Fire rages at major market in Yangon in Myanmar
AP - Tuesday, May 25
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A fire at the largest wholesale market in Yangon, Myanmar's commercial capital, has destroyed hundreds of shops, though no casualties have been immediately reported.
Officials say the fire at the Mingalar market in the city's southeastern suburbs broke out at about 8:15 a.m. Monday and may have been caused by an electrical short-circuit on the top floor of the five-story building.
The officials, who asked not to be named because they are not authorized to release information, say dozens of fire trucks tried to put out the blaze, which was still smoldering by mid-afternoon.
Hundreds of shops have been destroyed but the total property damage could not yet be tallied. The market sells consumer goods, clothing, textiles, medicine and electrical appliances.
AP - Tuesday, May 25
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – A fire at the largest wholesale market in Yangon, Myanmar's commercial capital, has destroyed hundreds of shops, though no casualties have been immediately reported.
Officials say the fire at the Mingalar market in the city's southeastern suburbs broke out at about 8:15 a.m. Monday and may have been caused by an electrical short-circuit on the top floor of the five-story building.
The officials, who asked not to be named because they are not authorized to release information, say dozens of fire trucks tried to put out the blaze, which was still smoldering by mid-afternoon.
Hundreds of shops have been destroyed but the total property damage could not yet be tallied. The market sells consumer goods, clothing, textiles, medicine and electrical appliances.
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POSCO signs preliminary deal to buy Daewoo Int'l
Tue May 25, 2010 5:22am EDT
SEOUL (Reuters) - South Korea's POSCO (005490.KS) said on Tuesday it had signed a preliminary agreement to buy Daewoo International (047050.KS), in what could become its biggest acquisition to date as the steelmaker looks to secure raw materials and boost overseas sales.
Deals
POSCO beat retail-focused local rival Lotte Group to snap up Daewoo earlier this month, after offering a higher-than-expected 3.4 trillion won ($2.8 billion) for a 68 percent stake in the country's biggest trading company, a source said.
Buying Daewoo, which also develops raw materials and ships POSCO steel products overseas, would give the world's No.4 steelmaker big resource assets such as an 8 trillion won gas development in Myanmar, a nickel project in Madagascar and coal projects in Australia.
POSCO wants to complete the deal by September.
Prior to the announcement, shares in POSCO, which is almost entirely dependent on imported iron ore and coking coal, closed down 2.1 percent and Daewoo shares dropped 5.6 percent, versus a 2.8 percent drop in the wider market .
Tue May 25, 2010 5:22am EDT
SEOUL (Reuters) - South Korea's POSCO (005490.KS) said on Tuesday it had signed a preliminary agreement to buy Daewoo International (047050.KS), in what could become its biggest acquisition to date as the steelmaker looks to secure raw materials and boost overseas sales.
Deals
POSCO beat retail-focused local rival Lotte Group to snap up Daewoo earlier this month, after offering a higher-than-expected 3.4 trillion won ($2.8 billion) for a 68 percent stake in the country's biggest trading company, a source said.
Buying Daewoo, which also develops raw materials and ships POSCO steel products overseas, would give the world's No.4 steelmaker big resource assets such as an 8 trillion won gas development in Myanmar, a nickel project in Madagascar and coal projects in Australia.
POSCO wants to complete the deal by September.
Prior to the announcement, shares in POSCO, which is almost entirely dependent on imported iron ore and coking coal, closed down 2.1 percent and Daewoo shares dropped 5.6 percent, versus a 2.8 percent drop in the wider market .
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May 25, 2010 17:05 PM
Public Servants Detained For Attempting To Smuggle Myanmar Women
BUKIT KAYU HITAM, May 25 (Bernama) -- Two public servants were detained at a roadblock mounted by the Anti-Smuggling Unit (UPP) on suspicion of attempting to smuggle in two Myanmar women into the country last Sunday.
Bukit Kayu Hitam UPP commander ASP Zunaidi Abdullah said the men, both in their 20s and employees of a government department in Kubang Pasu, were stopped at a road block at the North-South Expressway about 10am.
They were carrying two Myanmar women on their motorcycles, he added.
In another case, he said, three public servants, aged between 19 and 31, were arrested for attempting to smuggle 50 bottles of liquor at the same roadblock Monday night.
Public Servants Detained For Attempting To Smuggle Myanmar Women
BUKIT KAYU HITAM, May 25 (Bernama) -- Two public servants were detained at a roadblock mounted by the Anti-Smuggling Unit (UPP) on suspicion of attempting to smuggle in two Myanmar women into the country last Sunday.
Bukit Kayu Hitam UPP commander ASP Zunaidi Abdullah said the men, both in their 20s and employees of a government department in Kubang Pasu, were stopped at a road block at the North-South Expressway about 10am.
They were carrying two Myanmar women on their motorcycles, he added.
In another case, he said, three public servants, aged between 19 and 31, were arrested for attempting to smuggle 50 bottles of liquor at the same roadblock Monday night.
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May 25, 2010
Thomas Kean
Jakarta Globe - Forsaken but Not Forgotten, Rangoon Will Rise Again
There’s a saying in Burma that, roughly translated, says you go to Mawlamyine for food, to Mandalay for conversation and to Rangoon to show off. Poor Rangoon. Since the military shifted the seat of government to newly constructed Naypyidaw in late 2005, the city cannot even be described as the top place to display ill-gotten wealth anymore.
Many of its crumbling colonial and towering Chinese-style mansions now lie vacant, their owners summoned to the new capital, and the long government motorcades that were once an everyday annoyance are now a rare sight.
Set on the arid plains of upper Burma, Naypyidaw has been a significant drain on the country’s finances and is estimated to have cost at least $4 billion. Nowhere has the effect been felt more than in Rangoon, where potholed roads, blackouts and weeds growing from old government offices speak of the deliberate neglect that is taking place.
The present military rulers have always been ambivalent about this “foreign” city, which was little more than a village when the British established it as the capital of Lower Burma after the Second Anglo-Burmese War in the 1850s. The shift north owes more to strategy and tradition than the oft-cited astrological motives. Naypyidaw is centrally located and in the traditional heartland of Burmese kings. It’s also far away from the two main perceived threats to military rule and, in the words of the generals, most likely causes of “disintegration of the union”: foreign invasion and popular uprising.
