Scoop - UN Refugee Agency Set To Bolster Aid Work In Myanmar
Monday, 16 March 2009, 12:31 pm
Press Release: United Nations
New York, Mar 12 2009 6:10PM The United Nations refugee chief today announced plans to ramp up his agency’s operations in Myanmar, at the end of a six-day visit to the South-East Asian country.
António Guterres travelled to Myanmar’s capital, Nay Pyi Taw, as well as Sittwe and Myeik, where he was able to observe the humanitarian work carried out by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
According to a news release issued at the end of his visit, Mr. Guterres held “frank and open” discussions with Government officials, covering areas of concern to the agency, from prevention of displacement to voluntary return, registration and legal status, and improvements to economic and social conditions.
Both sides agreed on the importance of a continued UNHCR presence in northern Rakhine State and in the south-east of the country, and an agreement was reached to extend the agency’s work with the population of northern Rakhine State.
Based on his observations and discussions which took place during the trip, Mr. Guterres has concluded that the current level of UNHCR activity in northern Rakhine State does not meet the needs of the people and a decision was taken to immediately upgrade the agency’s programme.
It was also agreed that UNHCR and the Government would examine the scope for strengthening the agency’s work in the south-east.
In addition, the Minister of Home Affairs together with UNHCR decided that increasing the scale of the agency’s activities, especially in relation to health, education, water, sanitation, agriculture and infrastructure support, would complement UNHCR’s work on voluntary return and reintegration.
The High Commissioner for Refugees also met with the Tripartite Core Group that coordinates assistance provided to the delta area in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, as well as other UN officials, while in Myanmar.
Sunday, April 5, 2009
The International Herald Tribune - U.S. in a quandary over policy on Myanmar
The International Herald Tribune - U.S. in a quandary over policy on Myanmar
By Seth Mydans
Published: March 15, 2009
BANGKOK: It has been a policy of unintended consequences — two decades of isolation and sanctions by the United States that only made Myanmar's ruling generals more stubborn — and now a new administration in Washington has declared it a failure.
But U.S. officials also say they don't know what else to do.
"Clearly, the path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta," Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said in February. "Reaching out and trying to engage them hasn't influenced them, either," she said, referring to the policies of Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbors.
"We are conducting a review, because we want to see the best ideas about to influence the Burmese regime," she said during a visit to Indonesia. "And we are looking at every possible idea that can be presented."
Where that will lead is still unclear. Putting it bluntly, Scot Marciel, deputy assistant secretary of state, said soon afterward: "The fact is, there isn't any obvious way ahead."
Over the years, the United States has attempted to curb political repression and human rights violations in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, with ever-tighter economic restrictions and diplomatic pressure, accompanied by warnings and condemnation.
The sanctions began with an arms embargo after a massacre of as many as 3,000 pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988. Broader sanctions were imposed in 1997 and 2003 in protest of human rights violations that included restrictions on the freedom of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other opposition figures.
The European Union and other countries have put in place their own embargoes, and analysts say those countries would have to be consulted in any policy change.
But Myanmar's military has not budged. Political opponents are still jailed by the hundreds, free speech and assembly are still smothered, the wealthy generals still leave their people in grinding poverty, and any protests are crushed by force.
Rather than forcing change, many analysts say, the confrontational approach has made the generals more stubborn, more repressive and more antagonistic toward the West.
The policy has deprived the United States of useful contacts within the government and has left it with little leverage to affect the junta's behavior. And it has held back the emergence of a middle class that could have pushed for change.
"Continued pressure on the regime to change in unacceptable ways to them forced them inward," said Robert Taylor, a consultant in London on Myanmar affairs, in an e-mail message. "Had sanctions not helped end foreign investments in the 1990s, Myanmar would now be involved in the world economy, like Vietnam perhaps," he said. "Opening the country up now will be many times harder than it would have been in the early 1990s, or even seven years ago."
Economic sanctions have also been undermined by continuing trade and investment from Myanmar's neighbors China, India and the Southeast Asian nations.
