Obama extends sanctions on Myanmar
Fri May 14, 7:49 pm ET
WASHINGTON (AFP) – President Barack Obama on Friday formally extended sanctions against Myanmar, keeping US pressure on a military regime aiming to hold its first elections in more than two decades later this year.
Obama extended the emergency sanctions, first employed in May 1997, "because the actions and policies of the government of Burma continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States," he said in a message to Congress.
The move, merely a formality, bars American firms from investing in Myanmar -- formerly known as Burma -- and bans Myanmar exports to the United States. The sanctions also target individuals in and linked to the Myanmar junta.
The extension comes just days after the National League for Democracy (NLD) headed by pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi was forcibly dissolved after refusing to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register as a political party -- a move that would have forced it to expel its own leader.
The dissolution was prompted by widely criticized laws governing the elections, which are scheduled for some time later this year.
Under election legislation unveiled in March, anyone serving a prison term is banned from being a member of a political party and parties that fail to obey the rule will be abolished.
The junta has kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for nearly 20 years. The Nobel peace laureate led her party to victory in 1990 but the junta never allowed the election to stand.
The 64-year-old Nobel peace laureate was allowed to meet this week with a top US diplomat visiting the country.
Aung San Suu Kyi met for some 90 minutes Monday with assistant secretary of state Kurt Campbell at a government guest house.
Campbell said after his talks with Suu Kyi and government officials that the United States was "profoundly disappointed" in the junta's preparations for upcoming elections and wanted "immediate steps" to address fears that they would lack legitimacy.
Fri May 14, 7:49 pm ET
WASHINGTON (AFP) – President Barack Obama on Friday formally extended sanctions against Myanmar, keeping US pressure on a military regime aiming to hold its first elections in more than two decades later this year.
Obama extended the emergency sanctions, first employed in May 1997, "because the actions and policies of the government of Burma continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States," he said in a message to Congress.
The move, merely a formality, bars American firms from investing in Myanmar -- formerly known as Burma -- and bans Myanmar exports to the United States. The sanctions also target individuals in and linked to the Myanmar junta.
The extension comes just days after the National League for Democracy (NLD) headed by pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi was forcibly dissolved after refusing to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register as a political party -- a move that would have forced it to expel its own leader.
The dissolution was prompted by widely criticized laws governing the elections, which are scheduled for some time later this year.
Under election legislation unveiled in March, anyone serving a prison term is banned from being a member of a political party and parties that fail to obey the rule will be abolished.
The junta has kept Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest for nearly 20 years. The Nobel peace laureate led her party to victory in 1990 but the junta never allowed the election to stand.
The 64-year-old Nobel peace laureate was allowed to meet this week with a top US diplomat visiting the country.
Aung San Suu Kyi met for some 90 minutes Monday with assistant secretary of state Kurt Campbell at a government guest house.
Campbell said after his talks with Suu Kyi and government officials that the United States was "profoundly disappointed" in the junta's preparations for upcoming elections and wanted "immediate steps" to address fears that they would lack legitimacy.
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Writer combines love, criticism of dictatorship
By CARL HARTMAN, For The Associated Press – Mon May 17, 6:51 am ET
"Burmese Lessons: A True Love Story" (Nan A. Talese/Doubleday, 400 pages, $27.95), by Karen Connelly: A generous dollop of poetic chick lit combines surprisingly well with criticism of Burma's half-century of bloody dictatorship in Canadian Karen Connelly's "Burmese Lessons."
Her title page labels it "A True Love Story."
On her first stroll in the old Burmese capital, a wordless, smiling woman and little boy motion the author into a dark room in a narrow cement building.
The boy bows to a Buddha statue. Karen genuflects three times, recalling a year she spent with a Buddhist family in Thailand.
"I think I've happened upon the neighborhood shrine for children," she writes. "Soon there are a dozen kids clustered around me in the candlelight. As flowers surround the Buddha, I am encircled by thin brown limbs, open faces, an assortment of wide or cautious smiles.
"Thus I learn my destiny. I will never leave Rangoon. I will return to this street and find a house here and adopt children as beautiful as these ..."
She does leave Burma, but only after falling in love with the country — which she refuses to call Myanmar, the name given by the ruling generals. Her interest had been aroused by the fate of a female political prisoner, a writer like herself. She interviews several former prisoners.
"The most common form of torture in Burma's prisons is beating," she summarizes.
"Beatings with the fists, with boots, with sticks, with leather belts. Beatings standing up, beatings squatting down naked with hands clasped behind the head. ... Beatings until the kidney or the liver or the spleen or the intestine is irreparably damaged; beatings that cause permanent paralysis. Beatings with a black hood over the head. As though the victim in the interrogation cell, through her actions and her voice, has become her own executioner."
Shaken by the violence she sees at an anti-government demonstration, Karen returns to neighboring Thailand. Authorities there tolerate refugees and insurgents along the border fighting the Burmese generals' forces.
Karen falls heavily for Maung, handsome leader of an insurgent group.
She is hardly fazed by credible stories of his continued connections with Burmese women and his alleged ordering of executions without trial of suspected traitors among rival dissidents. He wants to marry her and have children, but she breaks off after an inner struggle — a little miffed at his reticence about his work.
"To keep my own future safe for my work as a writer," she says, "I had to leave both Maung and the border ... What was I but a writer? ... To endanger the work endangers the self."
Maung has since married a Burmese woman. Karen has married Robert Chang, a Toronto architect.
"We share an abiding and equal respect for each other's work," she wrote recently, "and allow each other all the space we need to accomplish it while also taking care of our little boy, who is three. (We just have one, so far.)"
By CARL HARTMAN, For The Associated Press – Mon May 17, 6:51 am ET
"Burmese Lessons: A True Love Story" (Nan A. Talese/Doubleday, 400 pages, $27.95), by Karen Connelly: A generous dollop of poetic chick lit combines surprisingly well with criticism of Burma's half-century of bloody dictatorship in Canadian Karen Connelly's "Burmese Lessons."
Her title page labels it "A True Love Story."
On her first stroll in the old Burmese capital, a wordless, smiling woman and little boy motion the author into a dark room in a narrow cement building.
The boy bows to a Buddha statue. Karen genuflects three times, recalling a year she spent with a Buddhist family in Thailand.
"I think I've happened upon the neighborhood shrine for children," she writes. "Soon there are a dozen kids clustered around me in the candlelight. As flowers surround the Buddha, I am encircled by thin brown limbs, open faces, an assortment of wide or cautious smiles.
"Thus I learn my destiny. I will never leave Rangoon. I will return to this street and find a house here and adopt children as beautiful as these ..."
She does leave Burma, but only after falling in love with the country — which she refuses to call Myanmar, the name given by the ruling generals. Her interest had been aroused by the fate of a female political prisoner, a writer like herself. She interviews several former prisoners.
"The most common form of torture in Burma's prisons is beating," she summarizes.
"Beatings with the fists, with boots, with sticks, with leather belts. Beatings standing up, beatings squatting down naked with hands clasped behind the head. ... Beatings until the kidney or the liver or the spleen or the intestine is irreparably damaged; beatings that cause permanent paralysis. Beatings with a black hood over the head. As though the victim in the interrogation cell, through her actions and her voice, has become her own executioner."
Shaken by the violence she sees at an anti-government demonstration, Karen returns to neighboring Thailand. Authorities there tolerate refugees and insurgents along the border fighting the Burmese generals' forces.
Karen falls heavily for Maung, handsome leader of an insurgent group.
She is hardly fazed by credible stories of his continued connections with Burmese women and his alleged ordering of executions without trial of suspected traitors among rival dissidents. He wants to marry her and have children, but she breaks off after an inner struggle — a little miffed at his reticence about his work.
"To keep my own future safe for my work as a writer," she says, "I had to leave both Maung and the border ... What was I but a writer? ... To endanger the work endangers the self."
Maung has since married a Burmese woman. Karen has married Robert Chang, a Toronto architect.
"We share an abiding and equal respect for each other's work," she wrote recently, "and allow each other all the space we need to accomplish it while also taking care of our little boy, who is three. (We just have one, so far.)"
*******************************************************
Myanmar's Suu Kyi irked by NLD breakaway group
Sat May 15, 2010 5:36pm IST
By Aung Hla Tun
YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar's pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi criticised a breakaway faction of her now-defunct political party, her lawyer said, after renegade former members set up a party of their own to contest this year's election.
Suu Kyi's own National League for Democracy (NLD) was effectively dissolved after deciding to boycott an upcoming election in the military-ruled southeast Asian country, but several members broke off to create a new opposition party known as the National Democratic Force (NDF) to participate in polls.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner detained for 15 of the last 21 years, called the splinter group "undemocratic". Her own party did not register its candidacy on May 7, saying unjust election laws barred many of its senior figures from running.
"Aung San Suu Kyi said that the minority going against the decision unanimously reached by the majority is against democratic practice," said Suu Kyi's lawyer, Nyan Win, one of the few people allowed to visit her.
The election, a date for which has not yet been set, has been widely dismissed as a sham to create a facade of democracy in a country ruled by the military for almost five decades.
The NLD, which won the last election in 1990 by a landslide but was denied the chance to take office, said it would not run in "unjust" polls, sparking anger among many of its supporters.
Critics say elected civilians will be offered only a minor role in the running of the country, with the ruling generals retaining full control, either directly or through proxies.
Analysts say the move by the NLD, which was seen as the only party capable of challenging the military's grip on power, could backfire and leave Myanmar with no credible opposition.
Sat May 15, 2010 5:36pm IST
By Aung Hla Tun
YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar's pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi criticised a breakaway faction of her now-defunct political party, her lawyer said, after renegade former members set up a party of their own to contest this year's election.
Suu Kyi's own National League for Democracy (NLD) was effectively dissolved after deciding to boycott an upcoming election in the military-ruled southeast Asian country, but several members broke off to create a new opposition party known as the National Democratic Force (NDF) to participate in polls.
Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner detained for 15 of the last 21 years, called the splinter group "undemocratic". Her own party did not register its candidacy on May 7, saying unjust election laws barred many of its senior figures from running.
"Aung San Suu Kyi said that the minority going against the decision unanimously reached by the majority is against democratic practice," said Suu Kyi's lawyer, Nyan Win, one of the few people allowed to visit her.
The election, a date for which has not yet been set, has been widely dismissed as a sham to create a facade of democracy in a country ruled by the military for almost five decades.
The NLD, which won the last election in 1990 by a landslide but was denied the chance to take office, said it would not run in "unjust" polls, sparking anger among many of its supporters.
Critics say elected civilians will be offered only a minor role in the running of the country, with the ruling generals retaining full control, either directly or through proxies.
Analysts say the move by the NLD, which was seen as the only party capable of challenging the military's grip on power, could backfire and leave Myanmar with no credible opposition.
*******************************************************
HIV among gay, bisexual men at alarming highs in Asia
Mon May 17, 6:05 am ET
HONG KONG (Reuters) – HIV prevalence among gay and bisexual men has hit alarming levels in Asia and most of them do not have access to services and care due to punitive laws which drive them underground, a U.N.-backed report said on Monday.