Under the 2008 Constitution, the 440-member Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives, must convene within 90 days of the general election, scheduled for sometime this year. Both elected and appointed delegates — 25 percent of seats are reserved for military candidates — will meet in a 31-building parliament complex that should be completed by the end of this month.
That first session, marking the country’s return to democracy after 48 years of military rule, will be another indicator of Rangoon’s demise. But it is precisely because of the city’s faults in the eyes of the generals — its foreignness, population base and location — that it will continue to be the country’s most important urban area.
The shift to Naypyidaw has found little acceptance, locally or internationally. Government staff forced to move have done so only reluctantly, and local businesses, outside of the construction industry, still see few opportunities there at present.
With no international flights to Naypyidaw, Rangoon remains the center of international trade. Its five million residents represent the largest consumer market and the country’s primary port, at Thilawa, is just 25 kilometers away, as are most of Burma’s industrial zones.
Much of what remains of the country’s human capital is based in Rangoon and it continues to be the most vibrant city in Burma, the only one that could even remotely be called cosmopolitan or international.
There are also signs that the decline in fortunes in recent years will soon reverse. The specter of polls has at least forced the military regime to reconsider its priorities. More emphasis is being put on delivering services to appease voters in the lead-up to polling day.
One of the main gripes in Rangoon, the city most susceptible to political unrest, is the lack of electricity; the government supplies only 300 megawatts a day, less than half of the estimated demand. Some neighborhoods receive less than eight hours of power a day, while most get no more than 12.
A new natural-gas pipeline from the Yadana offshore field should help alleviate the power outages. At an estimated cost of $270 million, the pipeline project is a rare display of government largesse in lower Burma, and should conveniently come online in the third quarter of 2010.
While the city is now more of a transit point for up-country travel (with a brief stop-off at Shwedagon Pagoda, of course), with more investment in a wider range of accommodation and a revitalization of the city’s colonial districts, it could become a tourist destination in its own right.
But the greatest hope for the city’s future perhaps lies in the possibility of a post-election business revival. Economic development and opportunities are shaping up as the crucial election issues, and among the first acts of the new, mostly civilian government should be sweeping economic reforms that make the country a more attractive place for foreign investment, both large- and small-scale.
If this happens, Rangoon could be transformed from a crumbling colonial relic to the fulcrum of Burma’s reintegration into the global economy.
East Asia Forum
Thomas Kean is the editor of the English-language edition of The Myanmar Times newspaper in Rangoon.
Thomas Kean
Jakarta Globe - Forsaken but Not Forgotten, Rangoon Will Rise Again
There’s a saying in Burma that, roughly translated, says you go to Mawlamyine for food, to Mandalay for conversation and to Rangoon to show off. Poor Rangoon. Since the military shifted the seat of government to newly constructed Naypyidaw in late 2005, the city cannot even be described as the top place to display ill-gotten wealth anymore.
Many of its crumbling colonial and towering Chinese-style mansions now lie vacant, their owners summoned to the new capital, and the long government motorcades that were once an everyday annoyance are now a rare sight.
Set on the arid plains of upper Burma, Naypyidaw has been a significant drain on the country’s finances and is estimated to have cost at least $4 billion. Nowhere has the effect been felt more than in Rangoon, where potholed roads, blackouts and weeds growing from old government offices speak of the deliberate neglect that is taking place.
The present military rulers have always been ambivalent about this “foreign” city, which was little more than a village when the British established it as the capital of Lower Burma after the Second Anglo-Burmese War in the 1850s. The shift north owes more to strategy and tradition than the oft-cited astrological motives. Naypyidaw is centrally located and in the traditional heartland of Burmese kings. It’s also far away from the two main perceived threats to military rule and, in the words of the generals, most likely causes of “disintegration of the union”: foreign invasion and popular uprising.
Under the 2008 Constitution, the 440-member Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives, must convene within 90 days of the general election, scheduled for sometime this year. Both elected and appointed delegates — 25 percent of seats are reserved for military candidates — will meet in a 31-building parliament complex that should be completed by the end of this month.
That first session, marking the country’s return to democracy after 48 years of military rule, will be another indicator of Rangoon’s demise. But it is precisely because of the city’s faults in the eyes of the generals — its foreignness, population base and location — that it will continue to be the country’s most important urban area.
The shift to Naypyidaw has found little acceptance, locally or internationally. Government staff forced to move have done so only reluctantly, and local businesses, outside of the construction industry, still see few opportunities there at present.
With no international flights to Naypyidaw, Rangoon remains the center of international trade. Its five million residents represent the largest consumer market and the country’s primary port, at Thilawa, is just 25 kilometers away, as are most of Burma’s industrial zones.
Much of what remains of the country’s human capital is based in Rangoon and it continues to be the most vibrant city in Burma, the only one that could even remotely be called cosmopolitan or international.
There are also signs that the decline in fortunes in recent years will soon reverse. The specter of polls has at least forced the military regime to reconsider its priorities. More emphasis is being put on delivering services to appease voters in the lead-up to polling day.
One of the main gripes in Rangoon, the city most susceptible to political unrest, is the lack of electricity; the government supplies only 300 megawatts a day, less than half of the estimated demand. Some neighborhoods receive less than eight hours of power a day, while most get no more than 12.
A new natural-gas pipeline from the Yadana offshore field should help alleviate the power outages. At an estimated cost of $270 million, the pipeline project is a rare display of government largesse in lower Burma, and should conveniently come online in the third quarter of 2010.
While the city is now more of a transit point for up-country travel (with a brief stop-off at Shwedagon Pagoda, of course), with more investment in a wider range of accommodation and a revitalization of the city’s colonial districts, it could become a tourist destination in its own right.
But the greatest hope for the city’s future perhaps lies in the possibility of a post-election business revival. Economic development and opportunities are shaping up as the crucial election issues, and among the first acts of the new, mostly civilian government should be sweeping economic reforms that make the country a more attractive place for foreign investment, both large- and small-scale.
If this happens, Rangoon could be transformed from a crumbling colonial relic to the fulcrum of Burma’s reintegration into the global economy.
East Asia Forum
Thomas Kean is the editor of the English-language edition of The Myanmar Times newspaper in Rangoon.