Western nations learned the limits of their influence when the military crushed an uprising led by Buddhist monks in late 2007, ignoring threats and condemnation from around the world. A new round of sanctions was imposed, with little effect.
Since then, a sense of the futility of sanctions has grown among many exiles and foreign analysts.
Even the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, said in February that "continued confrontation and economic sanctions" were "not beneficial to the country and its people."
The statement is significant because the National League for Democracy is the party of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy leader who has been held under house arrest for 13 of the past 19 years.
She is an original proponent of sanctions, and her views have had a strong impact on American policy. But because she has been cut off from the outside world, it is difficult to know what she would say today. Without her influence, said David Steinberg, an expert on Myanmar at Georgetown University, America's reassessment might have come earlier.
In any case, a weakening of sanctions would face tough opposition in Washington, where the policy carries emotional resonance and has many backers in Congress and among human rights groups.
"I think we have to stay the course and use this form of pressure to push the regime to greater dialogue," said Debbie Stothard, coordinator of Altsean-Burma, a regional human rights group. "If you want to throw away the best cards that you have, you are setting yourselves up for failure."
Sanctions may not be an all-or-nothing issue, though, said Sean Turnell, an expert on the Burmese economy at Macquarie University in Sydney.
He pointed to "targeted sanctions" that aim to cripple the financial dealings of the junta and its associates and "send exactly the right message to the people the message needs to be sent to."
Some of Washington's current sanctions fit this description, blocking certain bank transactions and visa permits. It is broad-based embargoes on trade and investment that critics argue are hurting the general population more than the generals in power.
In an influential report last October, the International Crisis Group, an independent research and advocacy group, said the aftermath of the devastating cyclone last year could be an opportunity for productive engagement. The cyclone took 138,000 lives when it struck the Irrawaddy Delta in May 2008, and at first the junta — true to its insular and suspicious nature — barred large-scale foreign aid.
But in the months since then, the crisis group said, Myanmar had entered a period of "unprecedented cooperation between the government and international humanitarian agencies." Visas and travel permits have been streamlined, and working conditions have become more open. The crisis group said some nations that seek to influence Myanmar's behavior had been slow to seize this opportunity, still held back by old policies of rejection.
It concluded: "Twenty years of aid restrictions — which see Myanmar receiving 20 times less assistance per capita than other least-developed countries — have weakened, not strengthened, the forces for change."
By Seth Mydans
Published: March 15, 2009
BANGKOK: It has been a policy of unintended consequences — two decades of isolation and sanctions by the United States that only made Myanmar's ruling generals more stubborn — and now a new administration in Washington has declared it a failure.
But U.S. officials also say they don't know what else to do.
"Clearly, the path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta," Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said in February. "Reaching out and trying to engage them hasn't influenced them, either," she said, referring to the policies of Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbors.
"We are conducting a review, because we want to see the best ideas about to influence the Burmese regime," she said during a visit to Indonesia. "And we are looking at every possible idea that can be presented."
Where that will lead is still unclear. Putting it bluntly, Scot Marciel, deputy assistant secretary of state, said soon afterward: "The fact is, there isn't any obvious way ahead."
Over the years, the United States has attempted to curb political repression and human rights violations in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, with ever-tighter economic restrictions and diplomatic pressure, accompanied by warnings and condemnation.
The sanctions began with an arms embargo after a massacre of as many as 3,000 pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988. Broader sanctions were imposed in 1997 and 2003 in protest of human rights violations that included restrictions on the freedom of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other opposition figures.
The European Union and other countries have put in place their own embargoes, and analysts say those countries would have to be consulted in any policy change.
But Myanmar's military has not budged. Political opponents are still jailed by the hundreds, free speech and assembly are still smothered, the wealthy generals still leave their people in grinding poverty, and any protests are crushed by force.
Rather than forcing change, many analysts say, the confrontational approach has made the generals more stubborn, more repressive and more antagonistic toward the West.
The policy has deprived the United States of useful contacts within the government and has left it with little leverage to affect the junta's behavior. And it has held back the emergence of a middle class that could have pushed for change.
