with the demand that the Wa abide by the BGF proposal without any changes. A similar proposal put forward by the NDAA was also rejected.
Prior to each elapsed deadline, reports have circulated of Myanmar Army reinforcements arriving opposite the position of the ethnic fighters and heightened tension among residents in nearby towns and villages. Junta checkpoints have been set up to block the flow of food and other supplies, although this has been largely countered by sourcing items from across the border in China.
Following the March deadline, the junta ordered civil officials and staff of non-governmental organizations working in the area to leave Wa areas by March 24. However, by April 6, United Nations and NGO staff involved in development and opium substitution projects had returned to resume their work.
The army's August 2009 offensive against the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in the Kokang region of northern Myanmar seems to have had little effect on the resolve of the groups to oppose the BGF scheme.
According to Shan and Western observers, the groups have instead learned from the event and taken steps to strengthen cooperation, especially between the UWSA and NDAA. With the deadline looming, the UWSA hosted a meeting with its allies last week to discuss the possibility of Myanmar military operations.
The threats apparently did influence one group, the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N). Its top commander, Major General Loimao, agreed to join the BGF in an April 22 meeting in Lashio with the Myanmar Army's Northeast Command commander, Major General Aung Than Tut. A ceremony was held on April 25 to formalize the transformation of Loimao's headquarters security unit into the Hsengkeow Home Guard Force.
The agreement, however, has reportedly split the 5,000 man SSA-N. The 1st Brigade, the SSA-N's strongest, with some 2,500 fighters under Major General Parngfa, has declared that it will not join the BGF. Soldiers from the SSA-N's other units are reportedly leaving their units to join Parngfa. The group's leader, Major General Hso Ten, is serving a 106-year prison sentence for political offenses.
China factor
Developments in Myanmar's northern border region are of immense importance to China, which has extensive and growing investments in the country's natural resources. Not least of these is the dual oil and gas pipeline from Myanmar's western coast to Kunming in China's southwest. The pipelines, which are expected to go online in 2013, will supply China with oil and gas from the controversial Shwe Gas field off Myanmar's coast as well as from tankers, which will no longer have to travel around the strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
In addition to the pipelines and resource extraction projects, China sees Myanmar as a conduit for products from its landlocked southwestern regions to the outside world and is anxious to prevent any disruption in such flows. China is also known to be concerned about the possibility of instability along the border with its southwest region, which is home to numerous ethnic groups and has had a restive past.
China would like to avoid a repeat of the influx of some 30,000 refugees in the wake of last August's attack in Kokang. Analysts and relief workers believe that fighting against the KIA, UWSA and NDAA would result in many times that number and a refugee problem that could last for years.
Beijing issued a rare rebuke against the junta immediately after the attack on the Kokang and has since increased its military presence along the border. Several visits by high-ranking Chinese officials in the months since are believed to have included discussion of the ethnic ceasefire groups.
Chinese officials and military officers have acted as mediators in discussions between the ceasefire groups and the junta in an attempt to get both sides to soften their positions. One delegation reportedly accompanied the UWSA to talks in February.
The situation of the ceasefire groups will likely be one of the first important issues dealt with by Myanmar's newly elected government next year. Once the elections, expected to take place in October, are over and the new government is installed, the military can resume its pressure on the groups or take military action, analysts suggest.
By then the army will supposedly be under civilian rule in a democratic country rather than the footsoliders of a military dictatorship bent on crushing all of those opposed to its power. It's a distinction the ceasefire groups are no doubt weighing in their refusal to put down their arms and join the BGFs.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
Asia Times Online - Myanmar ceasefires on a tripwire
By Brian McCartan
BANGKOK - Yet another deadline has passed for ethnic ceasefire groups in Myanmar to join the military as part of a new government-controlled Border Guard Force (BGF). With the rainy season approaching and a transition from military to civilian rule underway, opportunities are dwindling for the ruling junta to force the groups to agree before elections are held later this year.
The former ceasefire groups, including the Kachin Independence Organization/Army (KIO/KIA), the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA) are the largest of more than 25 groups that have agreed to suspend their armed struggles since 1989.
The Karen National Union (KNU) and the Shan State Army-South (SSA-S), as well as several other smaller groups, continue to fight the regime in eastern Myanmar. The ceasefire groups were told by the regime’s negotiator, Lieutenant General Ye Myint, they had until April 22 to announce their decisions on joining the military or face military offensives. The deadline was later extended to yesterday.
Observers note that it was the fifth deadline set by the government and question how committed the regime is to backing its threats with force. Four previous deadlines, in October and December 2009 and February and March 2010, passed without consequence. Prior to yesterday’s deadline, negotiations between junta and ceasefire group representatives have been inconclusive.
The groups were told that failure to comply by the deadline would result in revocation of their ceasefire status and they would be considered illegal organizations. With that designation, they would be forced to surrender without the option of retaining their arms. The situation has left many with the feeling that while the conversion of the ceasefire groups to BGFs is a step on the regime's so-called "roadmap to democracy", the generals are not prepared to resume full-scale hostilities while managing the delicate democratic transition.
From a military perspective, analysts belie'e the generals’ window of opportunity has narrowed. The rainy season is only weeks away and most analysts believe there is not enough time for the army to carry out a knockout offensive. The rains make the largely unpaved roads and trails in ceasefire groups’ territories almost impassable, preventing the effective supply of military units to carry out offensive operations.
Two minor skirmishes on April 23 and 24 between the Myanmar Army and the United Wa State Army (UWSA) near the Thai border resulted in no casualties and an army admission that it had made a mistake, thinking their opponents were the still-insurgent SSA-South. Although Wa in areas along the Thai border have started to flee to areas closer to the border or even into Thailand, the armed exchange did not indicate the beginning of full-blown offensive military operations.
The deadline and the expected outlawing of the ceasefire groups will effectively put them outside the election process and ensure that their political wings are unable to form parties and contest the polls, the country's first since 1990. The military annulled the results of those polls and has since maintained an iron-clad grip on power. There is even some question of whether campaigning and voting will take place in the areas controlled by the groups.
The international community will also pay closer attention to Myanmar during the campaign period and the regime is anxious to win a stamp of approval for their tightly controlled transition towards democratic rule. A military campaign with its attendant casualties and human rights abuses would distract international attention from the elections and likely spark new criticism of the junta.
Ethnic aspirations
Under the proposed BGF arrangement, ethnic rebel armies would be reduced in size and their fighters reorganized into battalions under the command of a department in the military. Myanmar officers and non-commissioned officers would be assigned to each battalion, largely in specialist and logistics roles, and the government would be responsible for training, equipping and paying the new units.
The ethnic groups have argued that they cannot allow their military wings to come under government control while issues are still outstanding regarding guarantees for ethnic rights and a hoped for move towards federalism. They say the 2008 constitution, passed in what many consider to have been a rigged referendum, does not do enough to guarantee ethnic rights.
Rather than reject the BGF plan outright, each of the three main ceasefire groups - the Kachin Independence Organization/Army, the UWSA and the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State - have offered counter-proposals.
The Kachin, probably the most politically savvy of the three and the least tainted by allegations of drug trafficking, have called for discussions to amend the constitution to better reflect ethnic aspirations of federalism. They have called for a return to the "Panglong spirit", referring to an agreement reached in 1947 between independence leader General Aung San and representatives from various ethnic groups, including the Kachin and the Shan, that was supposed to guarantee a form of federalism for the country's ethnic groups.
Pressure on the then democratic government to better implement the federalism enshrined in the Panglong Agreement was one of the reasons for the 1962 coup that turned the country into a military dictatorship. This led directly to the Kachin's revolt and enflamed rebellion in nearby Shan State.