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AsiaOne - Myanmar's flag mistaken as Taiwan's in Okinawa
Myanmar's national flag is 95 percent similar to Taiwan's in the graphic designs and colours. -The China Post/ANN
Tue, May 25, 2010
The China Post/Asia News Network
TAIPEI, Taiwan - The Okinawa monorail station in Japan reportedly mistook the national flag of Myanmar as that of Taiwan, a local cable TV station reported yesterday.
The TVBS reported that a Taiwanese tourist to Okinawa recently was surprised to find that Myanmar's flag was mistaken as Taiwan's flag at an Okinawa monorail station, and immediately called Taiwan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs for clarification.
Myanmar's national flag is 95 percent similar to Taiwan's in the graphic designs and colours.
For Taiwan's flag, the bright sunshine on the upper left corner represents equality, the blue sky implies freedom, and the red earth indicates universal love.
By contrast, also on the upper left corner of Myanmar's flag, the rice plant spike represents the nation's agricultural industry, gears indicates emerging industries, and 14 bright stars refer to 14 administration districts of the country.
It was reported that as Taiwan's flag was banned from entering tournament sites during the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, some people took in Myanmaran flags to as a substitute for Taiwan's to cheer Chinese Taiwan athletes.
Myanmar's national flag is 95 percent similar to Taiwan's in the graphic designs and colours. -The China Post/ANN
Tue, May 25, 2010
The China Post/Asia News Network
TAIPEI, Taiwan - The Okinawa monorail station in Japan reportedly mistook the national flag of Myanmar as that of Taiwan, a local cable TV station reported yesterday.
The TVBS reported that a Taiwanese tourist to Okinawa recently was surprised to find that Myanmar's flag was mistaken as Taiwan's flag at an Okinawa monorail station, and immediately called Taiwan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs for clarification.
Myanmar's national flag is 95 percent similar to Taiwan's in the graphic designs and colours.
For Taiwan's flag, the bright sunshine on the upper left corner represents equality, the blue sky implies freedom, and the red earth indicates universal love.
By contrast, also on the upper left corner of Myanmar's flag, the rice plant spike represents the nation's agricultural industry, gears indicates emerging industries, and 14 bright stars refer to 14 administration districts of the country.
It was reported that as Taiwan's flag was banned from entering tournament sites during the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, some people took in Myanmaran flags to as a substitute for Taiwan's to cheer Chinese Taiwan athletes.
***************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Than Shwe's Election Dilemma
By BAMARGYI - Monday, May 24, 2010
Snr-Gen Than Shwe is a worried man. He has called for an election which will change the course of the nation’s history. He single-handedly created the Constitution to safeguard his future and to protect his interests, formulated the election laws and presumably will schedule an election this year.
Even so, there are many things that could go wrong along the way.
For the past two decades, Than Shwe has eliminated all challenges to his power, and now, he has near absolute control. However, in spite of his best efforts, it appears things could still unravel beyond his control.
He is getting very old. These final days are when he must protect his family and cronies, all of whom have enriched themselves through questionable means. For the upcoming election, he has to ensure that there are 166 members of parliament elected from among the army's ranks, who will ensure the formation a new military-controlled government after the election.
One of the general's problems is that he is surrounded by corrupt officers and “Yes” men. Can the 166 new military-backed MPs be trusted? When a new government is installed, will it question the way the state has dispensed state-owned property to his family, friends and cronies?
Than Shwe is nearing his final act on the national scene, and the people he puts in power will affect his fate. He himself was picked by the late dictator Gen Ne Win for his loyalty, and his seemingly low profile. It turned out to be Ne Win’s biggest mistake in his life. Than Shwe well knows how a low-profile subordinate can overthrow the leader.
Apparently, he has picked Lt-Gen Myint Swe, the nephew of his wife Kyaing Kyaing, to be the next army chief, who will also be in charge of the interim government (along with five other young generals including Lt-Gen Myint Hlaing). Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye and Gen Thura Shwe Mann—junta's No.2 and No.3—are slated for retirement. A high level political position for Lt-Gen Tin Aye is out of the question because of his so-called eccentricity.
The problem of picking the right people for the new jobs is difficult because all the men in the top positions lack real creativity or intelligence. The brightest people have not been appointed to high level jobs.
Introducing a new government while his family and his cronies are robbing the state treasury is a formidable task.
Than Shwe has ordered his current ministers including Thein Sein to take charge of the new military-created political party, the Union Solidarity Development Party. However, without vote rigging these people can not be elected. If they are not elected, Than Shwe grand plan is over. If they are elected, then he has ensured his safe passage into the future at the expense of the country which will continue to deteriorate under military rule.
Another headache for Than Shwe is the conversion of cease-fire groups. Some super brain in the cabinet promoted the idea that their armies should be converted into border guards, managed by the junta, which would effectively remove their independence. If they do not agree, the government might be forced to go to war or drop the idea.
Today’s army is mainly composed of corrupt officers. A once proud army is a thing of the past. It is poorly equipped. Morale is at its lowest. For what purpose hasit waged war on its own people other than for Than Shwe to hold on to power?
There have been instances of field commanders colluding with with others to avoid confrontations on the front lines. Than Shwe knows too well he can not win a war in ethnic regions. Their struggle will go on. If he presses too hard on the ethnic armies it will backfire, and there will be a mutiny among the ranks. Perhaps a solution could be found with Aung San Suu Kyi, who could negotiate with the ethnic armies.
Everyone is now asking why no election date has been set? one explanation might be the general is still not sure how to negotiate his way to a safe future. Than Shwe is still not sure what he is going to do.
Although unlikely, there is still time for Than Shwe to come to his senses and to pull the country out of its long nightmare through some genuine acts of reconciliation prior to the announcement of the election date. That type of final act may be the most effective way to ensure his passage into a safe future.
By BAMARGYI - Monday, May 24, 2010
Snr-Gen Than Shwe is a worried man. He has called for an election which will change the course of the nation’s history. He single-handedly created the Constitution to safeguard his future and to protect his interests, formulated the election laws and presumably will schedule an election this year.
Even so, there are many things that could go wrong along the way.
For the past two decades, Than Shwe has eliminated all challenges to his power, and now, he has near absolute control. However, in spite of his best efforts, it appears things could still unravel beyond his control.