"Continued pressure on the regime to change in unacceptable ways to them forced them inward," said Robert Taylor, a consultant in London on Myanmar affairs, in an e-mail message. "Had sanctions not helped end foreign investments in the 1990s, Myanmar would now be involved in the world economy, like Vietnam perhaps," he said. "Opening the country up now will be many times harder than it would have been in the early 1990s, or even seven years ago."
Economic sanctions have also been undermined by continuing trade and investment from Myanmar's neighbors China, India and the Southeast Asian nations.
Western nations learned the limits of their influence when the military crushed an uprising led by Buddhist monks in late 2007, ignoring threats and condemnation from around the world. A new round of sanctions was imposed, with little effect.
Since then, a sense of the futility of sanctions has grown among many exiles and foreign analysts.
Even the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy, said in February that "continued confrontation and economic sanctions" were "not beneficial to the country and its people."
The statement is significant because the National League for Democracy is the party of Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi, the pro-democracy leader who has been held under house arrest for 13 of the past 19 years.
She is an original proponent of sanctions, and her views have had a strong impact on American policy. But because she has been cut off from the outside world, it is difficult to know what she would say today. Without her influence, said David Steinberg, an expert on Myanmar at Georgetown University, America's reassessment might have come earlier.
In any case, a weakening of sanctions would face tough opposition in Washington, where the policy carries emotional resonance and has many backers in Congress and among human rights groups.
"I think we have to stay the course and use this form of pressure to push the regime to greater dialogue," said Debbie Stothard, coordinator of Altsean-Burma, a regional human rights group. "If you want to throw away the best cards that you have, you are setting yourselves up for failure."
Sanctions may not be an all-or-nothing issue, though, said Sean Turnell, an expert on the Burmese economy at Macquarie University in Sydney.
He pointed to "targeted sanctions" that aim to cripple the financial dealings of the junta and its associates and "send exactly the right message to the people the message needs to be sent to."
Some of Washington's current sanctions fit this description, blocking certain bank transactions and visa permits. It is broad-based embargoes on trade and investment that critics argue are hurting the general population more than the generals in power.
In an influential report last October, the International Crisis Group, an independent research and advocacy group, said the aftermath of the devastating cyclone last year could be an opportunity for productive engagement. The cyclone took 138,000 lives when it struck the Irrawaddy Delta in May 2008, and at first the junta — true to its insular and suspicious nature — barred large-scale foreign aid.
But in the months since then, the crisis group said, Myanmar had entered a period of "unprecedented cooperation between the government and international humanitarian agencies." Visas and travel permits have been streamlined, and working conditions have become more open. The crisis group said some nations that seek to influence Myanmar's behavior had been slow to seize this opportunity, still held back by old policies of rejection.
It concluded: "Twenty years of aid restrictions — which see Myanmar receiving 20 times less assistance per capita than other least-developed countries — have weakened, not strengthened, the forces for change."
The Washington Post - Burma's Bullies
The Washington Post - Burma's Bullies
They're always ready with fresh examples of ruthlessness. U.S. engagement must be conditional.
Sunday, March 15, 2009; Page A18
THE CRUELEST dictatorships, like the most ruthless criminal gangs, always have understood that the most effective way to deter opposition is to go after the innocent loved ones of potential enemies. Thus it was not enough for Gen. Than Shwe and his junta in the Southeast Asian nation of Burma (also known as Myanmar) to sentence the Buddhist monk U Gambira to prison for 68 years last fall. It was learned last week that his brother, his brother-in-law and four cousins have been sentenced to five years in Burma's gloomy prisons. We hope that this small piece of data is fed into the review of U.S. policy on Burma that Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has promised.
U Gambira, 28 at the time, was a leader of the nonviolent protests that broke out in Burma in September 2007. Thousands of Burmese followed him and other monks in peaceful protest against one of the world's most brutal dictatorships, despite understanding the possible consequences. U Gambira himself, in an op-ed published in The Post on Nov. 4, 2007 -- the day, as it happened, of his arrest after weeks on the run -- said that he understood the risks he was taking. "It matters little if my life or the lives of colleagues should be sacrificed on this journey," he wrote. "Others will fill our sandals, and more will join and follow." We can only guess whether he understood that even his uninvolved relatives would be victimized.