As a concession, the Kachin have recently offered to integrate their troops into a "federal army" that would include separate Kachin battalions. The government has rejected the Kachin proposals and Lieutenant General Ye Myint has said in response that "the Panglong era is over".
The UWSA, widely regarded as the world’s largest narco-trafficking militia, presented the regime with a nine-point proposal in November that it has been presented at each follow-up meeting with the regime. They have indicated they would be willing to join the BGF as long as their concerns in the proposal are addressed.
The main points of contention are the control of an area in the south of Shan State along the border with Thailand known as the UWSA's 171 Military Region, the UWSA's control of two townships along the Chinese border that abut on territory controlled by its ally, the NDAA, and, most significantly, its disagreement with assigning Myanmar army officers to BGF battalions.
The Wa believe the area along the Thai border was given as compensation by the regime for the Wa's role in a seven-year war fought against former Mong Thai army leader and drug lord Khun Sa. In 1999, tens of thousands of Wa farmers were relocated to the region, a move the Wa say would be impossible to reverse.
The UWSA revised its proposal in a submission to the junta on April 1, saying it was willing to concede control of two areas along the Thai border and allow for certain positions within the new border guard battalions for Myanmar army officers. The offer was turned down by a junta delegation on April 9 with the demand that the Wa abide by the BGF proposal without any changes. A similar proposal put forward by the NDAA was also rejected.
Prior to each elapsed deadline, reports have circulated of Myanmar Army reinforcements arriving opposite the position of the ethnic fighters and heightened tension among residents in nearby towns and villages. Junta checkpoints have been set up to block the flow of food and other supplies, although this has been largely countered by sourcing items from across the border in China.
Following the March deadline, the junta ordered civil officials and staff of non-governmental organizations working in the area to leave Wa areas by March 24. However, by April 6, United Nations and NGO staff involved in development and opium substitution projects had returned to resume their work.
The army's August 2009 offensive against the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) in the Kokang region of northern Myanmar seems to have had little effect on the resolve of the groups to oppose the BGF scheme.
According to Shan and Western observers, the groups have instead learned from the event and taken steps to strengthen cooperation, especially between the UWSA and NDAA. With the deadline looming, the UWSA hosted a meeting with its allies last week to discuss the possibility of Myanmar military operations.
The threats apparently did influence one group, the Shan State Army-North (SSA-N). Its top commander, Major General Loimao, agreed to join the BGF in an April 22 meeting in Lashio with the Myanmar Army's Northeast Command commander, Major General Aung Than Tut. A ceremony was held on April 25 to formalize the transformation of Loimao's headquarters security unit into the Hsengkeow Home Guard Force.
The agreement, however, has reportedly split the 5,000 man SSA-N. The 1st Brigade, the SSA-N's strongest, with some 2,500 fighters under Major General Parngfa, has declared that it will not join the BGF. Soldiers from the SSA-N's other units are reportedly leaving their units to join Parngfa. The group's leader, Major General Hso Ten, is serving a 106-year prison sentence for political offenses.
China factor
Developments in Myanmar's northern border region are of immense importance to China, which has extensive and growing investments in the country's natural resources. Not least of these is the dual oil and gas pipeline from Myanmar's western coast to Kunming in China's southwest. The pipelines, which are expected to go online in 2013, will supply China with oil and gas from the controversial Shwe Gas field off Myanmar's coast as well as from tankers, which will no longer have to travel around the strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
In addition to the pipelines and resource extraction projects, China sees Myanmar as a conduit for products from its landlocked southwestern regions to the outside world and is anxious to prevent any disruption in such flows. China is also known to be concerned about the possibility of instability along the border with its southwest region, which is home to numerous ethnic groups and has had a restive past.
China would like to avoid a repeat of the influx of some 30,000 refugees in the wake of last August's attack in Kokang. Analysts and relief workers believe that fighting against the KIA, UWSA and NDAA would result in many times that number and a refugee problem that could last for years.
Beijing issued a rare rebuke against the junta immediately after the attack on the Kokang and has since increased its military presence along the border. Several visits by high-ranking Chinese officials in the months since are believed to have included discussion of the ethnic ceasefire groups.
Chinese officials and military officers have acted as mediators in discussions between the ceasefire groups and the junta in an attempt to get both sides to soften their positions. One delegation reportedly accompanied the UWSA to talks in February.
The situation of the ceasefire groups will likely be one of the first important issues dealt with by Myanmar's newly elected government next year. Once the elections, expected to take place in October, are over and the new government is installed, the military can resume its pressure on the groups or take military action, analysts suggest.
By then the army will supposedly be under civilian rule in a democratic country rather than the footsoliders of a military dictatorship bent on crushing all of those opposed to its power. It's a distinction the ceasefire groups are no doubt weighing in their refusal to put down their arms and join the BGFs.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
******************************************************
Strategy Page - The Bombs Of Spring
April 29, 2010:
The five tribal militias that were supposed to turn themselves over to government control yesterday, refused to. So the government has to decide if there will be another military campaign to persuade the tribes to obey. The tribes have been saying "no" for decades. While the tribes are outnumbered about ten to one by the 400,000 troops in the Burmese army, what counts is how many fighters you can put into the rugged hills of northern Burma. In this case, all the 40,000 or so tribal gunmen are there and ready to fight. The government has a hard time getting even 100,000 troops into the region (lack of roads and towns makes supplying the soldiers difficult). Most of the troops are tied down protecting military supply lines and bases. In the past, the army has had some success by concentrating on one tribe at a time, but even this was not a complete success. Half the tribal militiamen belong to one group, the UWSA (United Wa State Army). The Wa are ethnic Chinese, and many Wa live across the border in China. The Chinese has made it clear to the Burmese government that any attack on the Wa would not be appreciated. The government has tried interfering with trucks (carrying food and other goods) entering Wa territory. The Wa simply get what they need from China, although some Burmese Wa live closer to roads coming from the south, rather than those coming from China.
Bowing to international pressure, the government has agreed to hold national elections later this year, to elect a civilian government to replace the military dictatorship that has ruled for over half a century. However, the generals apparently plan to rig the election, so they, or people they control, get elected. This in itself is not unusual, it goes on in many parts of the world. But the Burmese generals are going to do it right in front of the world community and are daring the righteous to do something about it.
Meanwhile, there has been a sharp increase in terrorist bombs. No one has taken credit, but in the past this violence was either the work of separatist rebels from the north, or anti-dictatorship rebels in the south. Neither group has had much success in overthrowing the military government.
April 28, 2010: In the east, a man being questioned (but apparently not searched) by police in a police station, set off a bomb he was carrying. The bomber was killed and
four policemen wounded.
April 27, 2010: Someone threw several hand grenades at workers on a hydroelectric dam site in the northeast. Four workers were wounded.
April 26, 2010: About two dozen of the most senior government officials resigned from the army. This is so these men can run in the upcoming elections as civilians, and keep their jobs.
April 17, 2010: Four bombs went off on a hydroelectric dam site in the northeast. One worker was wounded, and there was some property damage.
April 15, 2010: During the annual water festival in Rangoon (Yangon, largest city in Burma), three bombs went off, killing ten and wounding nearly 200. This was the worst terrorist attack in five years.
April 11, 2010: The government has called on India to provide military assistance (a bribe) so that both countries can go into their mutual border area and destroy camps (on the Burmese side of the frontier) used by Indian rebels.
