Death toll from Myanmar floods, landslides hits 63
Mon Jun 21, 12:27 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The military and humanitarian groups are aiding people in northwestern Myanmar, where days of flooding and landslides killed more than 60 people and affected 15,000 families, state media and the United Nations reported Monday.
In Rakhine state, the torrential rains triggered floods and mudslides that washed away homes, damaged schools and bridges and caused 63 deaths, according to Monday's official count.
The death toll could rise because villagers were returning to homes on steep hills that still are vulnerable to landslides, said a U.N. official, who declined to be named since he was not authorized to speak with the media.
The New Light of Myanmar newspaper said local military commanders in the junta-ruled nation and authorities aided victims and inspected repair and recovery efforts in the state's seriously hit Buthidaung and Maungdaw regions.
The government, United Nations and other humanitarian organizations have provided clothing, medicine, household utensils, food and cash for the victims, state media and a U.N. press release said.
Many of the flood victims were housed at schools and temporary shelters since the rains began June 13 and did not end until midweek.
The U.N. said up to 15,000 families were affected, while state media said only more than 2,000 people suffered from the flooding.
Flooding is common in Asia during the monsoon season that typically starts in late May.
Cyclone Nargis struck Myanmar in May 2008, leaving more than 140,000 people dead or missing.
Mon Jun 21, 12:27 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The military and humanitarian groups are aiding people in northwestern Myanmar, where days of flooding and landslides killed more than 60 people and affected 15,000 families, state media and the United Nations reported Monday.
In Rakhine state, the torrential rains triggered floods and mudslides that washed away homes, damaged schools and bridges and caused 63 deaths, according to Monday's official count.
The death toll could rise because villagers were returning to homes on steep hills that still are vulnerable to landslides, said a U.N. official, who declined to be named since he was not authorized to speak with the media.
The New Light of Myanmar newspaper said local military commanders in the junta-ruled nation and authorities aided victims and inspected repair and recovery efforts in the state's seriously hit Buthidaung and Maungdaw regions.
The government, United Nations and other humanitarian organizations have provided clothing, medicine, household utensils, food and cash for the victims, state media and a U.N. press release said.
Many of the flood victims were housed at schools and temporary shelters since the rains began June 13 and did not end until midweek.
The U.N. said up to 15,000 families were affected, while state media said only more than 2,000 people suffered from the flooding.
Flooding is common in Asia during the monsoon season that typically starts in late May.
Cyclone Nargis struck Myanmar in May 2008, leaving more than 140,000 people dead or missing.
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Worldwide protests mark Aung San Suu Kyi's 65th birthday
Sat Jun 19, 4:09 pm ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi marked her 65th birthday under house arrest Saturday as activists held protests around the globe and world leaders called for the junta to free her.
The military regime has kept the Nobel laureate in detention for almost 15 years and she has been barred from running in upcoming elections that critics have denounced as a sham aimed at entrenching the generals' power.
Suu Kyi's party won the last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to take office. A UN working group this week pronounced her detention a breach of international human rights law, prompting new calls for her release.
In a birthday message, US President Barack Obama hailed Suu Kyi's "determination, courage and personal sacrifice in working for human rights and democratic change".
"I once again call on the Burmese government to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally and to allow them to build a more stable, prosperous Burma that respects the rights of all its citizens," he said, using the country's former name.
The woman known in Myanmar simply as "The Lady" remains the most powerful symbol of freedom in a country where the army rules with an iron fist.
The opposition leader spent the day at her lakeside mansion in Yangon, where she lives with two female assistants, cut off from the outside world without telephone or Internet access.
About 400 of her supporters held a party at one of their houses in northern Yangon in her absence. Plain-clothes police outside photographed and filmed people attending the event.
"We, the NLD members, Daw Suu's friends and colleagues, pray for her release soon," said Win Tin, a former political prisoner and senior National League for Democracy (NLD) figure. "Daw" is a term of respect in Myanmar.
Suu Kyi's supporters, some of whom wore T-shirts bearing her image, freed caged birds, prayed in front of her portrait and cut a birthday cake.
"The most important thing is the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," said her lawyer Nyan Win. "Although she is in detention, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's spirit has not been diminished at all."
NLD members are planting about 20,000 trees around Myanmar to mark her birthday and sent spicy food to her home to share with workers doing renovations.
Events to mark her birthday were being held in cities around the world, ranging from candlelight vigils to music concerts and solidarity rallies.
British Prime Minister David Cameron described the Nobel laureate as "a powerful symbol of the strength of the human spirit."
"The injustice of your continuing detention mirrors the injustice that the regime has inflicted on your country and your people for so many years. "Throughout that time, you have stood firm, at enormous personal cost, for the principles of liberty and justice," he said in an open letter to Suu Kyi.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said Suu Kyi "should be released without conditions as soon as possible" so she could participate in upcoming elections.