The United States has been frustrated in its efforts to promote democratization in Burma, a nation of about 50 million, so Ms. Clinton's policy review is well timed. No doubt her team will talk to academics and humanitarian aid workers who favor more engagement with the regime and the country. (Those who tout Burma's recent cooperation with relief agencies might, however, want to take note of another prison sentence handed down last week: 17 years to Min Thein Tun, who was arrested last July for distributing relief supplies to the victims of Cyclone Nargis in the Irrawaddy delta.) They should talk with officials in neighboring countries, who have been pursuing a policy of engagement for years; in addition to its impact on the wealth of the regime and its trading partners in countries such as Thailand and Singapore, U.S. officials might ask, what effect has this policy had?
It may be that the U.S. review can lead to smarter and more targeted sanctions, with better coordination among allies and neighbors. Certainly, we hope that Ms. Clinton will make clear to Burma's government that the United States could never ease sanctions without first conducting full and free consultations with Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's rightful ruler. Aung San Suu Kyi's party overwhelmingly won an election in 1990, but the junta ignored the results and has kept her isolated and under house arrest for most of the time since. Her release, and that of thousands of other political prisoners -- and their families -- remains essential.
They're always ready with fresh examples of ruthlessness. U.S. engagement must be conditional.
Sunday, March 15, 2009; Page A18
THE CRUELEST dictatorships, like the most ruthless criminal gangs, always have understood that the most effective way to deter opposition is to go after the innocent loved ones of potential enemies. Thus it was not enough for Gen. Than Shwe and his junta in the Southeast Asian nation of Burma (also known as Myanmar) to sentence the Buddhist monk U Gambira to prison for 68 years last fall. It was learned last week that his brother, his brother-in-law and four cousins have been sentenced to five years in Burma's gloomy prisons. We hope that this small piece of data is fed into the review of U.S. policy on Burma that Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton has promised.
U Gambira, 28 at the time, was a leader of the nonviolent protests that broke out in Burma in September 2007. Thousands of Burmese followed him and other monks in peaceful protest against one of the world's most brutal dictatorships, despite understanding the possible consequences. U Gambira himself, in an op-ed published in The Post on Nov. 4, 2007 -- the day, as it happened, of his arrest after weeks on the run -- said that he understood the risks he was taking. "It matters little if my life or the lives of colleagues should be sacrificed on this journey," he wrote. "Others will fill our sandals, and more will join and follow." We can only guess whether he understood that even his uninvolved relatives would be victimized.
The United States has been frustrated in its efforts to promote democratization in Burma, a nation of about 50 million, so Ms. Clinton's policy review is well timed. No doubt her team will talk to academics and humanitarian aid workers who favor more engagement with the regime and the country. (Those who tout Burma's recent cooperation with relief agencies might, however, want to take note of another prison sentence handed down last week: 17 years to Min Thein Tun, who was arrested last July for distributing relief supplies to the victims of Cyclone Nargis in the Irrawaddy delta.) They should talk with officials in neighboring countries, who have been pursuing a policy of engagement for years; in addition to its impact on the wealth of the regime and its trading partners in countries such as Thailand and Singapore, U.S. officials might ask, what effect has this policy had?
It may be that the U.S. review can lead to smarter and more targeted sanctions, with better coordination among allies and neighbors. Certainly, we hope that Ms. Clinton will make clear to Burma's government that the United States could never ease sanctions without first conducting full and free consultations with Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's rightful ruler. Aung San Suu Kyi's party overwhelmingly won an election in 1990, but the junta ignored the results and has kept her isolated and under house arrest for most of the time since. Her release, and that of thousands of other political prisoners -- and their families -- remains essential.
Saturday, March 14, 2009
The Plank - Can Hillary Help Liberate Burma?
18.02.2009
The Plank - Can Hillary Help Liberate Burma?