April 29, 2010:
The five tribal militias that were supposed to turn themselves over to government control yesterday, refused to. So the government has to decide if there will be another military campaign to persuade the tribes to obey. The tribes have been saying "no" for decades. While the tribes are outnumbered about ten to one by the 400,000 troops in the Burmese army, what counts is how many fighters you can put into the rugged hills of northern Burma. In this case, all the 40,000 or so tribal gunmen are there and ready to fight. The government has a hard time getting even 100,000 troops into the region (lack of roads and towns makes supplying the soldiers difficult). Most of the troops are tied down protecting military supply lines and bases. In the past, the army has had some success by concentrating on one tribe at a time, but even this was not a complete success. Half the tribal militiamen belong to one group, the UWSA (United Wa State Army). The Wa are ethnic Chinese, and many Wa live across the border in China. The Chinese has made it clear to the Burmese government that any attack on the Wa would not be appreciated. The government has tried interfering with trucks (carrying food and other goods) entering Wa territory. The Wa simply get what they need from China, although some Burmese Wa live closer to roads coming from the south, rather than those coming from China.
Bowing to international pressure, the government has agreed to hold national elections later this year, to elect a civilian government to replace the military dictatorship that has ruled for over half a century. However, the generals apparently plan to rig the election, so they, or people they control, get elected. This in itself is not unusual, it goes on in many parts of the world. But the Burmese generals are going to do it right in front of the world community and are daring the righteous to do something about it.
Meanwhile, there has been a sharp increase in terrorist bombs. No one has taken credit, but in the past this violence was either the work of separatist rebels from the north, or anti-dictatorship rebels in the south. Neither group has had much success in overthrowing the military government.
April 28, 2010: In the east, a man being questioned (but apparently not searched) by police in a police station, set off a bomb he was carrying. The bomber was killed and
four policemen wounded.
April 27, 2010: Someone threw several hand grenades at workers on a hydroelectric dam site in the northeast. Four workers were wounded.
April 26, 2010: About two dozen of the most senior government officials resigned from the army. This is so these men can run in the upcoming elections as civilians, and keep their jobs.
April 17, 2010: Four bombs went off on a hydroelectric dam site in the northeast. One worker was wounded, and there was some property damage.
April 15, 2010: During the annual water festival in Rangoon (Yangon, largest city in Burma), three bombs went off, killing ten and wounding nearly 200. This was the worst terrorist attack in five years.
April 11, 2010: The government has called on India to provide military assistance (a bribe) so that both countries can go into their mutual border area and destroy camps (on the Burmese side of the frontier) used by Indian rebels.
******************************************************
April 29, 2010 17:20 PM
Myanmar Cajoles SAARC, Eyes Memberrhip
By P. Vijian
THIMPHU, April 29 (Bernama) -- Military-ruled Myanmar is cozying up to South Asian leaders to entice deeper ties.
One of the oldest members of the 10-member Asean grouping, it has expressed interest to ramp up closer relations with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) -- a region to which the country has century-old cultural and trade ties.
"In view of the geographical proximity, cultural and historical linkages, we have a strong desire to promote closer relations with SAARC member states. That is why we have joined SAARC as an observer.
"Myanmar's close cooperation with SAARC will provide us the opportunity to serve as the gateway for South Asia to Southeast Asia, and also to East Asian countries for the common benefit of the people in the region," U Nyan Win, Myanmar's Foreign Affairs Minister said in his speech at the 16th SAARC Summit in Thimphu.
Myanmar, for the first time, became an observer country at this summit, among other nations -- including Australia, Iran, and Japan. South Korea, Mauritius and the United States.
Last year, reports had surfaced that Myanmar, isolated by the international community for its poor human rights records and choppy relations with some Asean members, had signaled to be part of the SAARC grouping.
Myanmar military leaders, who are more close to India and Pakistan, had expressed interest to become a full member in 2008, but currently, it is accorded observer status.
India, with close trade and historical ties with Rangoon, was reported to be backing Myanmar's entry into SAARC.
Myanmar Cajoles SAARC, Eyes Memberrhip
By P. Vijian
THIMPHU, April 29 (Bernama) -- Military-ruled Myanmar is cozying up to South Asian leaders to entice deeper ties.
One of the oldest members of the 10-member Asean grouping, it has expressed interest to ramp up closer relations with the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) -- a region to which the country has century-old cultural and trade ties.
"In view of the geographical proximity, cultural and historical linkages, we have a strong desire to promote closer relations with SAARC member states. That is why we have joined SAARC as an observer.
"Myanmar's close cooperation with SAARC will provide us the opportunity to serve as the gateway for South Asia to Southeast Asia, and also to East Asian countries for the common benefit of the people in the region," U Nyan Win, Myanmar's Foreign Affairs Minister said in his speech at the 16th SAARC Summit in Thimphu.
Myanmar, for the first time, became an observer country at this summit, among other nations -- including Australia, Iran, and Japan. South Korea, Mauritius and the United States.
Last year, reports had surfaced that Myanmar, isolated by the international community for its poor human rights records and choppy relations with some Asean members, had signaled to be part of the SAARC grouping.
Myanmar military leaders, who are more close to India and Pakistan, had expressed interest to become a full member in 2008, but currently, it is accorded observer status.
India, with close trade and historical ties with Rangoon, was reported to be backing Myanmar's entry into SAARC.
******************************************************
TODAYonline - Indonesia's quest for a 'middle way' for Myanmar
by Evan A Laksmana
Updated 02:11 PM Apr 29, 2010
THE issue of Myanmar and its future political development came up once again during the 16th Summit of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (Asean) in Hanoi earlier this month.
And according to the local press in Jakarta, there now appears more expectation for Indonesia to play a bigger, more decisive role in pushing the matter forward.
In fact, with Indonesia set to take over the Asean Chair next year - following an unusual swap with Brunei - some are speculating whether Jakarta might use the opportunity to launch a new bilateral or regional initiative to press on for more meaningful change in Myanmar.
Such expectations could either be a recognition of Jakarta's regional leadership capability, or simply the fact that Indonesia is left holding the hot potato that no one seems to want - or perhaps a little of both.
Nevertheless, any future initiative from Jakarta to push for change in Myanmar would be fraught with complex challenges. A recent report published by the New York-based Asia Society - which was submitted by Jakarta's Centre for Strategic and International Studies - highlights some of these challenges.
First, for all the rhetoric and chest-beating on democracy, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono seems unwilling to invest heavy personal, political and financial capital to solve the Myanmar problem seriously.
In this regard, minimal chances of success with Myanmar may have explained his apparent "reluctance". Yet, at the same time, the stakes for Indonesia are high.
Failure to even try to act would lend credence to the notion that Indonesia is unfit for the mantle of regional leadership. If, however, Indonesia decides to act but fails, the repercussions would most likely be less damaging given the incredibly complex dimensions of the Myanmar problem.
Second, as a consequence of Mr Yudhoyono's lack of personal involvement, there is less of a unified approach within Indonesia's political and foreign policy establishment with regards to Myanmar.
Aside from the government's typical indecisive policy-making style, the lack, or even absence, of a sense of urgency within the National Parliament (DPR) and among the general public often provides the pretext, if not justification, for Indonesia's lack of full commitment.
This highlights the critical role of the post-Suharto DPR in shaping Indonesia's foreign policy direction. The problem here lies in the reality that there are few MPs, especially in this current term (2009-2014), who are not only qualified in foreign policy-making, but also willing to set aside political posturing for the sake of another country.
Consequently, the task of crafting a credible, unified and comprehensive initiative simply seems too huge to tackle.
Third, Jakarta also realises that current domestic conditions within Myanmar still favour the ruling junta. Not only do they remain the strongest force within the country, but its control over the state's natural resources, especially oil and gas, seems to be a trump card, if not life insurance, to sustain its leverage against external pressures.