"This election must be held in a credible, impartial and objective way," Ban said on the eve of Suu Kyi's birthday.
In Prague, human rights activists wrote messages for the democracy icon on a graffiti wall decorated with her portrait.
In Kuala Lumpur, about 100 exiles sang patriotic songs and cut a cake.
"We urge the Myanmar people to boycott the election. The people will be cheated again. How can there be fair election with Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders in jail," said Kyaw Myo Maung, 27, the event organiser.
Nearly 200 demonstrators, mostly Myanmar nationals, also rallied in Tokyo urging Japan -- which has long maintained trade and dialogue with Myanmar -- to step up pressure on the junta to free her immediately.
Supporters have also posted messages of support on Facebook and other social networking websites.
Suu Kyi's NLD was forcibly disbanded by the junta after refusing to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register -- a move that would have forced it to expel its leader and other members in detention.
Suu Kyi had her incarceration lengthened by 18 months in August last year after being convicted over a bizarre incident in which a US man swam to her home, and there are fears her detention may be extended again.
Her dedication to non-violence in pressing for change earned her a Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and placed her -- along with Nelson Mandela -- among the world's foremost voices against tyranny.
Sat Jun 19, 4:09 pm ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi marked her 65th birthday under house arrest Saturday as activists held protests around the globe and world leaders called for the junta to free her.
The military regime has kept the Nobel laureate in detention for almost 15 years and she has been barred from running in upcoming elections that critics have denounced as a sham aimed at entrenching the generals' power.
Suu Kyi's party won the last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to take office. A UN working group this week pronounced her detention a breach of international human rights law, prompting new calls for her release.
In a birthday message, US President Barack Obama hailed Suu Kyi's "determination, courage and personal sacrifice in working for human rights and democratic change".
"I once again call on the Burmese government to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally and to allow them to build a more stable, prosperous Burma that respects the rights of all its citizens," he said, using the country's former name.
The woman known in Myanmar simply as "The Lady" remains the most powerful symbol of freedom in a country where the army rules with an iron fist.
The opposition leader spent the day at her lakeside mansion in Yangon, where she lives with two female assistants, cut off from the outside world without telephone or Internet access.
About 400 of her supporters held a party at one of their houses in northern Yangon in her absence. Plain-clothes police outside photographed and filmed people attending the event.
"We, the NLD members, Daw Suu's friends and colleagues, pray for her release soon," said Win Tin, a former political prisoner and senior National League for Democracy (NLD) figure. "Daw" is a term of respect in Myanmar.
Suu Kyi's supporters, some of whom wore T-shirts bearing her image, freed caged birds, prayed in front of her portrait and cut a birthday cake.
"The most important thing is the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," said her lawyer Nyan Win. "Although she is in detention, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's spirit has not been diminished at all."
NLD members are planting about 20,000 trees around Myanmar to mark her birthday and sent spicy food to her home to share with workers doing renovations.
Events to mark her birthday were being held in cities around the world, ranging from candlelight vigils to music concerts and solidarity rallies.
British Prime Minister David Cameron described the Nobel laureate as "a powerful symbol of the strength of the human spirit."
"The injustice of your continuing detention mirrors the injustice that the regime has inflicted on your country and your people for so many years. "Throughout that time, you have stood firm, at enormous personal cost, for the principles of liberty and justice," he said in an open letter to Suu Kyi.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon said Suu Kyi "should be released without conditions as soon as possible" so she could participate in upcoming elections.
"This election must be held in a credible, impartial and objective way," Ban said on the eve of Suu Kyi's birthday.
In Prague, human rights activists wrote messages for the democracy icon on a graffiti wall decorated with her portrait.
In Kuala Lumpur, about 100 exiles sang patriotic songs and cut a cake.
"We urge the Myanmar people to boycott the election. The people will be cheated again. How can there be fair election with Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders in jail," said Kyaw Myo Maung, 27, the event organiser.
Nearly 200 demonstrators, mostly Myanmar nationals, also rallied in Tokyo urging Japan -- which has long maintained trade and dialogue with Myanmar -- to step up pressure on the junta to free her immediately.
Supporters have also posted messages of support on Facebook and other social networking websites.
Suu Kyi's NLD was forcibly disbanded by the junta after refusing to meet a May 6 deadline to re-register -- a move that would have forced it to expel its leader and other members in detention.
Suu Kyi had her incarceration lengthened by 18 months in August last year after being convicted over a bizarre incident in which a US man swam to her home, and there are fears her detention may be extended again.
Her dedication to non-violence in pressing for change earned her a Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and placed her -- along with Nelson Mandela -- among the world's foremost voices against tyranny.