Hillary Clinton has indicated that the United States is considering a major shift in its policy toward Burma, most notably by lifting the economic sanctions that have restricted trade and investment in one of the world's most brutalizing regimes. While maintaining that the Obama administration is still considering its options, Clinton asserted that "the path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta." She added that engagement--the approach undertaken by Burma's neighboring countries--also failed to convince the authoritarian leaders to change their course.
Why hasn't America's approach made a difference? Well, other powerful actors--namely China and India--have stepped into the void, fostering lucrative partnerships with the regime. The military rulers have exploited the country's vast natural resources--not only its infamous gemstones, but also timber, metals, and natural gas. Moreover, the regime has continued to receive mixed messages from the international community: While the U.S. and E.U. have loudly condemned the regime, the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has supported "constructive engagement" that has ensured that the regime has never been diplomatically isolated. Altogether, the Burmese junta neither needs nor wants to seek out America's approval.
It's encouraging to hear Clinton's admission that both sanctions and engagement have failed to bring any reform to Burma in the past 20 years. So what can be done instead, and how can the U.S. adopt a leadership role? Michael Green and Derek Mitchell have laid out some provocative alternatives in Foreign Affairs, suggesting that the U.S. go through China and India--Burma's "greatest enablers"--and make Burma more of a priority in diplomatic talks: "In discussions with Beijing, Washington could make China's Burma policy another test of its readiness to be a ‘responsible stakeholder,' much as it has already done in regard to Darfur," the authors write.
Clinton has already given strong signals that the U.S. will be more actively involved in Southeast Asia than under the Bush administration-not only by visiting Jakarta on her first overseas trip, but also by agreeing to attend a ministerial summit that Condi Rice "tended to skip" and to sign an ASEAN treaty of "amity and cooperation" that Bush refused to agree to. Meanwhile, the reasons for prioritizing Burma are becoming all the more urgent. As Green and Mitchell point out, the country is more than a political and humanitarian disaster--it's fast becoming a serious international security threat. Given such threats, the U.S. shouldn't hesitate in taking a leadership role in addressing the Burma crisis--not by going it alone, Rambo-style, but by diplomatically engaging and pressuring those most likely to influence the regime.
--Suzy Khimm
The Plank - Can Hillary Help Liberate Burma?
Hillary Clinton has indicated that the United States is considering a major shift in its policy toward Burma, most notably by lifting the economic sanctions that have restricted trade and investment in one of the world's most brutalizing regimes. While maintaining that the Obama administration is still considering its options, Clinton asserted that "the path we have taken in imposing sanctions hasn't influenced the Burmese junta." She added that engagement--the approach undertaken by Burma's neighboring countries--also failed to convince the authoritarian leaders to change their course.
Why hasn't America's approach made a difference? Well, other powerful actors--namely China and India--have stepped into the void, fostering lucrative partnerships with the regime. The military rulers have exploited the country's vast natural resources--not only its infamous gemstones, but also timber, metals, and natural gas. Moreover, the regime has continued to receive mixed messages from the international community: While the U.S. and E.U. have loudly condemned the regime, the Association for Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has supported "constructive engagement" that has ensured that the regime has never been diplomatically isolated. Altogether, the Burmese junta neither needs nor wants to seek out America's approval.
It's encouraging to hear Clinton's admission that both sanctions and engagement have failed to bring any reform to Burma in the past 20 years. So what can be done instead, and how can the U.S. adopt a leadership role? Michael Green and Derek Mitchell have laid out some provocative alternatives in Foreign Affairs, suggesting that the U.S. go through China and India--Burma's "greatest enablers"--and make Burma more of a priority in diplomatic talks: "In discussions with Beijing, Washington could make China's Burma policy another test of its readiness to be a ‘responsible stakeholder,' much as it has already done in regard to Darfur," the authors write.
Clinton has already given strong signals that the U.S. will be more actively involved in Southeast Asia than under the Bush administration-not only by visiting Jakarta on her first overseas trip, but also by agreeing to attend a ministerial summit that Condi Rice "tended to skip" and to sign an ASEAN treaty of "amity and cooperation" that Bush refused to agree to. Meanwhile, the reasons for prioritizing Burma are becoming all the more urgent. As Green and Mitchell point out, the country is more than a political and humanitarian disaster--it's fast becoming a serious international security threat. Given such threats, the U.S. shouldn't hesitate in taking a leadership role in addressing the Burma crisis--not by going it alone, Rambo-style, but by diplomatically engaging and pressuring those most likely to influence the regime.