Also, the near absence of a credible counterpart in Naypyidaw further complicates any dialogue or engagement plans. This condition is further worsened by the factionalised state of dissidents and political exiles.
Of course, the sudden transfer of Myanmar's capital from Yangon to Naypyidaw in 2005 has made any assessment of the conditions on the ground more difficult to verify.
Finally, Jakarta also believes that any meaningful engagement with Myanmar would have a better chance of success if it involves a regional concert of powers that incorporates not only key Asean states, but China and India, as well.
In this regard, pundits have acknowledged the "counter-productiveness" of utilising Asean as a political vehicle to put pressure on Myanmar. Instead, bringing key stakeholders - like Thailand, Singapore, China and India, which have been heavily investing in Myanmar - together might have a better chance of sobering up the ruling junta about the need for change.
The problem here, however, is that from a geoeconomic and geostrategic perspective, these major stakeholders have diametrically opposing interests. And since Indonesia itself cannot find its strategic interests tied to the development of Myanmar, the prospects of bringing all the concerned parties together under a neutral arbiter remain slim.
Given these roadblocks, Jakarta's approach to the Myanmar issue can be described as a search for a new "middle way": Between a full-fledged sanction against the junta or whole-hearted defence of it under the Asean banner; between bilateral or multilateral approach, between pushing for change from within or without, and between a government-to-government or a people-to-people engagement.
This approach, however, takes time. And when we consider the possible political and security crisis surrounding the upcoming general elections in Myanmar, time may be a luxury that Jakarta cannot afford.
The writer is a researcher with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta.
by Evan A Laksmana
Updated 02:11 PM Apr 29, 2010
THE issue of Myanmar and its future political development came up once again during the 16th Summit of the Association of South-east Asian Nations (Asean) in Hanoi earlier this month.
And according to the local press in Jakarta, there now appears more expectation for Indonesia to play a bigger, more decisive role in pushing the matter forward.
In fact, with Indonesia set to take over the Asean Chair next year - following an unusual swap with Brunei - some are speculating whether Jakarta might use the opportunity to launch a new bilateral or regional initiative to press on for more meaningful change in Myanmar.
Such expectations could either be a recognition of Jakarta's regional leadership capability, or simply the fact that Indonesia is left holding the hot potato that no one seems to want - or perhaps a little of both.
Nevertheless, any future initiative from Jakarta to push for change in Myanmar would be fraught with complex challenges. A recent report published by the New York-based Asia Society - which was submitted by Jakarta's Centre for Strategic and International Studies - highlights some of these challenges.
First, for all the rhetoric and chest-beating on democracy, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono seems unwilling to invest heavy personal, political and financial capital to solve the Myanmar problem seriously.
In this regard, minimal chances of success with Myanmar may have explained his apparent "reluctance". Yet, at the same time, the stakes for Indonesia are high.
Failure to even try to act would lend credence to the notion that Indonesia is unfit for the mantle of regional leadership. If, however, Indonesia decides to act but fails, the repercussions would most likely be less damaging given the incredibly complex dimensions of the Myanmar problem.
Second, as a consequence of Mr Yudhoyono's lack of personal involvement, there is less of a unified approach within Indonesia's political and foreign policy establishment with regards to Myanmar.
Aside from the government's typical indecisive policy-making style, the lack, or even absence, of a sense of urgency within the National Parliament (DPR) and among the general public often provides the pretext, if not justification, for Indonesia's lack of full commitment.
This highlights the critical role of the post-Suharto DPR in shaping Indonesia's foreign policy direction. The problem here lies in the reality that there are few MPs, especially in this current term (2009-2014), who are not only qualified in foreign policy-making, but also willing to set aside political posturing for the sake of another country.
Consequently, the task of crafting a credible, unified and comprehensive initiative simply seems too huge to tackle.
Third, Jakarta also realises that current domestic conditions within Myanmar still favour the ruling junta. Not only do they remain the strongest force within the country, but its control over the state's natural resources, especially oil and gas, seems to be a trump card, if not life insurance, to sustain its leverage against external pressures.
Also, the near absence of a credible counterpart in Naypyidaw further complicates any dialogue or engagement plans. This condition is further worsened by the factionalised state of dissidents and political exiles.
Of course, the sudden transfer of Myanmar's capital from Yangon to Naypyidaw in 2005 has made any assessment of the conditions on the ground more difficult to verify.
Finally, Jakarta also believes that any meaningful engagement with Myanmar would have a better chance of success if it involves a regional concert of powers that incorporates not only key Asean states, but China and India, as well.
In this regard, pundits have acknowledged the "counter-productiveness" of utilising Asean as a political vehicle to put pressure on Myanmar. Instead, bringing key stakeholders - like Thailand, Singapore, China and India, which have been heavily investing in Myanmar - together might have a better chance of sobering up the ruling junta about the need for change.
The problem here, however, is that from a geoeconomic and geostrategic perspective, these major stakeholders have diametrically opposing interests. And since Indonesia itself cannot find its strategic interests tied to the development of Myanmar, the prospects of bringing all the concerned parties together under a neutral arbiter remain slim.
Given these roadblocks, Jakarta's approach to the Myanmar issue can be described as a search for a new "middle way": Between a full-fledged sanction against the junta or whole-hearted defence of it under the Asean banner; between bilateral or multilateral approach, between pushing for change from within or without, and between a government-to-government or a people-to-people engagement.
This approach, however, takes time. And when we consider the possible political and security crisis surrounding the upcoming general elections in Myanmar, time may be a luxury that Jakarta cannot afford.
The writer is a researcher with the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta.
******************************************************
Independent Online - Moderate quake hits Myanmar
April 28 2010 at 09:20PM
Bangkok - A moderate 5.5-magnitude earthquake struck off the coast of Myanmar early Thursday, the US Geological Survey said, but no tsunami warning was immediately issued.
The quake hit at 00:31 am (1801 GMT Wednesday), 90km south-east of Sittwe at a depth of 35 kilometres, the USGS said.
There were no immediate reports of any damage.
April 28 2010 at 09:20PM
Bangkok - A moderate 5.5-magnitude earthquake struck off the coast of Myanmar early Thursday, the US Geological Survey said, but no tsunami warning was immediately issued.
The quake hit at 00:31 am (1801 GMT Wednesday), 90km south-east of Sittwe at a depth of 35 kilometres, the USGS said.
There were no immediate reports of any damage.
******************************************************
Pressure Mounts on Energy Giant Chevron to Disclose Revenue
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Apr 29, 2010 (IPS) - When shareholders of the multinational company Chevron gather for their annual meeting in the U.S. city of Houston in late May, they will come face to face with Naing Htoo, whose community has suffered due to the exploits of the energy giant in military-ruled Burma.
"I want to expose what has gone on as a result of Chevron’s investments in Burma," says the 30-year-old from the Karen ethnic minority. "The shareholders need to know where their money is going and the suffering it is causing."
Naing Htoo is hardly daunted by the challenge that lies ahead – his first opportunity to address Chevron’s shareholders about the controversial Yadana natural gas pipeline in southern Burma. "It is an opportunity to use for change," he tells IPS of the window opened to him to address Chevron’s shareholders between May 27 and 28.
The Karen activist’s foray into U.S. corporate culture is timed to add pressure on Chevron shareholders. They are due to vote at the annual meeting on a proposal that would "require the company to disclose payments to foreign governments, including the junta in Burma," states EarthRights International (ERI), a Washington D.C.-based environment and rights lobby group.