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PM salutes Suu Kyi on 65th birthday
Sat Jun 19, 2:04 pm ET
LONDON (AFP) – Prime Minister David Cameron paid tribute to Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi on Saturday as she marked her 65th birthday under house arrest.
In an open letter to Suu Kyi, Cameron described the Nobel laureate as "a powerful symbol of the strength of the human spirit" and promised that Britain's coalition government would "do all it can ... to bring a brighter future for Burma (Myanmar)".
In the letter released by Cameron's office, the British leader wrote: "Today you will mark yet another birthday under house arrest -- cut off from your children and your family.
My thoughts, and thoughts of so many people in Britain and across the world, will be with you and with the people of Burma. "The injustice of your continuing detention mirrors the injustice that the regime has inflicted on your country and your people for so many years. Throughout that time, you have stood firm, at enormous personal cost, for the principles of liberty and justice.
"You have become a powerful symbol of the strength of the human spirit ... I personally have long found your example deeply inspiring. I want to assure you that as Prime Minister, I will maintain a close interest in Burma.
"The British Government I lead will do all it can, both internationally, working through the United Nations, and bilaterally, to bring a brighter future for Burma and your people, in which they enjoy full human rights and true democracy.
"I have never forgotten your own request: that we should use our liberty to help the Burmese people to obtain theirs. I promise we will do everything we can to achieve that," Cameron added.
The military regime has kept Suu Kyi in detention for almost 15 years and she has been barred from running in upcoming elections that critics have denounced as a sham aimed at entrenching the generals' power.
Suu Kyi's party won the last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to take office. A UN working group this week pronounced her detention a breach of international human rights law, prompting new calls for her release.
Sat Jun 19, 2:04 pm ET
LONDON (AFP) – Prime Minister David Cameron paid tribute to Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi on Saturday as she marked her 65th birthday under house arrest.
In an open letter to Suu Kyi, Cameron described the Nobel laureate as "a powerful symbol of the strength of the human spirit" and promised that Britain's coalition government would "do all it can ... to bring a brighter future for Burma (Myanmar)".
In the letter released by Cameron's office, the British leader wrote: "Today you will mark yet another birthday under house arrest -- cut off from your children and your family.
My thoughts, and thoughts of so many people in Britain and across the world, will be with you and with the people of Burma. "The injustice of your continuing detention mirrors the injustice that the regime has inflicted on your country and your people for so many years. Throughout that time, you have stood firm, at enormous personal cost, for the principles of liberty and justice.
"You have become a powerful symbol of the strength of the human spirit ... I personally have long found your example deeply inspiring. I want to assure you that as Prime Minister, I will maintain a close interest in Burma.
"The British Government I lead will do all it can, both internationally, working through the United Nations, and bilaterally, to bring a brighter future for Burma and your people, in which they enjoy full human rights and true democracy.
"I have never forgotten your own request: that we should use our liberty to help the Burmese people to obtain theirs. I promise we will do everything we can to achieve that," Cameron added.
The military regime has kept Suu Kyi in detention for almost 15 years and she has been barred from running in upcoming elections that critics have denounced as a sham aimed at entrenching the generals' power.
Suu Kyi's party won the last polls in 1990 but was never allowed to take office. A UN working group this week pronounced her detention a breach of international human rights law, prompting new calls for her release.
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Obama renews call for release of Myanmar's Suu Kyi
Fri Jun 18, 6:09 pm ET
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – U.S. President Barack Obama on Friday renewed his call for Myanmar's military rulers to release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and urged a dialogue for national reconciliation in the Southeast Asian country.
"I once again call on the Burmese government to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally and to allow them to build a more stable, prosperous Burma that respects the rights of all its citizens," Obama said in statement, referring to the country by its colonial name, Burma. He said he was issuing the appeal to mark Suu Kyi's 65th birthday on June 19.
The Nobel laureate has spent 15 of the last 21 years in detention because of her fight for democracy in the army-ruled country and is currently under house arrest. Myanmar is subject to U.S. sanctions over its human rights record.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a landslide election victory in 1990, only to be denied power by the military.
Under Obama, the United States has pursued a new policy of deeper engagement with Myanmar's generals than the administration of his predecessor, George W. Bush.
But Kurt Campbell, the top U.S. diplomat for East Asia and the Pacific, said after a visit there in May that Washington was troubled Myanmar had not moved on any of the issues standing in the way of better ties with the military-ruled state.
"I encourage all stakeholders in Burma to engage in genuine dialogue toward national reconciliation," Obama said.
Fri Jun 18, 6:09 pm ET
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – U.S. President Barack Obama on Friday renewed his call for Myanmar's military rulers to release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, and urged a dialogue for national reconciliation in the Southeast Asian country.