The situation may worsen if countries fail to reverse laws that criminalize sex between adult males and cross-dressing, and selectively prosecute gay and bisexual men using public order and prostitution offences, it added.
"Nineteen of 48 countries in the Asia Pacific region criminalize male-to-male sex, and these laws often take on the force of vigilantism, often leading to abuse and human rights violations," according to the report.
"Even where there are no specific offences for male-to-male sex, MSM (men who have sex with men) and transgender people are subject to police abuses and are targeted by police for other offences relating to public order, vagrancy, prostitution and obscenity."
Put together by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Asia Pacific Coalition on Male Sexual Health (APCPM) and the University of Hong Kong's Center for Comparative and Public Law, the report said HIV prevalence among gay and bisexual men has been rising in many Asian countries.
For example, HIV prevalence among gay and bisexual men in Bangkok was now 30.8 percent compared to 1.4 percent in the adult population in Thailand. In Yangon, the figure was 29.3 percent versus 0.7 percent in Myanmar; while in Mumbai, it was 17 percent versus 0.36 percent in all of India.
Over 90 percent of gay and bisexual men in Asia do not have access to HIV prevention and care services, the report said. It cited examples of repressive laws or lack of anti-discrimination laws preventing these men from getting the help they needed.
These include HIV prevention services being interrupted by police harassment of outreach workers, many of whom are MSM or transgender peer educators. Condoms and lubricants are also confiscated by police as evidence of sex work or of illegal male-to-male sex.
The report urged for the repeal of laws that criminalize sex between men and the enactment of anti-discrimination laws.
"The effectiveness of the HIV response will depend not just on the sustained scale up of HIV prevention, treatment and care, but on whether the legal and social environment support or hinder programs for those who are most vulnerable" said Mandeep Dhaliwal, UNDP Cluster Leader on Human Rights, Gender & Sexual Diversity.
Mon May 17, 6:05 am ET
HONG KONG (Reuters) – HIV prevalence among gay and bisexual men has hit alarming levels in Asia and most of them do not have access to services and care due to punitive laws which drive them underground, a U.N.-backed report said on Monday.
The situation may worsen if countries fail to reverse laws that criminalize sex between adult males and cross-dressing, and selectively prosecute gay and bisexual men using public order and prostitution offences, it added.
"Nineteen of 48 countries in the Asia Pacific region criminalize male-to-male sex, and these laws often take on the force of vigilantism, often leading to abuse and human rights violations," according to the report.
"Even where there are no specific offences for male-to-male sex, MSM (men who have sex with men) and transgender people are subject to police abuses and are targeted by police for other offences relating to public order, vagrancy, prostitution and obscenity."
Put together by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Asia Pacific Coalition on Male Sexual Health (APCPM) and the University of Hong Kong's Center for Comparative and Public Law, the report said HIV prevalence among gay and bisexual men has been rising in many Asian countries.
For example, HIV prevalence among gay and bisexual men in Bangkok was now 30.8 percent compared to 1.4 percent in the adult population in Thailand. In Yangon, the figure was 29.3 percent versus 0.7 percent in Myanmar; while in Mumbai, it was 17 percent versus 0.36 percent in all of India.
Over 90 percent of gay and bisexual men in Asia do not have access to HIV prevention and care services, the report said. It cited examples of repressive laws or lack of anti-discrimination laws preventing these men from getting the help they needed.
These include HIV prevention services being interrupted by police harassment of outreach workers, many of whom are MSM or transgender peer educators. Condoms and lubricants are also confiscated by police as evidence of sex work or of illegal male-to-male sex.
The report urged for the repeal of laws that criminalize sex between men and the enactment of anti-discrimination laws.
"The effectiveness of the HIV response will depend not just on the sustained scale up of HIV prevention, treatment and care, but on whether the legal and social environment support or hinder programs for those who are most vulnerable" said Mandeep Dhaliwal, UNDP Cluster Leader on Human Rights, Gender & Sexual Diversity.
*******************************************************
Scoop - National Emergency with Respect to Burma
Monday, 17 May 2010, 4:01 pm
Press Release: The White House
Message from the President on the Continuation of the National Emergency with Respect to Burma
Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) provides for the automatic termination of a national emergency unless, prior to the anniversary date of its declaration, the President publishes in the Federal Register and transmits to the Congress a notice stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the anniversary date. I have sent the enclosed notice to the Federal Register for publication, stating that the Burma emergency is to continue in effect beyond May 20, 2010.
The crisis between the United States and Burma arising from the actions and policies of the Government of Burma, including its engaging in large-scale repression of the democratic opposition in Burma, that led to the declaration of a national emergency in Executive Order 13047 of May 20, 1997, as modified in scope and relied upon for additional steps taken in Executive Order 13310 of July 28, 2003, Executive Order 13448 of October 18, 2007, and Executive Order 13464 of April 30, 2008, has not been resolved. These actions and policies are hostile to U.S. interests and pose a continuing unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. For this reason, I have determined that it is necessary to continue the national emergency with respect to Burma and maintain in force the sanctions against Burma to respond to this threat.
BARACK OBAMA
ENDS
Monday, 17 May 2010, 4:01 pm
Press Release: The White House
Message from the President on the Continuation of the National Emergency with Respect to Burma
Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) provides for the automatic termination of a national emergency unless, prior to the anniversary date of its declaration, the President publishes in the Federal Register and transmits to the Congress a notice stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the anniversary date. I have sent the enclosed notice to the Federal Register for publication, stating that the Burma emergency is to continue in effect beyond May 20, 2010.
The crisis between the United States and Burma arising from the actions and policies of the Government of Burma, including its engaging in large-scale repression of the democratic opposition in Burma, that led to the declaration of a national emergency in Executive Order 13047 of May 20, 1997, as modified in scope and relied upon for additional steps taken in Executive Order 13310 of July 28, 2003, Executive Order 13448 of October 18, 2007, and Executive Order 13464 of April 30, 2008, has not been resolved. These actions and policies are hostile to U.S. interests and pose a continuing unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States. For this reason, I have determined that it is necessary to continue the national emergency with respect to Burma and maintain in force the sanctions against Burma to respond to this threat.
BARACK OBAMA
ENDS
*******************************************************
May 18, 2010
Asia Times Online - US engagement with Myanmar falters
By Brian McCartan
BANGKOK - After the only outcomes of a visit to Myanmar by a high-level United States diplomat were "profound" disappointment over its election preparations and a stronger line over its nuclear links with North Korea, President Barack Obama on Friday formally extended sanctions against the country.
Washington's extension of the sanctions followed the visit of US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific Kurt Campbell to Naypyidaw, the capital, on May 9 for a two-day visit. Campbell met top officials such as Foreign Minister Nyan Win, Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, Science and Technology Minister U Thaung - the point man for US-Myanmar engagement - and Labor Minister U Aung Kyi.
Charged with assessing Myanmar's preparations for elections to be held on an as-yet unspecified date this year - its first polls since 1991 - Campbell also met members of the Union Election Commission, officials of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and other government-affiliated political parties. On May 10, Campbell travelled to Yangon, where he met senior leaders of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), representatives of major ethnic groups and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
Campbell had earlier said he would only visit the country if he could meet opposition members and Suu Kyi. He previously met the 64-year-old last November, when he became the highest ranking US diplomat to visit Myanmar in 14 years.
Before his visit, during a press conference in Bangkok on May 9, Campbell said the US was concerned with the lead-up to the elections. "We're troubled by much of what we've seen and we have very real concerns about the elections laws and the environment that's been created."
Campbell's meetings in Naypyidaw seem to have only confirmed the US's worst fears, with the envoy telling reporters in Yangon that he was "profoundly disappointed" in the junta's approach to the elections.
"Unfortunately, the regime has chosen to move ahead unilaterally - without consultation from key stakeholders - towards elections planned for this year," he said. "As a direct result, what we have seen to date leads us to believe that these elections will lack international legitimacy."
The NLD was officially dissolved on May 7, two days before Campbell's arrival, after it declined to meet a May 6 registration deadline stipulated by new election laws. The laws, which ban individuals serving prison sentences from being members, would have forced the party to oust Aung San Suu Kyi as its chairwoman due to her continued house arrest.
The party's headquarters in Yangon remains open and members are calling for a boycott of the vote. Some 25 senior members of the party have decided to form a new party and seek registration with the government, though no decision has been made on their participation in the polls. The government is yet to announce a date for the vote, though reports suggest it could be in October.
Campbell also noted the junta's continued pressure on the country's ethnic minority groups to disarm before the elections. "The regime has ratcheted up the pressure on Burma's [Myanmar's] ethnic groups in preparation for this year's elections, forcing countless innocent civilians to flee. Burma cannot move forward while the government itself persists in launching attacks against its own people to force compliance with a proposal its ethnic groups cannot accept." The last sentence refers to the regime's proposal that the armed wings of ethnic groups relinquished to army control before the vote, a move many groups say would deprive them of leverage against a regime that has frequently resorted to force.
Campbell also questioned Myanmar's relations with North Korea and its commitment to implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1874, which among other things bans the export of weapons and nuclear technology from North Korea and authorizes member states to search suspected cargos. Campbell mentioned "recent developments" that were likely related to reports of North Korean involvement in Myanmar's nuclear program.
North Korean military assistance to Myanmar in the past has consisted of hardware including artillery and surface-to-surface missiles. Myanmar-exile magazine The Irrawaddy claimed on May 10 that the junta had purchased mid-range missiles and rocket launchers from North Korea during the Myanmar New Year in April. In addition, the magazine claimed, "equipment necessary to build a nuclear capability was reportedly among imported military supplies from North Korea".
Analysts believe North Korea is assisting the generals with a nuclear program that includes the development of weapons. Two nuclear reactors are believed to be under construction in Myanmar. One, at Naung Laing near the town of Pyin Oo Lwin in central Mandalay Division, is being constructed with North Korean help. Several thousand Myanmar military personnel have undergone nuclear training in Russia and North Korea in recent years. Desmond Ball, a defense analyst at Australia National University, believes the reactor could be online in 2012 and a deliverable weapon could be developed by 2020.
In order to build international confidence in Myanmar's commitment to the UN Security Council resolution - imposed on Pyongyang in 2009 after conducted an underground nuclear test - Campbell asked the regime to put in place a "transparent process".
"Without such a process, the United States maintains the right to take independent action within the relevant frameworks established by the international community," said Campbell. The US had applauded Myanmar in July for refusing to allow a North Korean-registered ship believed to be carrying weapons to dock, forcing the ship to turn back.
The regime's response to Campbell's statement came in a long, rambling article in the state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar on May 12. The report was partly a description of Campbell's meetings with government officials and partly an attempt to justify election laws and paint the NLD's decision to not re-register as misguided.
The article said the new election laws did not target a specific person, a reference to Aung San Suu Kyi, and that the banning of convicts to stand in election is a normal practice in many countries, with all prisoners grouped together, political or criminal. It also said that if the NLD wants to carry out its aim of amending the controversial 2008 constitution, it should have joined the election process and tried to make changes in the new parliament.