But pressure on Chevron to be more transparent about its financial dealings in Burma is expected to mount from other quarters, too. A groundbreaking bill before the U.S. Congress that has bi-partisan support could, if passed, compel companies profiting from oil, gas and mining to reveal details of payments to governments of countries they have invested in around the world.
The reach of the ‘Energy Security through Transparency Act’ for full financial disclosure is not limited to U.S.-based companies in the energy sector. The law will also force all foreign oil, gas and mining companies registered with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to open their books for scrutiny.
"The legislation pending in the Congress is unique," says Mathew Smith, coordinator of the Burma project for ERI. "It would also apply to large corporations registered with the SEC from China, India and South Korea, which have investments in Burma. It would have a wide, sweeping impact."
With an eye on such landmark legislation, a global campaign was launched on Apr. 27 calling on Chevron, the French-based oil giant Total and a subsidiary of Thailand’s state-owned gas and oil company to publish "over 18 years of payments to the Burmese military regime."
Over 160 non-governmental organisations, labour unions, investment firms scholars and political leaders, including the former prime minister of Norway and the former president of Ireland, have signed on to this campaign for financial transparency in Burma, officially known as Myanmar.
A two-page statement by the ‘Call for Total, Chevron and PTTEP to Practice Revenue Transparency in Burma’ is urging the companies to publish "comprehensive data and information". That includes taxes, fees, royalties and bonuses paid to Burmese authorities since 1992, when the contract for the Yadana gas pipeline was signed.
Taxes paid by Total to the Burmese junta in 2008 offered a glimpse at the pipeline’s substantial contribution to the junta’s coffers. This unprecedented public disclosure of the 254 million U.S. dollars in taxes the regime earned was made the following year, in 2009.
"This is commendable but not enough. We want detailed disaggregated figures of all payments to the Burmese regime," Smith tells IPS. "Revenue transparency is a basic element of corporate social responsibility."
Chevron’s reluctance to disclose the income it generates for the junta goes against its transparent practice elsewhere, argues Smith. "Chevron is transparent about its finances in its investments in Thailand and it is commonly available in the U.S."
Critics of the controversial pipeline have stated that its income has been to the absolute benefit of a repressive regime, with barely a trickle for the South-east Asian nation’s beleaguered people. From 2000, when gas production started, till 2008, the junta earned an estimated eight billion U.S. dollars from gas sales.
The area home to the Karens, where the pipeline snakes through, has hardly benefited. Villages along the pipeline’s route, from the offshore natural gas in the Andaman Sea to Thailand, still lack electricity and depend on candles and lamps for light.
But the Karens, who are one of the country’s 130 ethnic minorities, have suffered more since the inception of this controversial pipeline in 1991 to meet Thailand’s energy demands. Burmese soldiers assigned to provide security during the constriction of the pipeline and since have been fingered for a range of human rights and environmental abuses.
This heavily militarised area, which at one time saw 14 battalions operate, also saw rape and torture of Karen villagers. "These human rights violations continue even today," reveals Naing Htoo, the Karen activist.
"Multinational companies doing business in Burma can help change this even if the regime is reluctant," says Wong Aung, coordinator of the Shwe Gas Movement, an organisation of Burmese activists opposed to another oil and gas pipeline project with Chinese investment to feed China’s energy demands. "Revenue transparency is the way."
"It must be practised for the citizens of Burma, who can use the information to monitor the government’s use of natural resource wealth and demand accountability where none presently exists," he explains. "If the Shwe gas project goes ahead, the regime will earn 29 billion U.S. dollars in a 30-year period."
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK, Apr 29, 2010 (IPS) - When shareholders of the multinational company Chevron gather for their annual meeting in the U.S. city of Houston in late May, they will come face to face with Naing Htoo, whose community has suffered due to the exploits of the energy giant in military-ruled Burma.
"I want to expose what has gone on as a result of Chevron’s investments in Burma," says the 30-year-old from the Karen ethnic minority. "The shareholders need to know where their money is going and the suffering it is causing."
Naing Htoo is hardly daunted by the challenge that lies ahead – his first opportunity to address Chevron’s shareholders about the controversial Yadana natural gas pipeline in southern Burma. "It is an opportunity to use for change," he tells IPS of the window opened to him to address Chevron’s shareholders between May 27 and 28.
The Karen activist’s foray into U.S. corporate culture is timed to add pressure on Chevron shareholders. They are due to vote at the annual meeting on a proposal that would "require the company to disclose payments to foreign governments, including the junta in Burma," states EarthRights International (ERI), a Washington D.C.-based environment and rights lobby group.
But pressure on Chevron to be more transparent about its financial dealings in Burma is expected to mount from other quarters, too. A groundbreaking bill before the U.S. Congress that has bi-partisan support could, if passed, compel companies profiting from oil, gas and mining to reveal details of payments to governments of countries they have invested in around the world.
The reach of the ‘Energy Security through Transparency Act’ for full financial disclosure is not limited to U.S.-based companies in the energy sector. The law will also force all foreign oil, gas and mining companies registered with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to open their books for scrutiny.
"The legislation pending in the Congress is unique," says Mathew Smith, coordinator of the Burma project for ERI. "It would also apply to large corporations registered with the SEC from China, India and South Korea, which have investments in Burma. It would have a wide, sweeping impact."
With an eye on such landmark legislation, a global campaign was launched on Apr. 27 calling on Chevron, the French-based oil giant Total and a subsidiary of Thailand’s state-owned gas and oil company to publish "over 18 years of payments to the Burmese military regime."
Over 160 non-governmental organisations, labour unions, investment firms scholars and political leaders, including the former prime minister of Norway and the former president of Ireland, have signed on to this campaign for financial transparency in Burma, officially known as Myanmar.
A two-page statement by the ‘Call for Total, Chevron and PTTEP to Practice Revenue Transparency in Burma’ is urging the companies to publish "comprehensive data and information". That includes taxes, fees, royalties and bonuses paid to Burmese authorities since 1992, when the contract for the Yadana gas pipeline was signed.
Taxes paid by Total to the Burmese junta in 2008 offered a glimpse at the pipeline’s substantial contribution to the junta’s coffers. This unprecedented public disclosure of the 254 million U.S. dollars in taxes the regime earned was made the following year, in 2009.
"This is commendable but not enough. We want detailed disaggregated figures of all payments to the Burmese regime," Smith tells IPS. "Revenue transparency is a basic element of corporate social responsibility."
Chevron’s reluctance to disclose the income it generates for the junta goes against its transparent practice elsewhere, argues Smith. "Chevron is transparent about its finances in its investments in Thailand and it is commonly available in the U.S."
Critics of the controversial pipeline have stated that its income has been to the absolute benefit of a repressive regime, with barely a trickle for the South-east Asian nation’s beleaguered people. From 2000, when gas production started, till 2008, the junta earned an estimated eight billion U.S. dollars from gas sales.
The area home to the Karens, where the pipeline snakes through, has hardly benefited. Villages along the pipeline’s route, from the offshore natural gas in the Andaman Sea to Thailand, still lack electricity and depend on candles and lamps for light.
But the Karens, who are one of the country’s 130 ethnic minorities, have suffered more since the inception of this controversial pipeline in 1991 to meet Thailand’s energy demands. Burmese soldiers assigned to provide security during the constriction of the pipeline and since have been fingered for a range of human rights and environmental abuses.
This heavily militarised area, which at one time saw 14 battalions operate, also saw rape and torture of Karen villagers. "These human rights violations continue even today," reveals Naing Htoo, the Karen activist.
"Multinational companies doing business in Burma can help change this even if the regime is reluctant," says Wong Aung, coordinator of the Shwe Gas Movement, an organisation of Burmese activists opposed to another oil and gas pipeline project with Chinese investment to feed China’s energy demands. "Revenue transparency is the way."