He is getting very old. These final days are when he must protect his family and cronies, all of whom have enriched themselves through questionable means. For the upcoming election, he has to ensure that there are 166 members of parliament elected from among the army's ranks, who will ensure the formation a new military-controlled government after the election.
One of the general's problems is that he is surrounded by corrupt officers and “Yes” men. Can the 166 new military-backed MPs be trusted? When a new government is installed, will it question the way the state has dispensed state-owned property to his family, friends and cronies?
Than Shwe is nearing his final act on the national scene, and the people he puts in power will affect his fate. He himself was picked by the late dictator Gen Ne Win for his loyalty, and his seemingly low profile. It turned out to be Ne Win’s biggest mistake in his life. Than Shwe well knows how a low-profile subordinate can overthrow the leader.
Apparently, he has picked Lt-Gen Myint Swe, the nephew of his wife Kyaing Kyaing, to be the next army chief, who will also be in charge of the interim government (along with five other young generals including Lt-Gen Myint Hlaing). Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye and Gen Thura Shwe Mann—junta's No.2 and No.3—are slated for retirement. A high level political position for Lt-Gen Tin Aye is out of the question because of his so-called eccentricity.
The problem of picking the right people for the new jobs is difficult because all the men in the top positions lack real creativity or intelligence. The brightest people have not been appointed to high level jobs.
Introducing a new government while his family and his cronies are robbing the state treasury is a formidable task.
Than Shwe has ordered his current ministers including Thein Sein to take charge of the new military-created political party, the Union Solidarity Development Party. However, without vote rigging these people can not be elected. If they are not elected, Than Shwe grand plan is over. If they are elected, then he has ensured his safe passage into the future at the expense of the country which will continue to deteriorate under military rule.
Another headache for Than Shwe is the conversion of cease-fire groups. Some super brain in the cabinet promoted the idea that their armies should be converted into border guards, managed by the junta, which would effectively remove their independence. If they do not agree, the government might be forced to go to war or drop the idea.
Today’s army is mainly composed of corrupt officers. A once proud army is a thing of the past. It is poorly equipped. Morale is at its lowest. For what purpose hasit waged war on its own people other than for Than Shwe to hold on to power?
There have been instances of field commanders colluding with with others to avoid confrontations on the front lines. Than Shwe knows too well he can not win a war in ethnic regions. Their struggle will go on. If he presses too hard on the ethnic armies it will backfire, and there will be a mutiny among the ranks. Perhaps a solution could be found with Aung San Suu Kyi, who could negotiate with the ethnic armies.
Everyone is now asking why no election date has been set? one explanation might be the general is still not sure how to negotiate his way to a safe future. Than Shwe is still not sure what he is going to do.
Although unlikely, there is still time for Than Shwe to come to his senses and to pull the country out of its long nightmare through some genuine acts of reconciliation prior to the announcement of the election date. That type of final act may be the most effective way to ensure his passage into a safe future.
***************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Five Years Added to Student Leader's Sentence
By BA KAUNG - Tuesday, May 25, 2010
Kyaw Ko Ko made three dramatic escapes, but his luck finally ran out in 2008, when Burmese authorities arrested him for his role in the 2007 Saffron Revolution and he was sentenced to three years in prison for possesing illegal videos.
On Friday, with his first sentence set to expire in one year, the junta tacked on an additional five years for illegal asociation and subversion.
Rahul Kyaw Kyaw Maung, alias Kyaw Ko Ko, 28, is the son of school teachers in Rangoon's Tamwe township. In 2006, he was in Rangoon studying for his masters degree in economics when he was recruited by former political prisoners to engage in political activities.
“Though he received some influence from other individuals, he himself is well-read, calm and disciplined,” recalled a political activist who met Kyaw Ko Ko a few years ago.
Kyaw Ko Ko met the prominent 88 Generation Students' leader Min Ko Naing in a monastery, where they were celebrating the anniversary of the student-led uprising in 1988.
When Min Ko Naing and other 88 Generation Students' leaders were re-arrested for their protests against the unannounced increase in fuel prices, and many former political prisoners consequently fled Burma for fear of persecution, younger activists like Kyaw Ko Ko stepped in to take a leadership role.
Representing the new generation of activists that has emerged since since the nationwide anti-government uprising in 1988, Kyaw Ko Ko attempted to rejuvenate the Burma Students' Union, which had became active again during the 1988 uprising.
Although not an officially outlawed association, the Students' Union had become virtually illegal since the 1962 military coup, despite the fact that it played an important role in the country's independence struggle.
“At the court on Friday, my brother did not deny that he tried to reorganize the student's organization, but he insisted to the judges that the organization is a legal organization,” said Kyaw Ko Ko's sister.
When the Saffron Revolution broke out, Kyaw Ko Ko continued his dissident leadership role, and after the crackdown on protesting monks, Kyaw Ko Ko went into hiding in and around Rangoon.
In October 2007, a house in South Okkalapa township that Kyaw Ko Ko was hiding in was raided. He managed to escape by jumping off the balcony, but some of his friends were arrested.
Later, the police discovered him in a Rangoon monastery where he had been given refuge, but again he managed to escape. He eluded the authorities for a third time when they raided a snack bar in Rangoon's Junction 8 Shopping mall where he was meeting with friends, who were all arrested.
Kyaw Ko Ko fled to Pegu, but returned to Rangoon in early 2008 to launch a no-vote campaign against the referendum over the junta's controversial Constitution. Before the referendum was held, however, he was finally arrested.
The authorities found videos of the 1988 uprising in the place where Kyaw Ko Ko was hiding, and although family members said he had nothing to do with the videos, in 2009 Kyaw Ko Ko was sentenced to three years in jail after being convicted of violating Burma's Video Act, which regulates uncensored videos, and sentenced to three years in jail.
Violation of the Video Act is one of the charges the regime used in handing down a heavy prison sentence to Burma's famous comedian Zarganar, who is currently jailed in a remote prison.
On Friday, following a trial that was not covered by the state-controlled media, Kyaw Ko Ko received an additional five-year jail sentence for unlawful association and subversion, which according to his defense lawyer, Aung Thein, he is alleged to have committed during the monks' protests in 2007.