The constitution, passed through a referendum that observers say was rigged, cannot be changed without a majority in parliament, something that is almost impossible given the number of seats reserved for the military.
In response to a question on the possibility of independent election monitors, the paper quoted retired Major General Thein Soe, head of the Election Commission, as saying, "the nation has a lot of experience with elections. We do not need election watchdogs to come here. Arrangements have been made to ensure a free and fair election."
Seemingly at odds with this was a request by Information Minister Hsan for unspecified American cooperation supporting the elections. "We would like to receive your kind cooperation so that the election can be held peacefully and successfully."
The New Light of Myanmar article welcomed the Barack Obama administration's engagement policy and called on the US "to show a positive attitude towards our internal affairs such as the drafting of the constitution and measures for holding elections after issuing the necessary laws for democratization process".
Prior to Campbell's visit to Myanmar there was no sign in Congress of a "positive attitude" with for increased pressure on Myanmar's military rulers that reflecting concerns that the Obama administration's seven-month old engagement policy is not reaping the desired benefits.
On May 7, the senate called on the Obama administration to show solidarity with the NLD and consider tighter sanctions on the junta. Senators approved a resolution led by Judd Gregg, a Republican from New Hampshire, requesting the regime enter dialogue with the NLD, free Suu Kyi from house arrest and called for stronger US sanctions on Myanmar.
Obama on Friday formally extended sanctions against Myanmar that were imposed in 1997, "because the actions and policies of the government of Burma continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States". The sanctions bar American firms from investing in Myanmar and bans Myanmar exports to the United States.
A letter signed by nine senators was sent to Obama on March 26 urging full implementation of the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act of 2008 in response to the widely criticized election laws. The act, which targets US imports of Myanmar gemstones, also calls for the nomination of a special representative and policy coordinator for Myanmar and additional banking sanctions.
From the outset the Obama administration has said that it would consider maintaining or even increasing sanctions depending on the regime's progress towards improving the human-rights situation and progressing towards an inclusive democracy. Opponents of the Obama's engagement policy say the generals have given little indication of moving in that direction.
The generals appear unfazed by American criticism and sanctions and most analysts believe election preparations will continue in the same vein regardless of international disapproval. The US, noting that a lack of engagement also produced little benefit, is not likely to revert to its previous strictly confrontational stance. This is especially so given Myanmar's clear moves to acquire nuclear technology and North Korea's perceived hand in the process.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
Asia Times Online - US engagement with Myanmar falters
By Brian McCartan
BANGKOK - After the only outcomes of a visit to Myanmar by a high-level United States diplomat were "profound" disappointment over its election preparations and a stronger line over its nuclear links with North Korea, President Barack Obama on Friday formally extended sanctions against the country.
Washington's extension of the sanctions followed the visit of US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia and the Pacific Kurt Campbell to Naypyidaw, the capital, on May 9 for a two-day visit. Campbell met top officials such as Foreign Minister Nyan Win, Information Minister Kyaw Hsan, Science and Technology Minister U Thaung - the point man for US-Myanmar engagement - and Labor Minister U Aung Kyi.
Charged with assessing Myanmar's preparations for elections to be held on an as-yet unspecified date this year - its first polls since 1991 - Campbell also met members of the Union Election Commission, officials of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and other government-affiliated political parties. On May 10, Campbell travelled to Yangon, where he met senior leaders of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD), representatives of major ethnic groups and pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
Campbell had earlier said he would only visit the country if he could meet opposition members and Suu Kyi. He previously met the 64-year-old last November, when he became the highest ranking US diplomat to visit Myanmar in 14 years.
Before his visit, during a press conference in Bangkok on May 9, Campbell said the US was concerned with the lead-up to the elections. "We're troubled by much of what we've seen and we have very real concerns about the elections laws and the environment that's been created."
Campbell's meetings in Naypyidaw seem to have only confirmed the US's worst fears, with the envoy telling reporters in Yangon that he was "profoundly disappointed" in the junta's approach to the elections.
"Unfortunately, the regime has chosen to move ahead unilaterally - without consultation from key stakeholders - towards elections planned for this year," he said. "As a direct result, what we have seen to date leads us to believe that these elections will lack international legitimacy."
The NLD was officially dissolved on May 7, two days before Campbell's arrival, after it declined to meet a May 6 registration deadline stipulated by new election laws. The laws, which ban individuals serving prison sentences from being members, would have forced the party to oust Aung San Suu Kyi as its chairwoman due to her continued house arrest.
The party's headquarters in Yangon remains open and members are calling for a boycott of the vote. Some 25 senior members of the party have decided to form a new party and seek registration with the government, though no decision has been made on their participation in the polls. The government is yet to announce a date for the vote, though reports suggest it could be in October.
Campbell also noted the junta's continued pressure on the country's ethnic minority groups to disarm before the elections. "The regime has ratcheted up the pressure on Burma's [Myanmar's] ethnic groups in preparation for this year's elections, forcing countless innocent civilians to flee. Burma cannot move forward while the government itself persists in launching attacks against its own people to force compliance with a proposal its ethnic groups cannot accept." The last sentence refers to the regime's proposal that the armed wings of ethnic groups relinquished to army control before the vote, a move many groups say would deprive them of leverage against a regime that has frequently resorted to force.
Campbell also questioned Myanmar's relations with North Korea and its commitment to implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1874, which among other things bans the export of weapons and nuclear technology from North Korea and authorizes member states to search suspected cargos. Campbell mentioned "recent developments" that were likely related to reports of North Korean involvement in Myanmar's nuclear program.
North Korean military assistance to Myanmar in the past has consisted of hardware including artillery and surface-to-surface missiles. Myanmar-exile magazine The Irrawaddy claimed on May 10 that the junta had purchased mid-range missiles and rocket launchers from North Korea during the Myanmar New Year in April. In addition, the magazine claimed, "equipment necessary to build a nuclear capability was reportedly among imported military supplies from North Korea".
Analysts believe North Korea is assisting the generals with a nuclear program that includes the development of weapons. Two nuclear reactors are believed to be under construction in Myanmar. One, at Naung Laing near the town of Pyin Oo Lwin in central Mandalay Division, is being constructed with North Korean help. Several thousand Myanmar military personnel have undergone nuclear training in Russia and North Korea in recent years. Desmond Ball, a defense analyst at Australia National University, believes the reactor could be online in 2012 and a deliverable weapon could be developed by 2020.
In order to build international confidence in Myanmar's commitment to the UN Security Council resolution - imposed on Pyongyang in 2009 after conducted an underground nuclear test - Campbell asked the regime to put in place a "transparent process".
"Without such a process, the United States maintains the right to take independent action within the relevant frameworks established by the international community," said Campbell. The US had applauded Myanmar in July for refusing to allow a North Korean-registered ship believed to be carrying weapons to dock, forcing the ship to turn back.
The regime's response to Campbell's statement came in a long, rambling article in the state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar on May 12. The report was partly a description of Campbell's meetings with government officials and partly an attempt to justify election laws and paint the NLD's decision to not re-register as misguided.
The article said the new election laws did not target a specific person, a reference to Aung San Suu Kyi, and that the banning of convicts to stand in election is a normal practice in many countries, with all prisoners grouped together, political or criminal. It also said that if the NLD wants to carry out its aim of amending the controversial 2008 constitution, it should have joined the election process and tried to make changes in the new parliament.
The constitution, passed through a referendum that observers say was rigged, cannot be changed without a majority in parliament, something that is almost impossible given the number of seats reserved for the military.
In response to a question on the possibility of independent election monitors, the paper quoted retired Major General Thein Soe, head of the Election Commission, as saying, "the nation has a lot of experience with elections. We do not need election watchdogs to come here. Arrangements have been made to ensure a free and fair election."
Seemingly at odds with this was a request by Information Minister Hsan for unspecified American cooperation supporting the elections. "We would like to receive your kind cooperation so that the election can be held peacefully and successfully."
The New Light of Myanmar article welcomed the Barack Obama administration's engagement policy and called on the US "to show a positive attitude towards our internal affairs such as the drafting of the constitution and measures for holding elections after issuing the necessary laws for democratization process".
Prior to Campbell's visit to Myanmar there was no sign in Congress of a "positive attitude" with for increased pressure on Myanmar's military rulers that reflecting concerns that the Obama administration's seven-month old engagement policy is not reaping the desired benefits.
On May 7, the senate called on the Obama administration to show solidarity with the NLD and consider tighter sanctions on the junta. Senators approved a resolution led by Judd Gregg, a Republican from New Hampshire, requesting the regime enter dialogue with the NLD, free Suu Kyi from house arrest and called for stronger US sanctions on Myanmar.
Obama on Friday formally extended sanctions against Myanmar that were imposed in 1997, "because the actions and policies of the government of Burma continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States". The sanctions bar American firms from investing in Myanmar and bans Myanmar exports to the United States.
A letter signed by nine senators was sent to Obama on March 26 urging full implementation of the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act of 2008 in response to the widely criticized election laws. The act, which targets US imports of Myanmar gemstones, also calls for the nomination of a special representative and policy coordinator for Myanmar and additional banking sanctions.
From the outset the Obama administration has said that it would consider maintaining or even increasing sanctions depending on the regime's progress towards improving the human-rights situation and progressing towards an inclusive democracy. Opponents of the Obama's engagement policy say the generals have given little indication of moving in that direction.
The generals appear unfazed by American criticism and sanctions and most analysts believe election preparations will continue in the same vein regardless of international disapproval. The US, noting that a lack of engagement also produced little benefit, is not likely to revert to its previous strictly confrontational stance. This is especially so given Myanmar's clear moves to acquire nuclear technology and North Korea's perceived hand in the process.
Brian McCartan is a Bangkok-based freelance journalist. He may be reached at brianpm@comcast.net.
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Germany to provide full scholarships for Myanmar graduate students
English.news.cn 2010-05-17 13:49:49
YANGON, May 17 (Xinhua) -- Germany will provide full scholarships for Myanmar graduate students to help the country develop human resources, according to the German embassy here Monday.
The graduate students will be chosen to attend master degree and doctor of philosophy degree in Germany for 2011-12 academic year and the quota offered for the scholarship to Myanmar students will not be limited, the sources said.
The scholarships will cover studying the subjects of business administration, political science, economics, science, economic development, co-operation, engineering and related sciences, mathematics, regional planning, agricultural and forest science, medicine, veterinary and sociology, the sources added.
According to the sources, the scholarship application will close on July 31.
The German government provided scholarships for Myanmar students yearly and in last year, a total of 20 Myanmar students won such scholarships.
English.news.cn 2010-05-17 13:49:49
YANGON, May 17 (Xinhua) -- Germany will provide full scholarships for Myanmar graduate students to help the country develop human resources, according to the German embassy here Monday.
The graduate students will be chosen to attend master degree and doctor of philosophy degree in Germany for 2011-12 academic year and the quota offered for the scholarship to Myanmar students will not be limited, the sources said.