"It must be practised for the citizens of Burma, who can use the information to monitor the government’s use of natural resource wealth and demand accountability where none presently exists," he explains. "If the Shwe gas project goes ahead, the regime will earn 29 billion U.S. dollars in a 30-year period."
******************************************************
The Jakarta Post - US mulls more sanctions on Myanmar
Lilian Budianto, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Thu, 04/29/2010 9:57 AM |
The US government said it could impose more sanctions on Myanmar over unfairness in the reclusive state’s upcoming elections that have barred opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office.
The first election in two decades in Myanmar has been boycotted and defied as a sham by opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), as the poll regulation requires political parties to expel members who have spent time in prison. The Myanmar junta has imprisoned more than 2,000 political prisoners.
“We have been quite critical of the election law and we regard it as unhelpful. It makes it difficult if not impossible to make this election free or fair or credible at all because they forced not only the NLD but other parties to expel any members who were in prison,” Scot Marciel, the US Ambassador to ASEAN, told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
“The NLD has a large number of its leaders in prison, and [the regulation] has forced the NLD and other parties into a very difficult position ... We read it as a statement that [the Myanmar government] is not going to pursue national reconciliation through this election process.”
The US has slapped economic sanctions on Myanmar, blacklisting regime cronies and certain companies from doing business with US entities. The EU agreed on Monday to extend its own sanctions, including travel bans for those responsible for jailing Suu Kyi, although they have impacted little on Myanmar, which has been ruled by a military
regime since 1990.
Yangon has maintained good economic relations with its two giant neighbors, China and India.
“We have maintained our sanctions and we certainly have the option [of imposing more sanctions] and we have not taken that option off the table,” Marciel said.
Marciel and other US envoys visited Myanmar and met Suu Kyi and Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein last November in a meeting the US said was an exchange of views.
Marciel said the junta did not lay out any conditions on which they would be willing to carry out reforms or release prisoners in the first high-level meeting between US and Myanmar in the last 14 years.
“We did not expect a dramatic outcome from [the visit], and in fact there were no dramatic outcomes from it,” he said.
“They talked mostly about their own economic development plan, their plan for the elections, and we offered some thoughts on how it was very important to move [ahead with] the national reconciliation, and carry out some reforms to improve the human rights situation.”
Marciel said he and other US officials had not ruled out the possibility of visiting Myanmar before or shortly after the elections if “it would be helpful”.
He said the US government would discuss Myanmar with other ASEAN member states, since both the US and ASEAN had roles to play. The US visit last November was organized without involving ASEAN member states.
“Our decision to go there is not to say ASEAN has no role, it was just that we are trying to play our role. We talk regularly to our friends in ASEAN about the situation in Burma.”
Lilian Budianto, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Thu, 04/29/2010 9:57 AM |
The US government said it could impose more sanctions on Myanmar over unfairness in the reclusive state’s upcoming elections that have barred opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi from running for office.
The first election in two decades in Myanmar has been boycotted and defied as a sham by opposition party National League for Democracy (NLD), as the poll regulation requires political parties to expel members who have spent time in prison. The Myanmar junta has imprisoned more than 2,000 political prisoners.
“We have been quite critical of the election law and we regard it as unhelpful. It makes it difficult if not impossible to make this election free or fair or credible at all because they forced not only the NLD but other parties to expel any members who were in prison,” Scot Marciel, the US Ambassador to ASEAN, told The Jakarta Post on Tuesday.
“The NLD has a large number of its leaders in prison, and [the regulation] has forced the NLD and other parties into a very difficult position ... We read it as a statement that [the Myanmar government] is not going to pursue national reconciliation through this election process.”
The US has slapped economic sanctions on Myanmar, blacklisting regime cronies and certain companies from doing business with US entities. The EU agreed on Monday to extend its own sanctions, including travel bans for those responsible for jailing Suu Kyi, although they have impacted little on Myanmar, which has been ruled by a military
regime since 1990.
Yangon has maintained good economic relations with its two giant neighbors, China and India.
“We have maintained our sanctions and we certainly have the option [of imposing more sanctions] and we have not taken that option off the table,” Marciel said.
Marciel and other US envoys visited Myanmar and met Suu Kyi and Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein last November in a meeting the US said was an exchange of views.
Marciel said the junta did not lay out any conditions on which they would be willing to carry out reforms or release prisoners in the first high-level meeting between US and Myanmar in the last 14 years.
“We did not expect a dramatic outcome from [the visit], and in fact there were no dramatic outcomes from it,” he said.
“They talked mostly about their own economic development plan, their plan for the elections, and we offered some thoughts on how it was very important to move [ahead with] the national reconciliation, and carry out some reforms to improve the human rights situation.”
Marciel said he and other US officials had not ruled out the possibility of visiting Myanmar before or shortly after the elections if “it would be helpful”.
He said the US government would discuss Myanmar with other ASEAN member states, since both the US and ASEAN had roles to play. The US visit last November was organized without involving ASEAN member states.
“Our decision to go there is not to say ASEAN has no role, it was just that we are trying to play our role. We talk regularly to our friends in ASEAN about the situation in Burma.”
******************************************************
DVB reporter’s appeal rejected
Thursday, 29 April 2010 20:46 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A reporter for a non-profit media organisation lost her appeal in the Magway Division Court against a jail term of more than a quarter of a century handed down in Pakokku, her lawyer said yesterday.
Hla Hla Win, video reporter for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), based in Norway, was sentenced to 27 years in Myitkyina prison in Kachin State. Oral arguments of lawyers from both sides on her appeal against the decision handed down in a Pakokku court were heard on April 5 and the court rejected her appeal yesterday.
“The court said upheld the decision of the Pakokku court, thus rejecting the appeal,” Shwe Hla, Hla Hla Win’s lawyer said
Hla Hla Win was sentenced 20 years for violating the draconian Electronics Act and the Video Act, 505 (b) and seven years for violating the Import-Export Act, 5 (1) (for riding an unlicensed motorcycle).
Her lawyer said he would lodge an appeal with the Mandalay Division Supreme Court. “My client did not commit any illegal act. So, the decisions of the inferior courts are unfair,” he said. “After we have copied the judgments of the inferior courts, we will try to get the deserved legal right .We will point out that the inferior courts’ decisions were unlawful, and continue pursuing legal proceedings in this case.”
Thursday, 29 April 2010 20:46 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A reporter for a non-profit media organisation lost her appeal in the Magway Division Court against a jail term of more than a quarter of a century handed down in Pakokku, her lawyer said yesterday.
Hla Hla Win, video reporter for the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), based in Norway, was sentenced to 27 years in Myitkyina prison in Kachin State. Oral arguments of lawyers from both sides on her appeal against the decision handed down in a Pakokku court were heard on April 5 and the court rejected her appeal yesterday.
“The court said upheld the decision of the Pakokku court, thus rejecting the appeal,” Shwe Hla, Hla Hla Win’s lawyer said
Hla Hla Win was sentenced 20 years for violating the draconian Electronics Act and the Video Act, 505 (b) and seven years for violating the Import-Export Act, 5 (1) (for riding an unlicensed motorcycle).
Her lawyer said he would lodge an appeal with the Mandalay Division Supreme Court. “My client did not commit any illegal act. So, the decisions of the inferior courts are unfair,” he said. “After we have copied the judgments of the inferior courts, we will try to get the deserved legal right .We will point out that the inferior courts’ decisions were unlawful, and continue pursuing legal proceedings in this case.”