“He gave a speech to the crowds in 2007 in front of the Rangoon city hall while representing the students, and this entails the first charge of unlawful association. The same fact becomes the basis of the second charge for subversion,” Aung Thein said. “I believe this is nothing but an attempt to lengthen his prison term.”
“I am not frustrated.
I will try to survive the prison life,” Kyaw Ko Ko told his sister during his Rangoon court appearance last week.
The 2007 Saffron Revolution saw the arrest and incarceration of other young activists in Burma, such as blogger Nay Phone Latt and hip-hop singer Zay Yar Thaw, who joined their activist predecessors in jails across the country.
And 2007 was not the first time Burma's young activists have been persecuted following the 1988 uprising. In 1998, many young dissidents were arrested and given long prison sentences, some exceeding 50 years. Many of these activists are still behind bars, according to the Thailand-based Association of Assistance for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPP).
Currently, while the regime is preparing to hold Burma's first election in twenty years, more than 2000 political prisoners are estimated to be in jails across the country. Under the regime's election laws, all of them are barred from the voting process and do not have the right to be a member of any political party.
“My brother is against the election this year. He has no faith in this at all,” Kyaw Ko Ko's sister said.
By BA KAUNG - Tuesday, May 25, 2010
Kyaw Ko Ko made three dramatic escapes, but his luck finally ran out in 2008, when Burmese authorities arrested him for his role in the 2007 Saffron Revolution and he was sentenced to three years in prison for possesing illegal videos.
On Friday, with his first sentence set to expire in one year, the junta tacked on an additional five years for illegal asociation and subversion.
Rahul Kyaw Kyaw Maung, alias Kyaw Ko Ko, 28, is the son of school teachers in Rangoon's Tamwe township. In 2006, he was in Rangoon studying for his masters degree in economics when he was recruited by former political prisoners to engage in political activities.
“Though he received some influence from other individuals, he himself is well-read, calm and disciplined,” recalled a political activist who met Kyaw Ko Ko a few years ago.
Kyaw Ko Ko met the prominent 88 Generation Students' leader Min Ko Naing in a monastery, where they were celebrating the anniversary of the student-led uprising in 1988.
When Min Ko Naing and other 88 Generation Students' leaders were re-arrested for their protests against the unannounced increase in fuel prices, and many former political prisoners consequently fled Burma for fear of persecution, younger activists like Kyaw Ko Ko stepped in to take a leadership role.
Representing the new generation of activists that has emerged since since the nationwide anti-government uprising in 1988, Kyaw Ko Ko attempted to rejuvenate the Burma Students' Union, which had became active again during the 1988 uprising.
Although not an officially outlawed association, the Students' Union had become virtually illegal since the 1962 military coup, despite the fact that it played an important role in the country's independence struggle.
“At the court on Friday, my brother did not deny that he tried to reorganize the student's organization, but he insisted to the judges that the organization is a legal organization,” said Kyaw Ko Ko's sister.
When the Saffron Revolution broke out, Kyaw Ko Ko continued his dissident leadership role, and after the crackdown on protesting monks, Kyaw Ko Ko went into hiding in and around Rangoon.
In October 2007, a house in South Okkalapa township that Kyaw Ko Ko was hiding in was raided. He managed to escape by jumping off the balcony, but some of his friends were arrested.
Later, the police discovered him in a Rangoon monastery where he had been given refuge, but again he managed to escape. He eluded the authorities for a third time when they raided a snack bar in Rangoon's Junction 8 Shopping mall where he was meeting with friends, who were all arrested.
Kyaw Ko Ko fled to Pegu, but returned to Rangoon in early 2008 to launch a no-vote campaign against the referendum over the junta's controversial Constitution. Before the referendum was held, however, he was finally arrested.
The authorities found videos of the 1988 uprising in the place where Kyaw Ko Ko was hiding, and although family members said he had nothing to do with the videos, in 2009 Kyaw Ko Ko was sentenced to three years in jail after being convicted of violating Burma's Video Act, which regulates uncensored videos, and sentenced to three years in jail.
Violation of the Video Act is one of the charges the regime used in handing down a heavy prison sentence to Burma's famous comedian Zarganar, who is currently jailed in a remote prison.
On Friday, following a trial that was not covered by the state-controlled media, Kyaw Ko Ko received an additional five-year jail sentence for unlawful association and subversion, which according to his defense lawyer, Aung Thein, he is alleged to have committed during the monks' protests in 2007.
“He gave a speech to the crowds in 2007 in front of the Rangoon city hall while representing the students, and this entails the first charge of unlawful association. The same fact becomes the basis of the second charge for subversion,” Aung Thein said. “I believe this is nothing but an attempt to lengthen his prison term.”
“I am not frustrated.
I will try to survive the prison life,” Kyaw Ko Ko told his sister during his Rangoon court appearance last week.
The 2007 Saffron Revolution saw the arrest and incarceration of other young activists in Burma, such as blogger Nay Phone Latt and hip-hop singer Zay Yar Thaw, who joined their activist predecessors in jails across the country.
And 2007 was not the first time Burma's young activists have been persecuted following the 1988 uprising. In 1998, many young dissidents were arrested and given long prison sentences, some exceeding 50 years. Many of these activists are still behind bars, according to the Thailand-based Association of Assistance for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPP).
Currently, while the regime is preparing to hold Burma's first election in twenty years, more than 2000 political prisoners are estimated to be in jails across the country. Under the regime's election laws, all of them are barred from the voting process and do not have the right to be a member of any political party.
“My brother is against the election this year. He has no faith in this at all,” Kyaw Ko Ko's sister said.
***************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Burmese Women Not Allowed to Marry Foreigners
By THAE THAE - Tuesday, May 25, 2010
Burmese authorities have been instructed by the government to block marriage ceremonies between Burmese women and foreign men, according to legal sources.
Burmese law allows marriages between Burmese citizens and foreigners, provided they give divisional courts 21 days notice.
“That law is now being suspended on the instructions of the government,” legal adviser Aung Thein told The Irrawaddy.
Aung Thein suggested the suspension of the law could be aimed at preventing human trafficking, but he described it as unfair. “It will prohibit the rights of couples if they truly love each other and want to get formally married,” he said.
The Rangoon journal Flower News journal reported this month that local brokers were involved with foreigners in trafficking Burmese women.