The scholarships will cover studying the subjects of business administration, political science, economics, science, economic development, co-operation, engineering and related sciences, mathematics, regional planning, agricultural and forest science, medicine, veterinary and sociology, the sources added.
According to the sources, the scholarship application will close on July 31.
The German government provided scholarships for Myanmar students yearly and in last year, a total of 20 Myanmar students won such scholarships.
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Strong wind continues to strike Myanmar’s northwestern township
English.news.cn 2010-05-17 19:14:40
YANGON, May 17 (Xinhua) -- Strong wind with heavy rainfall continued to strike Myanmar's northwestern Monywa township in Sagaing division Sunday, causing loss and damage, a local weekly reported Monday.
The strong wind struck in the evening, collapsing some trees with roots uplifted and pressing on some houses, the Weekly Eleven said, adding that some telephone cables were also broken.
The day temperature in Monywa reached as high as 45.8 degree Celsius, residents were quoted as saying.
The wind speed was estimated at about 40 to 45 miles (64 to 72 kilometers) per hour, it added.
Since late April, strong wind had swept Magway division's Aunglan, Myaing, Minhla and Hsinhaung townships, Bago division's Nyaunglebin and Mon state's Kyaikto as well as Nay Pyi Taw region, Chin state, Kachin state and Shan state causing loss and damage to the areas.
Such strong wind was forecast to occur for some times during the pre-monsoon season before June.
Meanwhile, such regions as Myinbu, Myingyan, Monywa, Magway, Mandalay and Nyaung Oo recorded day temperature between 44 and 47 degree Celsius over the past few days.
English.news.cn 2010-05-17 19:14:40
YANGON, May 17 (Xinhua) -- Strong wind with heavy rainfall continued to strike Myanmar's northwestern Monywa township in Sagaing division Sunday, causing loss and damage, a local weekly reported Monday.
The strong wind struck in the evening, collapsing some trees with roots uplifted and pressing on some houses, the Weekly Eleven said, adding that some telephone cables were also broken.
The day temperature in Monywa reached as high as 45.8 degree Celsius, residents were quoted as saying.
The wind speed was estimated at about 40 to 45 miles (64 to 72 kilometers) per hour, it added.
Since late April, strong wind had swept Magway division's Aunglan, Myaing, Minhla and Hsinhaung townships, Bago division's Nyaunglebin and Mon state's Kyaikto as well as Nay Pyi Taw region, Chin state, Kachin state and Shan state causing loss and damage to the areas.
Such strong wind was forecast to occur for some times during the pre-monsoon season before June.
Meanwhile, such regions as Myinbu, Myingyan, Monywa, Magway, Mandalay and Nyaung Oo recorded day temperature between 44 and 47 degree Celsius over the past few days.
*******************************************************
Myanmar to grant giant private entrepreneurs to run banks
English.news.cn 2010-05-17 20:29:36
YANGON, May 17 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar authorities are considering to grant permission to four giant private entrepreneurs to open private banks in the country, sources said on Monday.
The four giant entrepreneurs are U Tay Za (Htoo trading company group), U Zaw Zaw (Max Myanmar Co.Ltd), U Nay Aung (IGE) and U Chit Khine (Ayedin Co. Ltd).
There are 14 private banks in operation so far in this country, and 13 of them are located in the capital city Yangon.
English.news.cn 2010-05-17 20:29:36
YANGON, May 17 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar authorities are considering to grant permission to four giant private entrepreneurs to open private banks in the country, sources said on Monday.
The four giant entrepreneurs are U Tay Za (Htoo trading company group), U Zaw Zaw (Max Myanmar Co.Ltd), U Nay Aung (IGE) and U Chit Khine (Ayedin Co. Ltd).
There are 14 private banks in operation so far in this country, and 13 of them are located in the capital city Yangon.
*******************************************************
Myanmar gifts giant Buddha statue to Mumbai pagoda
May 17th, 2010 SindhToday
Mumbai, May 17 (IANS) A giant marble statue of Lord Buddha, standing 21 feet tall, has been gifted by the Myanmar government to the Global Vipassana Foundation Pagoda, a foundation official said Monday.
The statue of Lord Buddha weighs a whopping 60 tonnes and is carved from a single piece of marble, the official told IANS here.
Created by Myanmar’s U Taw Taw group, the statue, depicting Lord Buddha in a meditating posture, will be unveiled on Buddha Purnima day (May 27) by industrialist and Vipassana teacher Satyanarayan Goenka at a function to be held at the pagoda complex.
May 17th, 2010 SindhToday
Mumbai, May 17 (IANS) A giant marble statue of Lord Buddha, standing 21 feet tall, has been gifted by the Myanmar government to the Global Vipassana Foundation Pagoda, a foundation official said Monday.
The statue of Lord Buddha weighs a whopping 60 tonnes and is carved from a single piece of marble, the official told IANS here.
Created by Myanmar’s U Taw Taw group, the statue, depicting Lord Buddha in a meditating posture, will be unveiled on Buddha Purnima day (May 27) by industrialist and Vipassana teacher Satyanarayan Goenka at a function to be held at the pagoda complex.
*******************************************************
Alibaba News Channel - Essar to implement giant project in Myanmar
Published: 17 May 2010 01:21:35 PST
SteelOrbis - India's leading engineering, procurement and construction company Essar Projects (India) Ltd announced on May 14 that it has signed a contract with the Indian Ministry of External Affairs to execute port and inland water transport components of the ‘Kaladan Multi Modal Transit Transport Project' in Myanmar.
Essar said that the contract involves the construction of two jetties at Sittwe and Paletwa in Myanmar, dredging and construction of cargo barges, etc., to facilitate cargo movement along the river Kaladan, adding that the construction of a port at Sittwe is a major component of the contract.
This project is being carried out by the government of India under a framework agreement between the two countries to ease the movement of goods from mainland India to the northeastern states of India, and also for the development of infrastructure in Myanmar. .
The contract signed by Essar is to be executed within 36 months and is worth Rupees 3.42 billion ($75.8 million).
Published: 17 May 2010 01:21:35 PST
SteelOrbis - India's leading engineering, procurement and construction company Essar Projects (India) Ltd announced on May 14 that it has signed a contract with the Indian Ministry of External Affairs to execute port and inland water transport components of the ‘Kaladan Multi Modal Transit Transport Project' in Myanmar.
Essar said that the contract involves the construction of two jetties at Sittwe and Paletwa in Myanmar, dredging and construction of cargo barges, etc., to facilitate cargo movement along the river Kaladan, adding that the construction of a port at Sittwe is a major component of the contract.
This project is being carried out by the government of India under a framework agreement between the two countries to ease the movement of goods from mainland India to the northeastern states of India, and also for the development of infrastructure in Myanmar. .
The contract signed by Essar is to be executed within 36 months and is worth Rupees 3.42 billion ($75.8 million).
*******************************************************
Asian Tribune - Dual Policy on Burma
Mon, 2010-05-17 00:10 — editor
News Analysis
By Kanbawza Win
Following a seven-month policy review, the American administration launched a "policy of pragmatic engagement with Burma,” while President Barack Obama formally extended sanctions for another year, Assistant Secretary of State, Kurt Campbell of East Asian and Pacific Affairs said that “The United States stands by the Burmese people in their desire for a more democratic, prosperous, and peaceful nation." Will that rhetoric sound hallow or will be follow up by actions is still to be seen.
Burma’s giant neighbours, China, which boast the most populous nation on earth and India who takes pride as the biggest democratic country of the world, have made no attempt to hide their policy on Burma, when they come out openly for the military Junta against the people of Burma. Their actions at the UN Security Council and the economic relations, they have with the Burmese Generals in exploiting the country’s natural and human resources, not to mention the selling of billion dollars worth of arms to suppress the ethno democratic movement is a proven fact. Obviously the people of Burma have to look at the West especially the US for solidarity as they offered a glimmer of hope for the people of Burma.
“We have not abandoned our commitment to the people of Burma. Our strategic goal for Burma remains unchanged: we wish to see a more prosperous, democratic Burma that lives in peace with its people and with its neighbors." uttered Kurt Campbell. Such nice words fall like a sweet melody for an average Burmese, who have faced profound disappointments all their lives while Mr. Campbell has experienced only once, in dealing with the Burmese men in uniforms.
However, a study of international relations has already indicated that conscious and morality plays little or no part in deciphering the policy of a country towards other nations and the Western nation are of no exception.
It seems that Washington's primary concern is not human rights or the prevalence of democracy at all, but the arms trade with North Korea and the authenticated reports of co-operating on nuclear weapons-related projects even though Campbell warned an unspecified, unilateral US action if the regime did not co-operate.
Until and unless the US takes a timely action Barack Obama’s policy of "Pragmatic Engagement" with the Burmese military junta is in danger of falling apart, as the generals press ahead with plans for elections and had ignored proposals for a national dialogue involving all political and ethnic groups.
In fact Analyst Frida Ghitis, writing in “World Politics Review”, said the Junta had set a trap for the NLD and its decision to pull out marked "another defeat" for Obama's policy of Pragmatic Engagement with the rogue regime. Clearly after two visits (by Campbell) since last September, engagement with the regime has produced no results at all.
A Burmese saying goes that “A snake sees the legs of other snakes” meaning that only a snake knows how the other snake walk and in which direction it intended to go, while other animals and human beings construe that all snake slide on their stomach. This explicitly means that knowing full well that NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would not accept the profoundly unjust electoral laws, the Junta deliberately frame it that way to oust the NLD out of the competition of which he is sore afraid.
Now with the North Korean ship unloading mid-range Scud type missiles and rocket launchers, at Thilawa port near Rangoon in April, choosing the month, when the Burmese celebrate New Year in order to avoid public scrutiny, together with the necessary equipment to build a nuclear capability, the US naval base in Diego Garcia will soon be within range from the Burmese shores, in as much as the North Korean Long Range Nuclear Ballistic missiles can reach Hawaii.
President Obama extended the emergency sanctions, "because the actions and policies of the government of Burma continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States," he said in a message to Congress. The extension comes just days after the NLD dissolved on May 6 deadlines to re-register as a political party. We hope that the US would follow up by actions.
With the Burmese military junta unilaterally going ahead with its election plan, ignoring the wishes of the international community and the majority of its citizens, Congressman Joe Crowley, who introduced the bill in the House said, “When I led the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act, which was signed into law in 2008, I believed the administration should use the measure to implement tough sanctions.
Now is the time for that implementation to begin. We need to start soon because the Burmese regime continues to commit crimes against humanity and war crimes against its people,” Kurt Cambell also added that “We must stand with Aung San Suu Kyi and the legitimate leaders of Burma and show our support through concrete actions, by implementing tougher sanctions and action on crimes against humanity—moves that have real teeth,” The people of Burma and the world are desirous to see actions not words.
It is clear the US policy was not working at all with the Junta and should drop its bilateral approach and join forces with other interested parties - the UN, the EU, and particularly ASEAN now that Philippines had come out openly against the Junta and should agree more targeted sanctions to drive home the point as this is the only language which the Junta understands.