--Suzy Khimm
ABC Online - Burma needs to speed up democracy: Indonesia FM
ABC Online - Burma needs to speed up democracy: Indonesia FM
By Sen Lam for Connect Asia
Posted 23 minutes ago
Indonesia's Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda has criticised Burma's lack of progress towards democracy, as well as its human rights record.
But he says the international community must stay engaged with Indonesia's fellow ASEAN member, arguing that pressure and sanctions have proved ineffective in achieving change.
Dr Wirajuda has told Sen Lam on ABC Radio Australia's Connect Asia program that the regional problem created by the outflow of Rohingya refugees only emphasises the need for an international approach.
"There is a sign of moving here and as a process of course you can not expect that we can change tomorrow," he said.
"But we are all working and in fact I would say that the neighbouring countries of Burma, not only ASEAN, have also worked together."
Dr Wirajuda is in Sydney for two days of discussions with the Australian Government.
Travel warnings
Dr Wirajuda says he will keep raising the issue of Australian travel warnings, despite failing in his latest appeal for them to be lifted.
Australia says travel advisories are assessed regularly on the basis of expert advice.
But he says there have not been been any recent terrorist bombings, and potential threats are often exaggerated.
He says Australia should follow the example of countries such as the United States and lift its travel advice.
"It's more a matter of Australians to decide of course, but it has to be commensurated through the developments on the ground," Dr Wirajuda said.
"First there has been no incidents of terrorism bombings in Indonesia in the past three years and countries like the United States and Canada have lifted their travel warnings since last year.
"The fact there has been quite a flowing of tourists from Australia it is also a fact, the Australian people themselves decide whether to travel to Indonesia by their own judgement, so it is in this context that we see that it is timely for the Australian government to lift the travel advice.
"Indonesia is one of the most successful countries in combating terrorism so the potential threat was often overblown, our police have been very effective in their task to combat terrorism."
By Sen Lam for Connect Asia
Posted 23 minutes ago
Indonesia's Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda has criticised Burma's lack of progress towards democracy, as well as its human rights record.
But he says the international community must stay engaged with Indonesia's fellow ASEAN member, arguing that pressure and sanctions have proved ineffective in achieving change.
Dr Wirajuda has told Sen Lam on ABC Radio Australia's Connect Asia program that the regional problem created by the outflow of Rohingya refugees only emphasises the need for an international approach.
"There is a sign of moving here and as a process of course you can not expect that we can change tomorrow," he said.
"But we are all working and in fact I would say that the neighbouring countries of Burma, not only ASEAN, have also worked together."
Dr Wirajuda is in Sydney for two days of discussions with the Australian Government.
Travel warnings
Dr Wirajuda says he will keep raising the issue of Australian travel warnings, despite failing in his latest appeal for them to be lifted.
Australia says travel advisories are assessed regularly on the basis of expert advice.
But he says there have not been been any recent terrorist bombings, and potential threats are often exaggerated.
He says Australia should follow the example of countries such as the United States and lift its travel advice.
"It's more a matter of Australians to decide of course, but it has to be commensurated through the developments on the ground," Dr Wirajuda said.
"First there has been no incidents of terrorism bombings in Indonesia in the past three years and countries like the United States and Canada have lifted their travel warnings since last year.
"The fact there has been quite a flowing of tourists from Australia it is also a fact, the Australian people themselves decide whether to travel to Indonesia by their own judgement, so it is in this context that we see that it is timely for the Australian government to lift the travel advice.
"Indonesia is one of the most successful countries in combating terrorism so the potential threat was often overblown, our police have been very effective in their task to combat terrorism."