Lawyer Kyaw Hoe, said the suspension of the marriage law dates back to an incident five years ago when a young woman committed suicide after being forced by her parents to marry a foreigner.
“Since then all legal practitioners, including notaries, have not been allowed to officiate marriages between foreigners and Burmese women,” Kyaw Hoe said.
A well known Mandalay woman writer on social issues said Burmese should be free to marry whomever they wished. “I don't have any objection as long as it is not human trafficking,” she told The Irrawaddy, anonymously.
A representative of a Rangoon-based Myanmar Women Entrepreneurs' Association pointed out that Burmese women abroad had the right to marry whomever they liked.
A Burmese woman who married a foreigner 11 years ago and now lives in Thailand said: “What is most important is understanding and loyalty to each other. Race or religion don't matter.”
By THAE THAE - Tuesday, May 25, 2010
Burmese authorities have been instructed by the government to block marriage ceremonies between Burmese women and foreign men, according to legal sources.
Burmese law allows marriages between Burmese citizens and foreigners, provided they give divisional courts 21 days notice.
“That law is now being suspended on the instructions of the government,” legal adviser Aung Thein told The Irrawaddy.
Aung Thein suggested the suspension of the law could be aimed at preventing human trafficking, but he described it as unfair. “It will prohibit the rights of couples if they truly love each other and want to get formally married,” he said.
The Rangoon journal Flower News journal reported this month that local brokers were involved with foreigners in trafficking Burmese women.
Lawyer Kyaw Hoe, said the suspension of the marriage law dates back to an incident five years ago when a young woman committed suicide after being forced by her parents to marry a foreigner.
“Since then all legal practitioners, including notaries, have not been allowed to officiate marriages between foreigners and Burmese women,” Kyaw Hoe said.
A well known Mandalay woman writer on social issues said Burmese should be free to marry whomever they wished. “I don't have any objection as long as it is not human trafficking,” she told The Irrawaddy, anonymously.
A representative of a Rangoon-based Myanmar Women Entrepreneurs' Association pointed out that Burmese women abroad had the right to marry whomever they liked.
A Burmese woman who married a foreigner 11 years ago and now lives in Thailand said: “What is most important is understanding and loyalty to each other. Race or religion don't matter.”
***************************************************
Top brass arrive in Naypyidaw for quarterly meeting
Tuesday, 25 May 2010 18:06 Salai Hantha San
New Dehli (Mizzima) – Top-ranking military officers gathered in the secluded Burmese capital of Naypyidaw yesterday for the junta’s key three-day quarterly meeting, which was to start today at the office of the army commander in chief, a source close to the military said.
The meeting, which usually takes decisions on military assignments and reshuffles will reportedly be attended by State Peace and Development Council members including junta leader Senior General Than Shwe. Bureau of special operations (BSO) commanders, military operations command (Sa Ka Kha) chiefs, regional operations command (Da Ka Sa) heads, infantry division commanders, directors of military directorates and military academy principals also usually attend. Moreover, the prime minister and other cabinet ministers are usually invited.
All departments and ministries submit reports to the meeting and receive directives from junta leaders.
The army commander in chief, deputy commander in chief, BSOs from the war office, Sa Ka Kha commanders and all regional military commanders usually hold a separate closed-door meeting, which should happen before the weekend. Members of the cabinet hold a similar gathering.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, an analyst on the Burmese military, based on the Sino-Burmese border, told Mizzima that plans detailed at the main meeting could be directives to all military regional commanders on winning this year’s elections.
He speculated that “the meeting could be used to nominate the military representatives who will comprise 25 per cent of military seats [set out in the junta’s electoral laws] in the proposed upper and lower houses of parliament and the lists could be announced soon”.
Critics of the military said the junta meeting was also a venue for subordinates to pass gifts to their superiors in the hope of currying favour and gaining promotions.
The SPDC’s quarterly meetings are usually held in January, May and September, but the meetings are frequently postponed without apparent reason. The last top-brass meeting was held from November 23 to 28 last year.
Since that meeting, some major political changes have emerged, such as promulgation of election laws, resignations of several cabinet members from military posts and the founding of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), made up of the military officers who resigned.
An executive member of Network for Democracy and Development (NDD) based in Mae Sot, Thailand, near the Burmese border, speculated that the meeting could discuss the issue of the junta’s Border Guard Force.
Ahead of the Naypyidaw meeting, Burma’s commanders have made numerous attempts to persuade or coerce ethnic ceasefire groups to join the force under the command of the Burmese army, using talks, ultimatums or military build-ups around areas under the groups’ control. The talks involved several groups, including the United Wa State Army and the Kachin Independence Organisation. In most cases, the groups rejected the plan.
“They [officials at the Naypyidaw meeting] could discuss the Border Guard Force issue, but we should wait and see what develops since Chinese Prime Minister [Premier Wen Jiabao] will soon visit Burma,” the NDD executive member said. “I don’t think there will be major changes [before then]”.
Analysts said the meeting could be the last of the year as the third-quarter meeting scheduled in September may coincide with the junta’s proposed polls.
Tuesday, 25 May 2010 18:06 Salai Hantha San
New Dehli (Mizzima) – Top-ranking military officers gathered in the secluded Burmese capital of Naypyidaw yesterday for the junta’s key three-day quarterly meeting, which was to start today at the office of the army commander in chief, a source close to the military said.
The meeting, which usually takes decisions on military assignments and reshuffles will reportedly be attended by State Peace and Development Council members including junta leader Senior General Than Shwe. Bureau of special operations (BSO) commanders, military operations command (Sa Ka Kha) chiefs, regional operations command (Da Ka Sa) heads, infantry division commanders, directors of military directorates and military academy principals also usually attend. Moreover, the prime minister and other cabinet ministers are usually invited.
All departments and ministries submit reports to the meeting and receive directives from junta leaders.
The army commander in chief, deputy commander in chief, BSOs from the war office, Sa Ka Kha commanders and all regional military commanders usually hold a separate closed-door meeting, which should happen before the weekend. Members of the cabinet hold a similar gathering.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, an analyst on the Burmese military, based on the Sino-Burmese border, told Mizzima that plans detailed at the main meeting could be directives to all military regional commanders on winning this year’s elections.