Will the current American administration be able to nib the Burmese Junta’s ambition in the bud and save the possible nuclear holocaust in that region or will let it grows like North Korea and Iran when it is too hot to handle is for them to decide. If wise heads prevails and understand the psyche and rationale of the Burmese they can easily kills two birds with a stone by giving meaningful encouragement to the Burmese ethno democratic movements, the much needed resources to overthrow the vehemently hated Junta by the people of Burma. Perhaps only then the “Pragmatic Engagement” will be pragmatic.
- Asian Tribune -
Mon, 2010-05-17 00:10 — editor
News Analysis
By Kanbawza Win
Following a seven-month policy review, the American administration launched a "policy of pragmatic engagement with Burma,” while President Barack Obama formally extended sanctions for another year, Assistant Secretary of State, Kurt Campbell of East Asian and Pacific Affairs said that “The United States stands by the Burmese people in their desire for a more democratic, prosperous, and peaceful nation." Will that rhetoric sound hallow or will be follow up by actions is still to be seen.
Burma’s giant neighbours, China, which boast the most populous nation on earth and India who takes pride as the biggest democratic country of the world, have made no attempt to hide their policy on Burma, when they come out openly for the military Junta against the people of Burma. Their actions at the UN Security Council and the economic relations, they have with the Burmese Generals in exploiting the country’s natural and human resources, not to mention the selling of billion dollars worth of arms to suppress the ethno democratic movement is a proven fact. Obviously the people of Burma have to look at the West especially the US for solidarity as they offered a glimmer of hope for the people of Burma.
“We have not abandoned our commitment to the people of Burma. Our strategic goal for Burma remains unchanged: we wish to see a more prosperous, democratic Burma that lives in peace with its people and with its neighbors." uttered Kurt Campbell. Such nice words fall like a sweet melody for an average Burmese, who have faced profound disappointments all their lives while Mr. Campbell has experienced only once, in dealing with the Burmese men in uniforms.
However, a study of international relations has already indicated that conscious and morality plays little or no part in deciphering the policy of a country towards other nations and the Western nation are of no exception.
It seems that Washington's primary concern is not human rights or the prevalence of democracy at all, but the arms trade with North Korea and the authenticated reports of co-operating on nuclear weapons-related projects even though Campbell warned an unspecified, unilateral US action if the regime did not co-operate.
Until and unless the US takes a timely action Barack Obama’s policy of "Pragmatic Engagement" with the Burmese military junta is in danger of falling apart, as the generals press ahead with plans for elections and had ignored proposals for a national dialogue involving all political and ethnic groups.
In fact Analyst Frida Ghitis, writing in “World Politics Review”, said the Junta had set a trap for the NLD and its decision to pull out marked "another defeat" for Obama's policy of Pragmatic Engagement with the rogue regime. Clearly after two visits (by Campbell) since last September, engagement with the regime has produced no results at all.
A Burmese saying goes that “A snake sees the legs of other snakes” meaning that only a snake knows how the other snake walk and in which direction it intended to go, while other animals and human beings construe that all snake slide on their stomach. This explicitly means that knowing full well that NLD and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would not accept the profoundly unjust electoral laws, the Junta deliberately frame it that way to oust the NLD out of the competition of which he is sore afraid.
Now with the North Korean ship unloading mid-range Scud type missiles and rocket launchers, at Thilawa port near Rangoon in April, choosing the month, when the Burmese celebrate New Year in order to avoid public scrutiny, together with the necessary equipment to build a nuclear capability, the US naval base in Diego Garcia will soon be within range from the Burmese shores, in as much as the North Korean Long Range Nuclear Ballistic missiles can reach Hawaii.
President Obama extended the emergency sanctions, "because the actions and policies of the government of Burma continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States," he said in a message to Congress. The extension comes just days after the NLD dissolved on May 6 deadlines to re-register as a political party. We hope that the US would follow up by actions.
With the Burmese military junta unilaterally going ahead with its election plan, ignoring the wishes of the international community and the majority of its citizens, Congressman Joe Crowley, who introduced the bill in the House said, “When I led the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act, which was signed into law in 2008, I believed the administration should use the measure to implement tough sanctions.
Now is the time for that implementation to begin. We need to start soon because the Burmese regime continues to commit crimes against humanity and war crimes against its people,” Kurt Cambell also added that “We must stand with Aung San Suu Kyi and the legitimate leaders of Burma and show our support through concrete actions, by implementing tougher sanctions and action on crimes against humanity—moves that have real teeth,” The people of Burma and the world are desirous to see actions not words.
It is clear the US policy was not working at all with the Junta and should drop its bilateral approach and join forces with other interested parties - the UN, the EU, and particularly ASEAN now that Philippines had come out openly against the Junta and should agree more targeted sanctions to drive home the point as this is the only language which the Junta understands.
Will the current American administration be able to nib the Burmese Junta’s ambition in the bud and save the possible nuclear holocaust in that region or will let it grows like North Korea and Iran when it is too hot to handle is for them to decide. If wise heads prevails and understand the psyche and rationale of the Burmese they can easily kills two birds with a stone by giving meaningful encouragement to the Burmese ethno democratic movements, the much needed resources to overthrow the vehemently hated Junta by the people of Burma. Perhaps only then the “Pragmatic Engagement” will be pragmatic.
- Asian Tribune -
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Myanmar tribes cease fire to win 'self-rule'
BY EISHIRO TAKEISHI THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
2010/05/17
LOIKAW, Myanmar--Despite the country's long-running military rule, some border-area ethnic minorities in Myanmar (Burma) remain masters of their own lands in return for giving up their long battle for freedom.
By making cease-fire deals with the military regime, minority tribes have retained their armed forces and won special economic rights in exchange for keeping the peace.
About 30 percent of Myanmar's population is made up of seven minorities, which are, by one account, divided up into more than 130 small tribes.
These minorities fought a long and exhausting war against the Bamar-dominated government to secede from Myanmar.
But they stopped fighting.
Since the military regime seized power in 1988, it has reached cease-fire agreements with 17 of the armed ethnic minority forces, leading to stabilized border areas.
One minority that won self-government is the Pao tribe, which agreed to a cease-fire in 1991. About 1 million Pao people, largely Buddhist, live in the southern part of Shan state, which borders China, Laos and Thailand.
A small boat leaves the north shore of Inle Lake, a picturesque spot in Shan state, and heads south on the Nam Pilu river. After a roughly two-hour ride, it arrives at a wharf near a wooden bridge.
At a checkpoint, armed soldiers whose uniforms display the letters "PNA" (Pao National Army) check papers presented by our guide. They are members of the paramilitary arm of the Pao National Organization (PNO).
A sign says "Special Region No. 6," indicating this area is controlled by an ethnic minority. To go any further, a toll must be paid to the PNO.
About 400 people live in 86 households in a nearby village. In living rooms hang Buddhist paintings and portraits of a man in traditional costume.
"Everyone respects the chairman," says the 42-year-old village chief, referring to Aung Kam Hti, a former priest who is the PNO's leader.
The PNO is in charge here.
"There are no government people here, apart from schoolteachers," the village chief says. "Crimes and other troubles are dealt with by the PNO."
The PNO constructed the village's hydroelectric plant, and each household pays the equivalent of around 500 yen in rice per year for each fluorescent light.
The PNO's troops number 1,200. Their mission, agreed to with the military regime, is to police armed groups who cultivate drug crops in mountainous areas.
"Our soldiers never enter the towns," says senior PNO official Khun Maung Ngwe. "We don't increase our troop numbers either because we don't want to unnecessarily provoke the suspicion of the government."
In late March, about 1,000 people attended a PNO rally held in the state capital Taunggyi to discuss its stance toward the general election set to be held within the year.
The election's legitimacy has been called into question mainly because the National League for Democracy, the largest opposition party whose general secretary was democracy movement leader Aung San Suu Kyi, decided not to participate. The NLD has since been disbanded.
But a senior Pao leader said: "(The election) is important to us. This is the first time that so many people have gathered since we reached a cease-fire agreement with the government in 1991."
A company affiliated with the PNO, called Ruby Dragon Jade and Gems, has received permission from the military regime to mine for rubies and other gemstones in Kachin state, which borders China, and the Mandalay division.
The company's office is in an exclusive residential area in the northern part of Yangon (Rangoon), Myanmar's largest city, and its website shows the flag of the Pao tribe.
The mining operation is the PNO's key source of income, along with tourism. It runs a business that manages resort hotels in the Inle Lake area.
For a long time, the fruit of the cease-fire mainly entered the pockets of the PNO's top brass. But it is beginning to be shared with its lowest rungs.
Numerous signs stating "We will buy your corn" stand along the length of the Nam Pilu river, the Pao tribe's community waterway.
The advertiser is Chinese-owned agricultural trading company Myanady, which buys large amounts of corn from Pao villages and exports it as feed grain to China.
The company runs a factory on the north shore of Inle Lake. The southern part of Shan state is becoming an international production center for commercial crops.
"We are planning to treble our processing capacity," says director of administration Tin Ngwe.
The southern part of Shan state is becoming an international production center for commercial crops.
The Intha tribe, which lives in the area around Inle Lake, cultivates tomatoes hydroponically for shipping to Yangon and elsewhere. Some of the tomatoes are processed and put aside for export.
But the rewards of the cease-fire deals depend largely on the lenience of the military regime.
Since the 1990s, the Kachin tribe has been smuggling teakwood, while the Buddhist Karen tribe has smuggled in automobiles. These are considered concessions under the cease-fire deals.
Still, some reports indicate problems arising due to changing relations with the government.
Any group that does not comply with the cease-fire will face a crackdown.
One example is the Karenni tribe in Kayah state, just south of Shan state. Although around 600 Karennis agreed to a cease-fire in 1994, 200 to 300 guerrillas continue to fight.
Construction of roads, schools and other facilities is lagging in comparison with such works in areas controlled by the Pao tribe.
In late March, a Karenni traditional festival of the Kay Tyoboe religion took place in a village south of Loikaw, the state capital. However, the military blocked access to the area and restricted the flow of people and goods, saying guerrillas were participating.
There is a sub-tribe called the Kayan within the Karenni tribe. In Kayan villages, which are plagued by poverty, some families send their women to tourist spots in Thailand as migrant workers.
BY EISHIRO TAKEISHI THE ASAHI SHIMBUN
2010/05/17
LOIKAW, Myanmar--Despite the country's long-running military rule, some border-area ethnic minorities in Myanmar (Burma) remain masters of their own lands in return for giving up their long battle for freedom.
By making cease-fire deals with the military regime, minority tribes have retained their armed forces and won special economic rights in exchange for keeping the peace.
About 30 percent of Myanmar's population is made up of seven minorities, which are, by one account, divided up into more than 130 small tribes.
These minorities fought a long and exhausting war against the Bamar-dominated government to secede from Myanmar.
But they stopped fighting.
Since the military regime seized power in 1988, it has reached cease-fire agreements with 17 of the armed ethnic minority forces, leading to stabilized border areas.