******************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Hundreds Flee Threat of War in Shan State
By SAW YAN NAING - Thursday, April 29, 2010
FANG, Thailand – Hundreds of ethnic Shan, Lahu, Chinese and Thai businesspeople, including some families of United Wa State Army (UWSA) personnel, have moved to the Thai-Burmese border area because they fear a serious flare-up of fighting between Burmese government troops and UWSA units based in southern Shan State.
Several thousand UWSA soldiers and their families live in southern Shan State opposite Fang District of Thailand's Chiang Mai Province. The UWSA, which has about 25,000 men in uniform, is under pressure from the Burmese regime to become a border guard force.
The departure of many local people to the relative safety of the Thai-Burmese border began in earnest on April 22, when a regime deadline ran out for the UWSA to agree to transform itself into a border guard force. Reports circulated that the Burmese army was planning to launch an offensive against UWSA units in southern Shan State.
Clashes already occurred between UWSA units and Burmese troops on April 23 and 24, according to Thai soldiers posted at Ang Khang hill, about 23 kilometers from the Fang District border with Shan State.
Following the clashes, Thai troops were deployed near Nor Leang village on the Thai-Burmese border, according to local residents.
The Thai army has also closed border trails in the Nor Leang area, fearing mortar shells could land on Thai territory.
Two local schools have also been closed and children moved to safety.
Some Chinese nationals living in southern Shan State have moved to Panghsang, the UWSA headquarters in northern Shan State. Some Thai nationals have also returned home, according to sources on the Thai-Burmese border.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese observer on the Sino-Burmese border said about 2,000 Chinese in southern Shan State had moved to northern Shan State to avoid a possible outbreak of hostilities.
Sources said some Wa families had sold their livestock, cars, motorcycles and other personal belongings for knockdown prices before moving to the border region opposite the Mae Ai District of Chiang Mai province.
The Thai army has urged ethnic Shan refugees at Khone Kyor camp in Wiang Haeng District to remain on alert, according to the camp committee. More than 600 refugees live at the camp.
A Shan refugee said: “The Thai army came to our camp and told us two days ago not to worry and that if we heard shooting they will come and pick us up in trucks and take us to a safe place if fighting occurs.”
Maj Sai Lao Hseng, a spokesman for the Shan State Army (SSA-S), said some mortars had landed on Thai territory when fighting broke out between the SSA-South and Burmese government forces in 2003.
Sai Lao Hseng said the Burmese army probably shelled UWSA troops on April 23 and 24 by mistake, thinking they were SSA-S troops.
Residents in the area of the Burmese-Thai border town of Tachileik have also reportedly been moving to safety in Thailand.
Further north, in Kachin State, some people have been moving to China from Laiza, headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), fearing an outbreak of fighting there, according to a resident of Myitkyina.
Some had crossed into China with border pass permits and were staying with relatives in Yunnan Province, said one visitor.
Thai military authorities have warned that thousands of refugees will flee into Thailand if war breaks out in southern Shan State. An influx of drugs into Thailand's Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces is also highly expected, according to Pornthep Eamprapai, the director of the Office of the Narcotics Control Board in Chiang Mai.
About 30,000 people, including Chinese residents of the Kokang capital, Laogai, fled to China when Burmese government forces attacked the ethnic Kokang ceasefire group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army in August 2009.
By SAW YAN NAING - Thursday, April 29, 2010
FANG, Thailand – Hundreds of ethnic Shan, Lahu, Chinese and Thai businesspeople, including some families of United Wa State Army (UWSA) personnel, have moved to the Thai-Burmese border area because they fear a serious flare-up of fighting between Burmese government troops and UWSA units based in southern Shan State.
Several thousand UWSA soldiers and their families live in southern Shan State opposite Fang District of Thailand's Chiang Mai Province. The UWSA, which has about 25,000 men in uniform, is under pressure from the Burmese regime to become a border guard force.
The departure of many local people to the relative safety of the Thai-Burmese border began in earnest on April 22, when a regime deadline ran out for the UWSA to agree to transform itself into a border guard force. Reports circulated that the Burmese army was planning to launch an offensive against UWSA units in southern Shan State.
Clashes already occurred between UWSA units and Burmese troops on April 23 and 24, according to Thai soldiers posted at Ang Khang hill, about 23 kilometers from the Fang District border with Shan State.
Following the clashes, Thai troops were deployed near Nor Leang village on the Thai-Burmese border, according to local residents.
The Thai army has also closed border trails in the Nor Leang area, fearing mortar shells could land on Thai territory.
Two local schools have also been closed and children moved to safety.
Some Chinese nationals living in southern Shan State have moved to Panghsang, the UWSA headquarters in northern Shan State. Some Thai nationals have also returned home, according to sources on the Thai-Burmese border.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese observer on the Sino-Burmese border said about 2,000 Chinese in southern Shan State had moved to northern Shan State to avoid a possible outbreak of hostilities.
Sources said some Wa families had sold their livestock, cars, motorcycles and other personal belongings for knockdown prices before moving to the border region opposite the Mae Ai District of Chiang Mai province.
The Thai army has urged ethnic Shan refugees at Khone Kyor camp in Wiang Haeng District to remain on alert, according to the camp committee. More than 600 refugees live at the camp.
A Shan refugee said: “The Thai army came to our camp and told us two days ago not to worry and that if we heard shooting they will come and pick us up in trucks and take us to a safe place if fighting occurs.”
Maj Sai Lao Hseng, a spokesman for the Shan State Army (SSA-S), said some mortars had landed on Thai territory when fighting broke out between the SSA-South and Burmese government forces in 2003.
Sai Lao Hseng said the Burmese army probably shelled UWSA troops on April 23 and 24 by mistake, thinking they were SSA-S troops.
Residents in the area of the Burmese-Thai border town of Tachileik have also reportedly been moving to safety in Thailand.
Further north, in Kachin State, some people have been moving to China from Laiza, headquarters of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), fearing an outbreak of fighting there, according to a resident of Myitkyina.
Some had crossed into China with border pass permits and were staying with relatives in Yunnan Province, said one visitor.
Thai military authorities have warned that thousands of refugees will flee into Thailand if war breaks out in southern Shan State. An influx of drugs into Thailand's Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai provinces is also highly expected, according to Pornthep Eamprapai, the director of the Office of the Narcotics Control Board in Chiang Mai.
About 30,000 people, including Chinese residents of the Kokang capital, Laogai, fled to China when Burmese government forces attacked the ethnic Kokang ceasefire group known as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army in August 2009.
******************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Rift between Junta and DKBA Deepens
By LAWI WENG - Thursday, April 29, 2010
Tension between Burmese junta troops and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) in Myawaddy township on the Thai-Burmese border has been mounting since the disagreement on border guard issues.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, a Karen source close to the DKBA in Myawaddy township said: “The majority of DKBA members don't want to lose the name of their organization. They are worried that without the DKBA name, there will be no political objective and no hope for a better future for ethnic Karen. This is why they don't want to transform their troops into a border guard force (BGF).”
A member of the DKBA said its spiritual leader, the influential abbot Ashin Thuzana, told DKBA leaders to keep their organization's name and not to accept the Burmese junta's BGF plan.
A DKBA officer at the Three Pagodas Pass told The Irrawaddy: “We will never betray our Karen people. We will keep our arms following our leader Saw Ba U Gyi's principles and we will fight for the freedom of our Karen people.”
He said certain people involved in the border trade in Myawaddy who are close to the generals want the DKBA to join the BGF. While top leaders reject the BGF plan, young leaders agree to accept it.
DKBA troops in the Three Pagodas Pass area are on alert as tension has been mounting according to sources in the New Mon State Party (NMSP).