Envoy says Myanmar rights grim, fails to meet Suu Kyi
Envoy says Myanmar rights grim, fails to meet Suu Kyi
Thu Feb 19, 2009 4:55pm GMT
By Aung Hla Tun
YANGON, Feb 19 (Reuters) - A U.N. envoy said on Thursday human rights in military-ruled Myanmar had not improved since his last visit seven months ago, but he hoped the regime would listen to his recommendations this time.
Human rights rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana met a handful of political prisoners in Yangon's Insein Prison, and senior government officials in the junta's remote capital Nay Pyi Taw during his five-day mission.
But the Argentine lawyer failed to meet junta leader Senior General Than Shwe or opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose latest detention began in May 2003.
Nobel laureate Suu Kyi is among 2,162 people believed to be in detention in Myanmar for their political or religious beliefs.
"The human rights situation in Myanmar is still challenging. It's difficult to affirm that the human rights situation has improved," he told reporters before leaving Yangon.
However, he said some "positive signs" emerged from his meetings in Nay Pyi Taw, where he called for the progressive release of prisoners of conscience.
"I discussed this issue with the Minister of Home Affairs, and he said he's going to consider this recommendation," he said.
Quintana is the second top U.N. envoy to visit the former Burma this month, but observers said neither appear to have much to show for their efforts.
Earlier this month, U.N. special envoy Ibrahim Gambari met Suu Kyi, but failed to make headway on bringing the military and Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) closer to talks on political reform.
"Frankly, I don't see any tangible results from Quintana's mission based on what is known of his activities," said a former Myanmar politician who declined to be named.
"So far as I know, he just went on a guided tour and met with people the regime had arranged," he said. Quintana was allowed to visit Karen State, home to one of the world's oldest insurgencies and where rights groups have accused Myanmar's military of widespread abuses.
But the envoy was denied access to Kachin and Rakhine states. Rakhine is home to hundreds of thousands of Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic group which made headlines after reports of them were mistreated by the Thai military after fleeing over the border to escape poverty and hardship.
Ojea, whose own parents were political prisoners under a military regime in Argentina, met two NLD MPs during his visit to Yangon's notorious Insein Prison, diplomats said.
Tin Min Htut and Nyi Bu were sentenced to 15 years in prison in a closed trial the day before Quintana arrived in Myanmar.
The two men were arrested last August after writing an open letter to the United Nations criticising Myanmar's planned 2010 general election under a new constitution critics say will entrench the military's grip on power.
By Aung Hla Tun
YANGON, Feb 19 (Reuters) - A U.N. envoy said on Thursday human rights in military-ruled Myanmar had not improved since his last visit seven months ago, but he hoped the regime would listen to his recommendations this time.
Human rights rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana met a handful of political prisoners in Yangon's Insein Prison, and senior government officials in the junta's remote capital Nay Pyi Taw during his five-day mission.
But the Argentine lawyer failed to meet junta leader Senior General Than Shwe or opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose latest detention began in May 2003.
Nobel laureate Suu Kyi is among 2,162 people believed to be in detention in Myanmar for their political or religious beliefs.
"The human rights situation in Myanmar is still challenging. It's difficult to affirm that the human rights situation has improved," he told reporters before leaving Yangon.
However, he said some "positive signs" emerged from his meetings in Nay Pyi Taw, where he called for the progressive release of prisoners of conscience.
"I discussed this issue with the Minister of Home Affairs, and he said he's going to consider this recommendation," he said.
Quintana is the second top U.N. envoy to visit the former Burma this month, but observers said neither appear to have much to show for their efforts.
Earlier this month, U.N. special envoy Ibrahim Gambari met Suu Kyi, but failed to make headway on bringing the military and Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) closer to talks on political reform.
"Frankly, I don't see any tangible results from Quintana's mission based on what is known of his activities," said a former Myanmar politician who declined to be named.
"So far as I know, he just went on a guided tour and met with people the regime had arranged," he said. Quintana was allowed to visit Karen State, home to one of the world's oldest insurgencies and where rights groups have accused Myanmar's military of widespread abuses.
But the envoy was denied access to Kachin and Rakhine states. Rakhine is home to hundreds of thousands of Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic group which made headlines after reports of them were mistreated by the Thai military after fleeing over the border to escape poverty and hardship.