He speculated that “the meeting could be used to nominate the military representatives who will comprise 25 per cent of military seats [set out in the junta’s electoral laws] in the proposed upper and lower houses of parliament and the lists could be announced soon”.
Critics of the military said the junta meeting was also a venue for subordinates to pass gifts to their superiors in the hope of currying favour and gaining promotions.
The SPDC’s quarterly meetings are usually held in January, May and September, but the meetings are frequently postponed without apparent reason. The last top-brass meeting was held from November 23 to 28 last year.
Since that meeting, some major political changes have emerged, such as promulgation of election laws, resignations of several cabinet members from military posts and the founding of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), made up of the military officers who resigned.
An executive member of Network for Democracy and Development (NDD) based in Mae Sot, Thailand, near the Burmese border, speculated that the meeting could discuss the issue of the junta’s Border Guard Force.
Ahead of the Naypyidaw meeting, Burma’s commanders have made numerous attempts to persuade or coerce ethnic ceasefire groups to join the force under the command of the Burmese army, using talks, ultimatums or military build-ups around areas under the groups’ control. The talks involved several groups, including the United Wa State Army and the Kachin Independence Organisation. In most cases, the groups rejected the plan.
“They [officials at the Naypyidaw meeting] could discuss the Border Guard Force issue, but we should wait and see what develops since Chinese Prime Minister [Premier Wen Jiabao] will soon visit Burma,” the NDD executive member said. “I don’t think there will be major changes [before then]”.
Analysts said the meeting could be the last of the year as the third-quarter meeting scheduled in September may coincide with the junta’s proposed polls.
***************************************************
DVB News - Yawd Serk: ‘Ethnic armies are closer’
By TOE ZAW LATT
Published: 25 May 2010
Thousands converged at the headquarters of the Shan State Army (South) in Doi Tai Leng on 21 May to celebrate the 52nd Shan Resistance Day and 10-year anniversary of Restoration Council for Shan State. The SSA-S is one of Burma’s largest armed ethnic groups, and has been fighting the government for more than half a century.
Yawd Serk, chairman of the Shan State Army, told DVB that Burma’s multiple ethnic armies are closer to forming an alliance, and through media and wider awareness, the people of Burma and the international community are steadily acknowledging the injustices of the Burmese military government.
What have you achieved over 52 years of resistance, and what needs to be done in the near future?
We have achieved two things: first, we have the experience of what we have done wrong and what we have done right. Second, we know about the people of Burma, that the people of Burma don’t like the [ruling] State Peace and Development Council [SPDC]. We also sense that for the past 52 years we have seen progress within the resistance movement. In the past, we have seen that different groups of resistance armies, like in Shan state, try to fight with one another, and also in other states like Karen state, but now their situation has changed and there is better communication so we can now work together for freedom.
The injustices of the SPDC have been shut away for a long time but now they cannot hide this situation anymore so the news on what’s happening in Burma has been disclosed to the world. We believe that now the SPDC – if they do what they have done in the past – we know they cannot stand firm anymore and we believe we can defeat them in the near future. Organisations such as DVB…now disclose what is happening in the Burma to the rest of the world. The news is important and beneficial to people of Burma so we have seen the progress of the media in this respect.
What is the SSA’s opinion on the Border Guard Force, and will there be alliances with other ethnic groups?
We don’t know the internal conditions and situation but there are three things to express: first, all ceasefire groups made the ceasefire because they believe they can solve the problem through politics. After they made the ceasefire with the SPDC, the government took advantage and broke promises with the ceasefire groups. The ceasefire groups are also armies, as is the SPDC, so it is army on army, not government – the SPDC is a group of soldiers, not a government. Now they have an expanding army so they try to oppress and take advantage of smaller armies. If the SPDC is stubborn in forcing the ceasefire groups to transform into Border Guard Force, then war is inevitable.
If there is more fighting, then more people will face difficulty. The 2010 elections will bring nothing, and will create more problems for the people of Burma.
So you do not accept the 2010 elections at all?
I am pessimistic about the [2008] constitution and about the election laws. Now [the junta] are just forcing the people to vote and this means that when the other parties
cannot participate, [the generals] are just voting for themselves.
Some ethnic leaders believe that 2010 elections could bring more space for ethnic people.
We don't see any space. In my mind there are two big political parties, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and National League for Democracy (NLD). They don't have any chance to participate in these elections, so with the smaller parties, how can they campaign to attract more people? If there is any space, ethnic groups will only get a small slice of the cake. If there is to be an effective boycott, then no parties should be set up – the SPDC should just do it on its own.
How important is culture and religion in Shan state?
The junta shows their insincerity towards ethnics by trying to belittle and destroy the culture of the people. Justice means that all people live together peacefully; not only for the people of Shan state, but for the people of Burma, there is justice [but] it depends on our group power“ if we have the will power then we will be able to win one day. The people of Burma need to use their knowledge to think more and do more to overcome injustice. People must also be loyal to one another, and be mindful of their actions. Regarding the generals and the elections, they need to be very careful: the people in power know that the constitution and election law is not fair, so people need to boycott silently. Setting up a new political party is not beneficial to ethnic people.
By TOE ZAW LATT
Published: 25 May 2010
Thousands converged at the headquarters of the Shan State Army (South) in Doi Tai Leng on 21 May to celebrate the 52nd Shan Resistance Day and 10-year anniversary of Restoration Council for Shan State. The SSA-S is one of Burma’s largest armed ethnic groups, and has been fighting the government for more than half a century.
Yawd Serk, chairman of the Shan State Army, told DVB that Burma’s multiple ethnic armies are closer to forming an alliance, and through media and wider awareness, the people of Burma and the international community are steadily acknowledging the injustices of the Burmese military government.
What have you achieved over 52 years of resistance, and what needs to be done in the near future?
We have achieved two things: first, we have the experience of what we have done wrong and what we have done right. Second, we know about the people of Burma, that the people of Burma don’t like the [ruling] State Peace and Development Council [SPDC]. We also sense that for the past 52 years we have seen progress within the resistance movement. In the past, we have seen that different groups of resistance armies, like in Shan state, try to fight with one another, and also in other states like Karen state, but now their situation has changed and there is better communication so we can now work together for freedom.