“Relations between them [Burmese junta troops and the DKBA] today are unlike anything before. They don't trust each other now,” said Lawi Mon, a member of the NMSP.
Nai Tain, a Mon driver in Myawaddy township, said Burmese authorities have set up more checkpoints on the road between Myawaddy and Moulmein, inspecting all vehicles and travelers.
The authorities seized unlicensed cars—many such cars belong to DKBA members—entering Moulmein on Tuesday, he said, adding that this was part of the pressure junta authorities were putting on the DKBA.
The DKBA, which has been used by the military regime as a proxy force to combat insurgencies in Karen and Mon States, agreed to the BGF plan shortly it was announced in April, 2009.
However, when Ashin Thuzana announced his opposition to the plan in February, the group's leadership backed away from their original acceptance.
Ashin Thuzana, 68, the abbot of Myaing Gyi Ngu Monastery in Karen State, has long been active in the promotion of Buddhism in the area and has been responsible for the construction of several pagodas in Myaing Gyi Ngu.
He was reportedly admitted to hospital in Bangkok for treatment of a long-standing lung problem early in February. Burmese military officials reportedly offered to admit him to a military hospital in Rangoon, but he chose a private clinic in the Thai capital.
The DKBA, which was formed 15 years ago, now controls most of the Thai-Burmese border area previously controlled by the Karen National Union.
It claims to have 6,000 troops and plans to enlarge its army to 9,000, making it Burma's second largest non-state armed group. It has been accused of human rights abuses in its clashes with KNU forces and also of involvement in human trafficking along Thai-Burmese border.
The Burmese junta has put pressure on all the ethnic cease-fire groups in Burma to transform their troops into BGF battalions since last year, making April 22 the most recent deadline for acceptance. Many of the groups remain defiant, refusing to accept the plan, however.
By LAWI WENG - Thursday, April 29, 2010
Tension between Burmese junta troops and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) in Myawaddy township on the Thai-Burmese border has been mounting since the disagreement on border guard issues.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, a Karen source close to the DKBA in Myawaddy township said: “The majority of DKBA members don't want to lose the name of their organization. They are worried that without the DKBA name, there will be no political objective and no hope for a better future for ethnic Karen. This is why they don't want to transform their troops into a border guard force (BGF).”
A member of the DKBA said its spiritual leader, the influential abbot Ashin Thuzana, told DKBA leaders to keep their organization's name and not to accept the Burmese junta's BGF plan.
A DKBA officer at the Three Pagodas Pass told The Irrawaddy: “We will never betray our Karen people. We will keep our arms following our leader Saw Ba U Gyi's principles and we will fight for the freedom of our Karen people.”
He said certain people involved in the border trade in Myawaddy who are close to the generals want the DKBA to join the BGF. While top leaders reject the BGF plan, young leaders agree to accept it.
DKBA troops in the Three Pagodas Pass area are on alert as tension has been mounting according to sources in the New Mon State Party (NMSP).
“Relations between them [Burmese junta troops and the DKBA] today are unlike anything before. They don't trust each other now,” said Lawi Mon, a member of the NMSP.
Nai Tain, a Mon driver in Myawaddy township, said Burmese authorities have set up more checkpoints on the road between Myawaddy and Moulmein, inspecting all vehicles and travelers.
The authorities seized unlicensed cars—many such cars belong to DKBA members—entering Moulmein on Tuesday, he said, adding that this was part of the pressure junta authorities were putting on the DKBA.
The DKBA, which has been used by the military regime as a proxy force to combat insurgencies in Karen and Mon States, agreed to the BGF plan shortly it was announced in April, 2009.
However, when Ashin Thuzana announced his opposition to the plan in February, the group's leadership backed away from their original acceptance.
Ashin Thuzana, 68, the abbot of Myaing Gyi Ngu Monastery in Karen State, has long been active in the promotion of Buddhism in the area and has been responsible for the construction of several pagodas in Myaing Gyi Ngu.
He was reportedly admitted to hospital in Bangkok for treatment of a long-standing lung problem early in February. Burmese military officials reportedly offered to admit him to a military hospital in Rangoon, but he chose a private clinic in the Thai capital.
The DKBA, which was formed 15 years ago, now controls most of the Thai-Burmese border area previously controlled by the Karen National Union.
It claims to have 6,000 troops and plans to enlarge its army to 9,000, making it Burma's second largest non-state armed group. It has been accused of human rights abuses in its clashes with KNU forces and also of involvement in human trafficking along Thai-Burmese border.
The Burmese junta has put pressure on all the ethnic cease-fire groups in Burma to transform their troops into BGF battalions since last year, making April 22 the most recent deadline for acceptance. Many of the groups remain defiant, refusing to accept the plan, however.
******************************************************
DVB News - Trade hit by border guard furore
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 29 April 2010
Traders in eastern Burma have stopped importing goods overland into the country following fears of fighting between Burmese troops and ceasefire groups.
Tension is rising in Burma’s border regions as the deadline passed yesterday for ethnic ceasefire groups, many of whom control territory close to Burma’s borders with China and Thailand, to transform into border guard forces.
Border trade points have reportedly seen very little activity in the past week, while a trader in Tachilek, a prominent crossing point for goods entering and leaving Burma into Thailand, said that few Thais had made the crossing. Similar reports were heard from Mong Ywang and Keng Tung, both in Shan state.
“Security is tight with unusual numbers of troops deployed at the border checkpoints,” he said. “They are searching vehicles at checkpoints on the roads. We heard the bridge [between Tachilek and Thailand’s Mae Sai] will be shut down today.”
Meanwhile, Keng Tung residents told DVB that a senior Northern Military Command officer had travelled to the Mong La special region to meet with the Mong La ceasefire army, which is wavering over whether to transform into a border guard force.
The meeting has reportedly alarmed locals who are fleeing to nearby areas. “Government workers in Mong La came back to Keng Tung about two days ago, in fearing that clashes would break out if the meeting didn’t turn out well,” said one resident.
“Both the government and the Mong La group have said they will not take responsibility [for the government workers] if clashes break out.” Keng Tung residents said that Burmese army vehicles were being sent to the Mong La region from Keng Tung at night.
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 29 April 2010
Traders in eastern Burma have stopped importing goods overland into the country following fears of fighting between Burmese troops and ceasefire groups.
Tension is rising in Burma’s border regions as the deadline passed yesterday for ethnic ceasefire groups, many of whom control territory close to Burma’s borders with China and Thailand, to transform into border guard forces.
Border trade points have reportedly seen very little activity in the past week, while a trader in Tachilek, a prominent crossing point for goods entering and leaving Burma into Thailand, said that few Thais had made the crossing. Similar reports were heard from Mong Ywang and Keng Tung, both in Shan state.
“Security is tight with unusual numbers of troops deployed at the border checkpoints,” he said. “They are searching vehicles at checkpoints on the roads. We heard the bridge [between Tachilek and Thailand’s Mae Sai] will be shut down today.”
Meanwhile, Keng Tung residents told DVB that a senior Northern Military Command officer had travelled to the Mong La special region to meet with the Mong La ceasefire army, which is wavering over whether to transform into a border guard force.
The meeting has reportedly alarmed locals who are fleeing to nearby areas. “Government workers in Mong La came back to Keng Tung about two days ago, in fearing that clashes would break out if the meeting didn’t turn out well,” said one resident.
“Both the government and the Mong La group have said they will not take responsibility [for the government workers] if clashes break out.” Keng Tung residents said that Burmese army vehicles were being sent to the Mong La region from Keng Tung at night.
No comments:
Post a Comment