Ojea, whose own parents were political prisoners under a military regime in Argentina, met two NLD MPs during his visit to Yangon's notorious Insein Prison, diplomats said.
Tin Min Htut and Nyi Bu were sentenced to 15 years in prison in a closed trial the day before Quintana arrived in Myanmar.
The two men were arrested last August after writing an open letter to the United Nations criticising Myanmar's planned 2010 general election under a new constitution critics say will entrench the military's grip on power.
Myanmar rights situation still challenging: UN
Myanmar rights situation still challenging: UN
Thu Feb 19, 10:15 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar's human rights situation remains "challenging" and there are few signs of improvement, a UN independent expert on human rights said as he wrapped up a six-day visit Thursday.
But Tomas Ojea Quintana, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, said that there were "positive signs" from the ruling junta over his recommendations to the regime.
Quintana said he had recommended the "progressive release" of political prisoners held by the military regime when he met Myanmar's minister for home affairs.
"The human rights situation is still challenging. It is difficult for me to affirm that the human rights situation has improved," Quintana told reporters before flying out from Yangon.
Quintana, who arrived in the Southeast Asian nation on Saturday, said he had met five political prisoners during a four-hour visit to the notorious Insein prison in Yangon. He also met chief justice Aung Toe, he said.
The regime has handed out heavy jail terms to dozens of pro-democracy activists in recent months, many of them involved in protests led by Buddhist monks that erupted in 2007.
Quintana's visit is expected to pave the way for a possible trip later in the year by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon.
Quintana said he planned to return to Myanmar in December.
The UN's Special Envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, was in Myanmar last month and met detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi but failed to secure a meeting with Myanmar's head of state Senior General Than Shwe.
Aung San Suu Kyi has spent most of the last 19 years under detention by the junta that has ruled the country since 1962. Her National League of Democracy won a landslide election victory in 1990 that the junta refused to recognise.
The regime has promised to hold elections in 2010, but critics have dismissed the polls as a sham.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said earlier this week that US President Barack Obama's administration was looking for a better way to bring change to Myanmar.
"We are conducting a review of our policy," Clinton said in Tokyo when asked whether there was an alternative to sanctions.
Former US President George W. Bush's administration strengthened decade-old sanctions against Myanmar.
Thu Feb 19, 10:15 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar's human rights situation remains "challenging" and there are few signs of improvement, a UN independent expert on human rights said as he wrapped up a six-day visit Thursday.
But Tomas Ojea Quintana, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, said that there were "positive signs" from the ruling junta over his recommendations to the regime.
Quintana said he had recommended the "progressive release" of political prisoners held by the military regime when he met Myanmar's minister for home affairs.
"The human rights situation is still challenging. It is difficult for me to affirm that the human rights situation has improved," Quintana told reporters before flying out from Yangon.
Quintana, who arrived in the Southeast Asian nation on Saturday, said he had met five political prisoners during a four-hour visit to the notorious Insein prison in Yangon. He also met chief justice Aung Toe, he said.
The regime has handed out heavy jail terms to dozens of pro-democracy activists in recent months, many of them involved in protests led by Buddhist monks that erupted in 2007.
Quintana's visit is expected to pave the way for a possible trip later in the year by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon.
Quintana said he planned to return to Myanmar in December.
The UN's Special Envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari, was in Myanmar last month and met detained democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi but failed to secure a meeting with Myanmar's head of state Senior General Than Shwe.
Aung San Suu Kyi has spent most of the last 19 years under detention by the junta that has ruled the country since 1962. Her National League of Democracy won a landslide election victory in 1990 that the junta refused to recognise.
The regime has promised to hold elections in 2010, but critics have dismissed the polls as a sham.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said earlier this week that US President Barack Obama's administration was looking for a better way to bring change to Myanmar.
"We are conducting a review of our policy," Clinton said in Tokyo when asked whether there was an alternative to sanctions.
Former US President George W. Bush's administration strengthened decade-old sanctions against Myanmar.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