The injustices of the SPDC have been shut away for a long time but now they cannot hide this situation anymore so the news on what’s happening in Burma has been disclosed to the world. We believe that now the SPDC – if they do what they have done in the past – we know they cannot stand firm anymore and we believe we can defeat them in the near future. Organisations such as DVB…now disclose what is happening in the Burma to the rest of the world. The news is important and beneficial to people of Burma so we have seen the progress of the media in this respect.
What is the SSA’s opinion on the Border Guard Force, and will there be alliances with other ethnic groups?
We don’t know the internal conditions and situation but there are three things to express: first, all ceasefire groups made the ceasefire because they believe they can solve the problem through politics. After they made the ceasefire with the SPDC, the government took advantage and broke promises with the ceasefire groups. The ceasefire groups are also armies, as is the SPDC, so it is army on army, not government – the SPDC is a group of soldiers, not a government. Now they have an expanding army so they try to oppress and take advantage of smaller armies. If the SPDC is stubborn in forcing the ceasefire groups to transform into Border Guard Force, then war is inevitable.
If there is more fighting, then more people will face difficulty. The 2010 elections will bring nothing, and will create more problems for the people of Burma.
So you do not accept the 2010 elections at all?
I am pessimistic about the [2008] constitution and about the election laws. Now [the junta] are just forcing the people to vote and this means that when the other parties
cannot participate, [the generals] are just voting for themselves.
Some ethnic leaders believe that 2010 elections could bring more space for ethnic people.
We don't see any space. In my mind there are two big political parties, the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) and National League for Democracy (NLD). They don't have any chance to participate in these elections, so with the smaller parties, how can they campaign to attract more people? If there is any space, ethnic groups will only get a small slice of the cake. If there is to be an effective boycott, then no parties should be set up – the SPDC should just do it on its own.
How important is culture and religion in Shan state?
The junta shows their insincerity towards ethnics by trying to belittle and destroy the culture of the people. Justice means that all people live together peacefully; not only for the people of Shan state, but for the people of Burma, there is justice [but] it depends on our group power“ if we have the will power then we will be able to win one day. The people of Burma need to use their knowledge to think more and do more to overcome injustice. People must also be loyal to one another, and be mindful of their actions. Regarding the generals and the elections, they need to be very careful: the people in power know that the constitution and election law is not fair, so people need to boycott silently. Setting up a new political party is not beneficial to ethnic people.
***************************************************
DVB News - Wa army operations ‘worry junta’
By NAN KHAM KAEW
Published: 25 May 2010
Increased digging of trenches and weapon stockpiling by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) is reportedly concerning the ruling junta in Burma, who last week met with officials from the Wa’s southern brigade.
Burmese intelligence chief Ye Myint during talks close to the border town of Tachilek questioned the reasons behind the UWSA’s troop recruitment boost: the 30,000-strong ceasefire army is already Burma’s largest, and controls swathes of territory in the country’s northeastern Shan state.
Tensions between the ethnic army and the ruling junta have been high in recent months as the Wa wavers over whether to transform into a ceasefire group.
“Apparently general Ye Myint said the government had no wish to fight with the Wa and break the peace between the two,” a Wa official said under condition of anonymity.
Ye Myint reportedly questioned whether the operations, which include accepting back former Wa fighters, were preparation for fighting with the Burmese government.
But, according to the official, the UWSA commander who met with Ye Myint told him that the actions were standard procedures given the Wa’s proximity to the Laos and Thailand borders and armed groups that operate there.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a military analyst based on the China-Burma border, said that Aung Than Htut Thein, the chief of Military Affairs Security (MAS), the junta’s de facto intelligence agency, travelled to the Wa state capital Panghsang on 9 May, but was snubbed by the UWSA.
Following the visit, however, Wa leader Bao Youxiang sent a letter to Ye Myint stating the UWSA’s position, including its “fundamental support” for the upcoming elections.
But the tensions surrounding the Border Guard Force issue have hindered the UWSA from working on development projects along the border, the Wa official told DVB. The first spark of violence in Shan state occurred in August last year when the Burmese army attacked an ethnic Kokang army, which had refused to transform into a border militia.
“The Wa were able to go to remote villages to help them with school building, agricultural work and health but now no longer since the Kokang incident last year,” he said.
He added that following this, and increased militarisation of the region, government officials are “trespassing on Wa territory”, although he acknowledged that NGO and World Food Programme workers were active in the region.
By NAN KHAM KAEW
Published: 25 May 2010
Increased digging of trenches and weapon stockpiling by the United Wa State Army (UWSA) is reportedly concerning the ruling junta in Burma, who last week met with officials from the Wa’s southern brigade.
Burmese intelligence chief Ye Myint during talks close to the border town of Tachilek questioned the reasons behind the UWSA’s troop recruitment boost: the 30,000-strong ceasefire army is already Burma’s largest, and controls swathes of territory in the country’s northeastern Shan state.
Tensions between the ethnic army and the ruling junta have been high in recent months as the Wa wavers over whether to transform into a ceasefire group.
“Apparently general Ye Myint said the government had no wish to fight with the Wa and break the peace between the two,” a Wa official said under condition of anonymity.
Ye Myint reportedly questioned whether the operations, which include accepting back former Wa fighters, were preparation for fighting with the Burmese government.
But, according to the official, the UWSA commander who met with Ye Myint told him that the actions were standard procedures given the Wa’s proximity to the Laos and Thailand borders and armed groups that operate there.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a military analyst based on the China-Burma border, said that Aung Than Htut Thein, the chief of Military Affairs Security (MAS), the junta’s de facto intelligence agency, travelled to the Wa state capital Panghsang on 9 May, but was snubbed by the UWSA.
Following the visit, however, Wa leader Bao Youxiang sent a letter to Ye Myint stating the UWSA’s position, including its “fundamental support” for the upcoming elections.
But the tensions surrounding the Border Guard Force issue have hindered the UWSA from working on development projects along the border, the Wa official told DVB. The first spark of violence in Shan state occurred in August last year when the Burmese army attacked an ethnic Kokang army, which had refused to transform into a border militia.
“The Wa were able to go to remote villages to help them with school building, agricultural work and health but now no longer since the Kokang incident last year,” he said.
He added that following this, and increased militarisation of the region, government officials are “trespassing on Wa territory”, although he acknowledged that NGO and World Food Programme workers were active in the region.
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