One minority that won self-government is the Pao tribe, which agreed to a cease-fire in 1991. About 1 million Pao people, largely Buddhist, live in the southern part of Shan state, which borders China, Laos and Thailand.
A small boat leaves the north shore of Inle Lake, a picturesque spot in Shan state, and heads south on the Nam Pilu river. After a roughly two-hour ride, it arrives at a wharf near a wooden bridge.
At a checkpoint, armed soldiers whose uniforms display the letters "PNA" (Pao National Army) check papers presented by our guide. They are members of the paramilitary arm of the Pao National Organization (PNO).
A sign says "Special Region No. 6," indicating this area is controlled by an ethnic minority. To go any further, a toll must be paid to the PNO.
About 400 people live in 86 households in a nearby village. In living rooms hang Buddhist paintings and portraits of a man in traditional costume.
"Everyone respects the chairman," says the 42-year-old village chief, referring to Aung Kam Hti, a former priest who is the PNO's leader.
The PNO is in charge here.
"There are no government people here, apart from schoolteachers," the village chief says. "Crimes and other troubles are dealt with by the PNO."
The PNO constructed the village's hydroelectric plant, and each household pays the equivalent of around 500 yen in rice per year for each fluorescent light.
The PNO's troops number 1,200. Their mission, agreed to with the military regime, is to police armed groups who cultivate drug crops in mountainous areas.
"Our soldiers never enter the towns," says senior PNO official Khun Maung Ngwe. "We don't increase our troop numbers either because we don't want to unnecessarily provoke the suspicion of the government."
In late March, about 1,000 people attended a PNO rally held in the state capital Taunggyi to discuss its stance toward the general election set to be held within the year.
The election's legitimacy has been called into question mainly because the National League for Democracy, the largest opposition party whose general secretary was democracy movement leader Aung San Suu Kyi, decided not to participate. The NLD has since been disbanded.
But a senior Pao leader said: "(The election) is important to us. This is the first time that so many people have gathered since we reached a cease-fire agreement with the government in 1991."
A company affiliated with the PNO, called Ruby Dragon Jade and Gems, has received permission from the military regime to mine for rubies and other gemstones in Kachin state, which borders China, and the Mandalay division.
The company's office is in an exclusive residential area in the northern part of Yangon (Rangoon), Myanmar's largest city, and its website shows the flag of the Pao tribe.
The mining operation is the PNO's key source of income, along with tourism. It runs a business that manages resort hotels in the Inle Lake area.
For a long time, the fruit of the cease-fire mainly entered the pockets of the PNO's top brass. But it is beginning to be shared with its lowest rungs.
Numerous signs stating "We will buy your corn" stand along the length of the Nam Pilu river, the Pao tribe's community waterway.
The advertiser is Chinese-owned agricultural trading company Myanady, which buys large amounts of corn from Pao villages and exports it as feed grain to China.
The company runs a factory on the north shore of Inle Lake. The southern part of Shan state is becoming an international production center for commercial crops.
"We are planning to treble our processing capacity," says director of administration Tin Ngwe.
The southern part of Shan state is becoming an international production center for commercial crops.
The Intha tribe, which lives in the area around Inle Lake, cultivates tomatoes hydroponically for shipping to Yangon and elsewhere. Some of the tomatoes are processed and put aside for export.
But the rewards of the cease-fire deals depend largely on the lenience of the military regime.
Since the 1990s, the Kachin tribe has been smuggling teakwood, while the Buddhist Karen tribe has smuggled in automobiles. These are considered concessions under the cease-fire deals.
Still, some reports indicate problems arising due to changing relations with the government.
Any group that does not comply with the cease-fire will face a crackdown.
One example is the Karenni tribe in Kayah state, just south of Shan state. Although around 600 Karennis agreed to a cease-fire in 1994, 200 to 300 guerrillas continue to fight.
Construction of roads, schools and other facilities is lagging in comparison with such works in areas controlled by the Pao tribe.
In late March, a Karenni traditional festival of the Kay Tyoboe religion took place in a village south of Loikaw, the state capital. However, the military blocked access to the area and restricted the flow of people and goods, saying guerrillas were participating.
There is a sub-tribe called the Kayan within the Karenni tribe. In Kayan villages, which are plagued by poverty, some families send their women to tourist spots in Thailand as migrant workers.
*******************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Death Rate of Elderly, Children Rising with Temperatures
By LAWI WENG - Monday, May 17, 2010
Record temperatures in Burma have led to an increased number of deaths among children and the elderly in Rangoon and Mandalay townships, according to social workers.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday, actor Kyaw Thu, who works with the Rangoon-based charity Free Funeral Services Society (FFSS), said that organization provides funerals for about 70 people a day now: “The number of deaths in Rangoon increased after the high temperatures started in April. Before April, between 40 and 50 died daily.” FFSS provides free clinic and funeral services in Rangoon.
“Seventy-six people died yesterday,” he said. “Many are elderly and children who don't have resistance.” Kyaw Thu said that FFSS has a shortage of drivers. Some drivers provide transport seven or eight times a day.
About 200 people die daily now at the main government public hospital in Mandalay, according to a social worker in Mandalay.
“Many patients come to the hospital and there is no accommodation for them to stay. The medics let them stay outside,” he said. “The funeral car also isn't allowed to enter the hospital area because there are crowds of people.”
One source said that some funeral service businesses have a shortage of cars and some people are using Hilux transport to carry bodies to a funeral service or cemetery.
Due to the extreme temperatures, many people have suffered dehydration and heat stroke. Temperatures in Rangoon, Pegu and Irrawaddy divisions and in central Burma have reached three-decade record highs of up to 45 degree Celsius, according to official reports.
The excessive heat has dried up water ponds in many villages, leading to a shortage of water for drinking and hygiene. Many communities in need have received emergency water supplies from volunteer workers.
State-run newspapers reported on Sunday that “Under the arrangements of the state, the local authorities, departments concerned, nongovernmental organizations and local people collaborate to supply adequate drinking water to the regions facing a shortage of water.”
Sources, however, said that the regime-backed civic group, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), has ordered organizations that provide waster relief to mark their vehicles with a USDA flag.
“USDA members stopped donors’ cars and asked them to place the USDA flag on their vehicles. If the donors don't place their flag on the car, they won't be allowed to distribute water,” said a source in Pegu.
Local authorities questioned aid workers and took photographs of people who distributed water earlier in the week, local sources said.
By LAWI WENG - Monday, May 17, 2010
Record temperatures in Burma have led to an increased number of deaths among children and the elderly in Rangoon and Mandalay townships, according to social workers.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday, actor Kyaw Thu, who works with the Rangoon-based charity Free Funeral Services Society (FFSS), said that organization provides funerals for about 70 people a day now: “The number of deaths in Rangoon increased after the high temperatures started in April. Before April, between 40 and 50 died daily.” FFSS provides free clinic and funeral services in Rangoon.
“Seventy-six people died yesterday,” he said. “Many are elderly and children who don't have resistance.” Kyaw Thu said that FFSS has a shortage of drivers. Some drivers provide transport seven or eight times a day.
About 200 people die daily now at the main government public hospital in Mandalay, according to a social worker in Mandalay.
“Many patients come to the hospital and there is no accommodation for them to stay. The medics let them stay outside,” he said. “The funeral car also isn't allowed to enter the hospital area because there are crowds of people.”
One source said that some funeral service businesses have a shortage of cars and some people are using Hilux transport to carry bodies to a funeral service or cemetery.
Due to the extreme temperatures, many people have suffered dehydration and heat stroke. Temperatures in Rangoon, Pegu and Irrawaddy divisions and in central Burma have reached three-decade record highs of up to 45 degree Celsius, according to official reports.
The excessive heat has dried up water ponds in many villages, leading to a shortage of water for drinking and hygiene. Many communities in need have received emergency water supplies from volunteer workers.
State-run newspapers reported on Sunday that “Under the arrangements of the state, the local authorities, departments concerned, nongovernmental organizations and local people collaborate to supply adequate drinking water to the regions facing a shortage of water.”
Sources, however, said that the regime-backed civic group, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), has ordered organizations that provide waster relief to mark their vehicles with a USDA flag.
“USDA members stopped donors’ cars and asked them to place the USDA flag on their vehicles. If the donors don't place their flag on the car, they won't be allowed to distribute water,” said a source in Pegu.
Local authorities questioned aid workers and took photographs of people who distributed water earlier in the week, local sources said.
*******************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Electricity for Businesses Cut Off in Rangoon
By KO HTWE - Monday, May 17, 2010
Electricity for businesses in Rangoon was cut off on Friday by the state-own Myanmar Electric Power Enterprise (MEPE), partly as a result of low-water levels at hydropower generating plants.
The cut off affects private hospitals, shopping centers, small businesses and industry zones, most of which will provide their own electricity supply through the use of private generators.
The MEPE is responsible for electrical generation, transmission and distribution of electricity in Burma.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday an MEPE official said,“The conditions for distributing electricity are very difficult now. We have no choice.”
Unusually high temperatures in recent weeks have exacerbated what is normally a seasonal shortage of electricity.
An employee at Asia Taw Win private clinic in Rangoon said, “For emergency operations and patients who need air conditioning we are facing many problems.”
In Rangoon and Mandalay, the country's two largest cities, electricity has been distributed under a rationing system for the past eight years, because authorities have not been able to keep up with rising demand.
Rangoon’s 5 million residents need about 450 megawatts daily, according to the local journal Weekly Eleven.
During the dry season, many households, offices and workplaces receive no more than three or four hours of electricity a day in Rangoon. Power cuts are frequent.
Meanwhile, in some parts of Rangoon, MEPE has sealed power meter boxes for small businesses.
A businessman on 32nd Street in Rangoon said, “MPEP has sealed the meter box. Now we cannot use electricity.”
Many businesses and residents are experienced in using private generators to provide their electricity, but the cost of fuel is prohibitive.
In Rangoon, the power supply is usually restricted from March to June, because of a lack of rain water to power the Lawpita hydroelectric plant at full capacity. Lawpita, located 210 miles (350 kilometers) north of Rangoon, is one of the main sources of electricity for the former capital.
The water supply of the Lawpita hydroelectric plant depends on Innlay Lake in Shan State—one of the tourist attractions in Burma. High temperatures this year have severely lowered the lake's water level, said a resident of Khaungdine village, located near the lake.
“At the center of the lake, there is only a little water. We have to carry drinking water from other places. Authorities are ignoring the situation.”
The lake's water level is near a 50-year low and the famous floating market in Ywama village has nearly disappeared, according to Weekly Eleven.
Normally, in monsoon season the government can provide 24-hours of electricity in Rangoon.
Burma has one of the world’s lowest electricity generating capacities. According to statistics from the Ministry of Electric Power-2 , the country needs 1,555.25 megawatts while power plants can produce only 556 megawatts.
The Ministry of Electric Power-2 is responsible for distributing electricity, and the Ministry of Electric Power-1 manages power plants.
By KO HTWE - Monday, May 17, 2010
Electricity for businesses in Rangoon was cut off on Friday by the state-own Myanmar Electric Power Enterprise (MEPE), partly as a result of low-water levels at hydropower generating plants.
The cut off affects private hospitals, shopping centers, small businesses and industry zones, most of which will provide their own electricity supply through the use of private generators.
The MEPE is responsible for electrical generation, transmission and distribution of electricity in Burma.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday an MEPE official said,“The conditions for distributing electricity are very difficult now. We have no choice.”
Unusually high temperatures in recent weeks have exacerbated what is normally a seasonal shortage of electricity.
An employee at Asia Taw Win private clinic in Rangoon said, “For emergency operations and patients who need air conditioning we are facing many problems.”
In Rangoon and Mandalay, the country's two largest cities, electricity has been distributed under a rationing system for the past eight years, because authorities have not been able to keep up with rising demand.
Rangoon’s 5 million residents need about 450 megawatts daily, according to the local journal Weekly Eleven.
During the dry season, many households, offices and workplaces receive no more than three or four hours of electricity a day in Rangoon. Power cuts are frequent.
Meanwhile, in some parts of Rangoon, MEPE has sealed power meter boxes for small businesses.
A businessman on 32nd Street in Rangoon said, “MPEP has sealed the meter box. Now we cannot use electricity.”
Many businesses and residents are experienced in using private generators to provide their electricity, but the cost of fuel is prohibitive.
In Rangoon, the power supply is usually restricted from March to June, because of a lack of rain water to power the Lawpita hydroelectric plant at full capacity. Lawpita, located 210 miles (350 kilometers) north of Rangoon, is one of the main sources of electricity for the former capital.
The water supply of the Lawpita hydroelectric plant depends on Innlay Lake in Shan State—one of the tourist attractions in Burma. High temperatures this year have severely lowered the lake's water level, said a resident of Khaungdine village, located near the lake.
“At the center of the lake, there is only a little water. We have to carry drinking water from other places. Authorities are ignoring the situation.”
The lake's water level is near a 50-year low and the famous floating market in Ywama village has nearly disappeared, according to Weekly Eleven.
Normally, in monsoon season the government can provide 24-hours of electricity in Rangoon.
Burma has one of the world’s lowest electricity generating capacities. According to statistics from the Ministry of Electric Power-2 , the country needs 1,555.25 megawatts while power plants can produce only 556 megawatts.
The Ministry of Electric Power-2 is responsible for distributing electricity, and the Ministry of Electric Power-1 manages power plants.
*******************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Crony Capitalism Blamed for Rangoon's Power Woes
By WAI MOE - Saturday, May 15, 2010
It is an open secret in Burma that the key to business success in the country is close ties to the ruling generals. But it is less well understood just how much this chronic cronyism affects the lives of ordinary Burmese.
Recently, however, the junta's habit of awarding lucrative contracts to regime-connected companies has been blamed for the ongoing failure of efforts to improve Rangoon's access to electricity.
Officials say that a plan to build a pipeline from the Gulf of Martaban to Burma's former capital and largest city has stalled due to quality-control issues. The pipeline project, which is estimated to be worth about US $500 million, is being carried out by IGE Co Ltd, run by Nay Aung and Pyi Aung, sons of Minister of Industry 1 Aung Thaung.
IGE is a major supplier of substation and transmission line materials, oil and gas, and CNG filling stations for government projects.
With an election coming later this year, the regime promised to boost Rangoon's power supply by the end of April. For this reason, Minister of Energy Lun Thi pushed IGE to conclude the pipeline project one month ahead of its original deadline.
Now accused of shoddy quality control in its work on the project, IGE is blaming Lun Thi for the problems it is now facing.
The delays could not come at a worse time. Burma is experiencing its most severe heat wave in years, straining the city's limited resources, including its access to water, which requires electric pumps to ensure an adequate supply.
“It's like living in hell,” said one NGO worker. “The heat is intense, and we can't run our air conditioners or water pumps because of a lack of electricity.”
Rangoon's power problems are nothing new. For the past two decades, people living in Burma's major cities have had to get by on just a few hours of electricity a day, while rural residents get even less, if they have any access at all.
While the Burmese regime tries to win support for its upcoming election, most ordinary people say they're more interested in seeing an improvement in their basic living standards.
This is why officials involved with the pipeline project have recently vowed to complete the 288-km (179-mile) soon, according to Weekly Eleven, a private journal published in Rangoon.
Meanwhile, the practice of awarding major contracts to junta cronies continues.
The regime recently gave exclusive Burmese broadcasting rights for the coming World Cup soccer tournament in South Africa to Yangon Entertainment, owned by Zaw Min Aye, son of the junta's No.5 general, Lt-Gen Tin Aye.
This means that all sports journals will have to ask permission from the company to cover World Cup matches.
Besides being a key player in the entertainment industry, Zaw Min Aye manages an import-export firm, including a concession for importing motor vehicles, as well as IT and media businesses.
Zaw Min Aye's Pyae Swan Yee Co is one of richest firms in the country. The company is reportedly involved in business services, electronic components and supplies, printing and publishing. He is also the owner of the Rangoon-based Ecovision weekly as well as the newly licensed journal, Messenger.
By WAI MOE - Saturday, May 15, 2010
It is an open secret in Burma that the key to business success in the country is close ties to the ruling generals. But it is less well understood just how much this chronic cronyism affects the lives of ordinary Burmese.
Recently, however, the junta's habit of awarding lucrative contracts to regime-connected companies has been blamed for the ongoing failure of efforts to improve Rangoon's access to electricity.
Officials say that a plan to build a pipeline from the Gulf of Martaban to Burma's former capital and largest city has stalled due to quality-control issues. The pipeline project, which is estimated to be worth about US $500 million, is being carried out by IGE Co Ltd, run by Nay Aung and Pyi Aung, sons of Minister of Industry 1 Aung Thaung.
IGE is a major supplier of substation and transmission line materials, oil and gas, and CNG filling stations for government projects.
With an election coming later this year, the regime promised to boost Rangoon's power supply by the end of April. For this reason, Minister of Energy Lun Thi pushed IGE to conclude the pipeline project one month ahead of its original deadline.
Now accused of shoddy quality control in its work on the project, IGE is blaming Lun Thi for the problems it is now facing.
The delays could not come at a worse time. Burma is experiencing its most severe heat wave in years, straining the city's limited resources, including its access to water, which requires electric pumps to ensure an adequate supply.
“It's like living in hell,” said one NGO worker. “The heat is intense, and we can't run our air conditioners or water pumps because of a lack of electricity.”
Rangoon's power problems are nothing new. For the past two decades, people living in Burma's major cities have had to get by on just a few hours of electricity a day, while rural residents get even less, if they have any access at all.
While the Burmese regime tries to win support for its upcoming election, most ordinary people say they're more interested in seeing an improvement in their basic living standards.
This is why officials involved with the pipeline project have recently vowed to complete the 288-km (179-mile) soon, according to Weekly Eleven, a private journal published in Rangoon.
Meanwhile, the practice of awarding major contracts to junta cronies continues.
The regime recently gave exclusive Burmese broadcasting rights for the coming World Cup soccer tournament in South Africa to Yangon Entertainment, owned by Zaw Min Aye, son of the junta's No.5 general, Lt-Gen Tin Aye.
This means that all sports journals will have to ask permission from the company to cover World Cup matches.
Besides being a key player in the entertainment industry, Zaw Min Aye manages an import-export firm, including a concession for importing motor vehicles, as well as IT and media businesses.
Zaw Min Aye's Pyae Swan Yee Co is one of richest firms in the country. The company is reportedly involved in business services, electronic components and supplies, printing and publishing. He is also the owner of the Rangoon-based Ecovision weekly as well as the newly licensed journal, Messenger.
*******************************************************
Rangoon blast lensman’s father in court
Tuesday, 18 May 2010 00:07 Myint Maung
New Delhi (Mizzima) – A journalist who with his son was detained in alleged connection with the suspected grenade attacks at a Rangoon water festival pavilion last month, appeared in Mingala Taungnyunt Township Court today, his wife said.
Maung Zeya, 55, and his son Sithu Zeya, who were arrested on April 17 for allegedly taking photographs of the blast scene were, the police said, detained on suspicion of participating in the bombings at the X2O Thingyan, or water festival, pavilion. The national police chief said on May 6 that they would be released when they were cleared of the allegations.
The police are yet to file a case against Maung Zeya but he was produced in court this morning and remanded in police custody to appear for a hearing on May 30.
“He has not been tortured and is in good shape. He is still in police custody because the police are yet to file charges against him,” his wife Ye Ye Tint told Mizzima. “He said he was doing social service among fellow prisoners.”
On the third day of Thingyan, Maung Zeya’s son Sithu Zeya was arrested in front of the pavilion while taking photographs of the blast site. Two days after his arrest, Special Branch officers arrested his father at home in Bahan Township.
Sithu Zeya was tortured during interrogation and was forced to confess to the crime, Ye Ye Tint said.
Opposition sources said the police had charged him with offences under section 17/1 of Unlawful Associations Act. His case will be heard for the first time tomorrow in the same Mingala Taungnyunt court.
Ten people died and about 170 were injured in the blasts on April 15. The dead included senior army officers and township officials. The junta arrested electrical engineer Phyo Wei Aung, 31, from Sanchaung, Rangoon, in connection with what they said were grenade attacks at the water festival and accused the Vigorous Burmese Students Warriors of triggering the blasts.
Tuesday, 18 May 2010 00:07 Myint Maung
New Delhi (Mizzima) – A journalist who with his son was detained in alleged connection with the suspected grenade attacks at a Rangoon water festival pavilion last month, appeared in Mingala Taungnyunt Township Court today, his wife said.
Maung Zeya, 55, and his son Sithu Zeya, who were arrested on April 17 for allegedly taking photographs of the blast scene were, the police said, detained on suspicion of participating in the bombings at the X2O Thingyan, or water festival, pavilion. The national police chief said on May 6 that they would be released when they were cleared of the allegations.
The police are yet to file a case against Maung Zeya but he was produced in court this morning and remanded in police custody to appear for a hearing on May 30.
“He has not been tortured and is in good shape. He is still in police custody because the police are yet to file charges against him,” his wife Ye Ye Tint told Mizzima. “He said he was doing social service among fellow prisoners.”
On the third day of Thingyan, Maung Zeya’s son Sithu Zeya was arrested in front of the pavilion while taking photographs of the blast site. Two days after his arrest, Special Branch officers arrested his father at home in Bahan Township.
Sithu Zeya was tortured during interrogation and was forced to confess to the crime, Ye Ye Tint said.
Opposition sources said the police had charged him with offences under section 17/1 of Unlawful Associations Act. His case will be heard for the first time tomorrow in the same Mingala Taungnyunt court.
Ten people died and about 170 were injured in the blasts on April 15. The dead included senior army officers and township officials. The junta arrested electrical engineer Phyo Wei Aung, 31, from Sanchaung, Rangoon, in connection with what they said were grenade attacks at the water festival and accused the Vigorous Burmese Students Warriors of triggering the blasts.
*******************************************************
DVB News - Ban Ki-moon must stand tall
By BO KYI
Published: 17 May 2010
At a recent press conference, the spokesperson for UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon asserted that “the United Nations has strongly encouraged the Myanmar [Burmese] authorities to invite regional and international monitors because we believe that that will inspire confidence in the elections”.
It is hard to imagine anything inspiring confidence in the elections. To speak of election monitors in Burma misses the point entirely. An election is more than just what happens on the day: to be effective, election observation must look at the entire electoral process over a long period of time, rather than at election-day proceedings only. For this to occur, there needs to be genuine support from the state, as occurred in Cambodia in 1993, where over 50,000 Cambodians were trained as election officials by the UN Transitional. Elections are a process and it is the process itself that is fundamental to democracy.
The legitimacy of the election in Burma will not rest on the whether international observers are allowed to monitor the election – the legitimacy of the election rests on the regime’s response to dissent.
In Burma, some 2,200 people remain in prison, where they live in dire conditions and endure appalling abuses at the hands of the military junta for their simple desire for a more peaceful and democratic Burma. If it is democracy that this election is meant to serve, then why does the junta keep locking up the very people who seek this aim?
A normal part of a democratic electoral process is debate; criticism of the incumbent government. Where the ruling party has not lived up to expectations, the election
campaign is an opportunity for those contesting the election to show voters where the incumbent fell short and why they, as candidates, are a better option. In countries like the US, this is taken to the extreme, with candidates and parties publicly ridiculing each other; nothing is sacred in their efforts to expose the competition.
But in Burma, this is not the case. The Burmese junta has made clear its thoughts on “the process of fostering democracy,” when they said that “improper and inappropriate campaigns” would not be allowed. It is not hard to imagine what is meant by “improper and inappropriate,” and it is evident what the consequences for those found engaging in such campaigning would be. History shows us that desperate despots stop at nothing to perpetuate their rule. The past twenty years in Burma have shown us this much, too.
Most recently, the regime, threatened by the power of the people, enforced legislation to ensure the opposition is divided and weakened, which forced the National League for Democracy (NLD) party to disband. But this only indicates where the weakness of this regime lies. A military regime will never capture the hearts and minds of its people, not in the way that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can, not in the way Min Ko Naing inspires generations of activists the world over. That is the power of democracy; it lies in the power of the people.
As if harassment, intimidation and imprisonment of the opposition were not enough, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has gone one step further to seal the fate of the election outcome: they have violated their own election laws. Burmese prime minister Thein Sein and his cronies have formed their own political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). In doing so, they violate Chapter 2, Article 4(d) of the Political Parties Registration Law, which prohibits civil servants from forming a political party.
With the 2008 constitution already ensuring the military 25 percent of the seats in parliament, the fact that the military-led USDP is now going to contest the election should dispel any doubts as to the SPDC’s true intention for any power sharing arrangement.
Regardless of whether international observers monitor the election, the elections will not be credible if they are held without the release of all political prisoners and without the criminal records of current political prisoners being wiped, therefore guaranteeing their right to participation, once released. For the secretary general of the UN to suggest otherwise is naïve, if not neglectful. What can we learn from other dictators and their sham electoral processes?
During the 2008 election in Zimbabwe, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai withdrew from the contest because of violence against his supporters. In the run up to the election, Mugabe set paramilitary thugs on his opponents, intimidating many potential voters. At one point, Mugabe’s men even attempted to throw Tsvangirai out of an eight-story building. The state-run media spewed out propaganda; intense and abusive vitriol against the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party and Tsvangirai. The independent press was attacked, and its editors and writers frequently brought in for police “questioning.” Following the 2008 election of Mugabe, some African leaders refused to recognize Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe. Given a similar pattern of willful perversion of the electoral process in Burma, will the Southeast Asian leaders do the same?
What can we expect from Burma’s neighbours? China’s ambassador recently told reporters: “A general election being held in any country is a matter of a sovereign state, so that should be respected.” But as the British ambassador, Mark Lyall Grant, aptly noted, “The instability that could be caused by a flawed electoral process is a threat to international peace and security.”
The UN Secretary General does not provide much inspiration for those looking for a bold approach to Burma. “It’s frustrating and … disappointing that we have not seen much progress” toward democracy, said Ban Ki-moon. “Much progress” – in April alone, at least 12 political activists were arrested, bringing the number of political activists in prison to 2199. Leaping from 1185 in 2006, now, as the election looms ever closer, the figure is set to increase.
Elections are important for the democratization of Burma, but, with almost 2,200 political prisoners excluded, the election will not be democratic, or free, or fair. Democracy and human rights are interdependent. You cannot have one without the other. Political prisoners embody the denial of the most basic freedoms essential to humankind: freedom of thought, association and assembly. The treatment of these prisoners also violates fundamental rights: the right to be free from torture, the right to health and the right to an adequate standard of living. The judicial system, in Burma, far from affording individuals basic standards of justice, is employed by the regime as an instrument of repression to silence dissent. And, at every level, impunity reigns.
In 2009 Ban Ki-moon stated: “It is high time to turn the promise of the responsibility to protect into practice”. It is high time he gave meaning to these words; it is high time he stood up for the people of Burma. Without the support of the UN and the countries which make up its mandate, then all you are left with is bravery of the Burmese people to fight alone; with their words and with their hearts. It is time Ban Ki-moon stood on the side of the Burmese people. He has the freedom to speak out and those who have the freedom to speak out should do so for those who cannot. The risk for him is far less than the risk my courageous brothers and sisters take, for they will continue to risk torture and even death before renouncing their non-violent struggle.
Bo Kyi is joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP)
By BO KYI
Published: 17 May 2010
At a recent press conference, the spokesperson for UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon asserted that “the United Nations has strongly encouraged the Myanmar [Burmese] authorities to invite regional and international monitors because we believe that that will inspire confidence in the elections”.
It is hard to imagine anything inspiring confidence in the elections. To speak of election monitors in Burma misses the point entirely. An election is more than just what happens on the day: to be effective, election observation must look at the entire electoral process over a long period of time, rather than at election-day proceedings only. For this to occur, there needs to be genuine support from the state, as occurred in Cambodia in 1993, where over 50,000 Cambodians were trained as election officials by the UN Transitional. Elections are a process and it is the process itself that is fundamental to democracy.
The legitimacy of the election in Burma will not rest on the whether international observers are allowed to monitor the election – the legitimacy of the election rests on the regime’s response to dissent.
In Burma, some 2,200 people remain in prison, where they live in dire conditions and endure appalling abuses at the hands of the military junta for their simple desire for a more peaceful and democratic Burma. If it is democracy that this election is meant to serve, then why does the junta keep locking up the very people who seek this aim?
A normal part of a democratic electoral process is debate; criticism of the incumbent government. Where the ruling party has not lived up to expectations, the election
campaign is an opportunity for those contesting the election to show voters where the incumbent fell short and why they, as candidates, are a better option. In countries like the US, this is taken to the extreme, with candidates and parties publicly ridiculing each other; nothing is sacred in their efforts to expose the competition.
But in Burma, this is not the case. The Burmese junta has made clear its thoughts on “the process of fostering democracy,” when they said that “improper and inappropriate campaigns” would not be allowed. It is not hard to imagine what is meant by “improper and inappropriate,” and it is evident what the consequences for those found engaging in such campaigning would be. History shows us that desperate despots stop at nothing to perpetuate their rule. The past twenty years in Burma have shown us this much, too.
Most recently, the regime, threatened by the power of the people, enforced legislation to ensure the opposition is divided and weakened, which forced the National League for Democracy (NLD) party to disband. But this only indicates where the weakness of this regime lies. A military regime will never capture the hearts and minds of its people, not in the way that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can, not in the way Min Ko Naing inspires generations of activists the world over. That is the power of democracy; it lies in the power of the people.
As if harassment, intimidation and imprisonment of the opposition were not enough, the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) has gone one step further to seal the fate of the election outcome: they have violated their own election laws. Burmese prime minister Thein Sein and his cronies have formed their own political party, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). In doing so, they violate Chapter 2, Article 4(d) of the Political Parties Registration Law, which prohibits civil servants from forming a political party.
With the 2008 constitution already ensuring the military 25 percent of the seats in parliament, the fact that the military-led USDP is now going to contest the election should dispel any doubts as to the SPDC’s true intention for any power sharing arrangement.
Regardless of whether international observers monitor the election, the elections will not be credible if they are held without the release of all political prisoners and without the criminal records of current political prisoners being wiped, therefore guaranteeing their right to participation, once released. For the secretary general of the UN to suggest otherwise is naïve, if not neglectful. What can we learn from other dictators and their sham electoral processes?
During the 2008 election in Zimbabwe, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai withdrew from the contest because of violence against his supporters. In the run up to the election, Mugabe set paramilitary thugs on his opponents, intimidating many potential voters. At one point, Mugabe’s men even attempted to throw Tsvangirai out of an eight-story building. The state-run media spewed out propaganda; intense and abusive vitriol against the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party and Tsvangirai. The independent press was attacked, and its editors and writers frequently brought in for police “questioning.” Following the 2008 election of Mugabe, some African leaders refused to recognize Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe. Given a similar pattern of willful perversion of the electoral process in Burma, will the Southeast Asian leaders do the same?
What can we expect from Burma’s neighbours? China’s ambassador recently told reporters: “A general election being held in any country is a matter of a sovereign state, so that should be respected.” But as the British ambassador, Mark Lyall Grant, aptly noted, “The instability that could be caused by a flawed electoral process is a threat to international peace and security.”
The UN Secretary General does not provide much inspiration for those looking for a bold approach to Burma. “It’s frustrating and … disappointing that we have not seen much progress” toward democracy, said Ban Ki-moon. “Much progress” – in April alone, at least 12 political activists were arrested, bringing the number of political activists in prison to 2199. Leaping from 1185 in 2006, now, as the election looms ever closer, the figure is set to increase.
Elections are important for the democratization of Burma, but, with almost 2,200 political prisoners excluded, the election will not be democratic, or free, or fair. Democracy and human rights are interdependent. You cannot have one without the other. Political prisoners embody the denial of the most basic freedoms essential to humankind: freedom of thought, association and assembly. The treatment of these prisoners also violates fundamental rights: the right to be free from torture, the right to health and the right to an adequate standard of living. The judicial system, in Burma, far from affording individuals basic standards of justice, is employed by the regime as an instrument of repression to silence dissent. And, at every level, impunity reigns.
In 2009 Ban Ki-moon stated: “It is high time to turn the promise of the responsibility to protect into practice”. It is high time he gave meaning to these words; it is high time he stood up for the people of Burma. Without the support of the UN and the countries which make up its mandate, then all you are left with is bravery of the Burmese people to fight alone; with their words and with their hearts. It is time Ban Ki-moon stood on the side of the Burmese people. He has the freedom to speak out and those who have the freedom to speak out should do so for those who cannot. The risk for him is far less than the risk my courageous brothers and sisters take, for they will continue to risk torture and even death before renouncing their non-violent struggle.
Bo Kyi is joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP)
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