"I once again call on the Burmese government to release Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally and to allow them to build a more stable, prosperous Burma that respects the rights of all its citizens," Obama said in statement, referring to the country by its colonial name, Burma. He said he was issuing the appeal to mark Suu Kyi's 65th birthday on June 19.
The Nobel laureate has spent 15 of the last 21 years in detention because of her fight for democracy in the army-ruled country and is currently under house arrest. Myanmar is subject to U.S. sanctions over its human rights record.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won a landslide election victory in 1990, only to be denied power by the military.
Under Obama, the United States has pursued a new policy of deeper engagement with Myanmar's generals than the administration of his predecessor, George W. Bush.
But Kurt Campbell, the top U.S. diplomat for East Asia and the Pacific, said after a visit there in May that Washington was troubled Myanmar had not moved on any of the issues standing in the way of better ties with the military-ruled state.
"I encourage all stakeholders in Burma to engage in genuine dialogue toward national reconciliation," Obama said.
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Prague Daily Monitor - Praguers address birthday congratulations to Burmese dissident
21 June 2010
Prague, June 18 (CTK) - Praguers could address symbolic congratulations to Burmese dissident Daw Aung San Suu Kyi within an event the Czech humanitarian group People in Need organised Friday to mark the well-known activist's 65th birthday and point to the violation of human rights in Burma, Simon Panek said.
Panek, People in Need director, said tens of people, including politicians and diplomats, came to write their congratulations on a wall featuring Suu Kyi's portrait.
"I find her a more significant woman and a bigger hero than a number of other people who tend to invade our minds as our significant contemporaries," said Karel Schwarzenberg, TOP 09 leader and former Czech foreign minister.
Schwarzenberg, too, wrote his message to Suu Kyi on the wall in the centre of Prague.
Messages such as "We are with you" and "Wish you a free birthday next year" have appeared on the wall.
The organisers will photograph and video the wall and give the recordings to Suu Kyi's aides in Burma.
"In 1977, a similar group met in Stockholm in support of the Charter 77 [pro-democracy movement in the then communist Czechoslovakia]," Panek said, adding that such events are far from futile. They will encourage Suu Kyi and her colleagues, he added.
People in Need sends books, films and books to Burma which would be otherwise unavailable to local activists.
Suu Kyi, who promotes non-violent dialogue in multinational Burma and brought the issue of human rights in Burma to the international limelight, turns 65 on Saturday. Out of the past 21 years she spent 15 in prison.
Jiri Sitler, from the Czech Foreign Ministry, said Burmese dissidents know about the Czech support. He presented the greeting and thanks to all supporters from Suu Kyi's aides whom he recently met in Brno.
Burma has been a military regime since 1962. Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy won the elections in 1990 but the junta refused to cede power to her.
21 June 2010
Prague, June 18 (CTK) - Praguers could address symbolic congratulations to Burmese dissident Daw Aung San Suu Kyi within an event the Czech humanitarian group People in Need organised Friday to mark the well-known activist's 65th birthday and point to the violation of human rights in Burma, Simon Panek said.
Panek, People in Need director, said tens of people, including politicians and diplomats, came to write their congratulations on a wall featuring Suu Kyi's portrait.
"I find her a more significant woman and a bigger hero than a number of other people who tend to invade our minds as our significant contemporaries," said Karel Schwarzenberg, TOP 09 leader and former Czech foreign minister.
Schwarzenberg, too, wrote his message to Suu Kyi on the wall in the centre of Prague.
Messages such as "We are with you" and "Wish you a free birthday next year" have appeared on the wall.
The organisers will photograph and video the wall and give the recordings to Suu Kyi's aides in Burma.
"In 1977, a similar group met in Stockholm in support of the Charter 77 [pro-democracy movement in the then communist Czechoslovakia]," Panek said, adding that such events are far from futile. They will encourage Suu Kyi and her colleagues, he added.
People in Need sends books, films and books to Burma which would be otherwise unavailable to local activists.
Suu Kyi, who promotes non-violent dialogue in multinational Burma and brought the issue of human rights in Burma to the international limelight, turns 65 on Saturday. Out of the past 21 years she spent 15 in prison.
Jiri Sitler, from the Czech Foreign Ministry, said Burmese dissidents know about the Czech support. He presented the greeting and thanks to all supporters from Suu Kyi's aides whom he recently met in Brno.
Burma has been a military regime since 1962. Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy won the elections in 1990 but the junta refused to cede power to her.
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Bangkok Post - New Burma land route mooted
Published: 21/06/2010 at 08:24 PM
Online news: Breakingnews
The government plans to develop a land transport route linking Thailand's Kanchanaburi province with the port of Dawei in Burma as a gateway to markets to the west of the country.
Authorities say better land transport is needed because the Pak Bara deep-sea port in the southern province of Satun province cannot be developed on a scale to compete with other other deep-sea ports in the region is.
As well, communities in Pak Bara oppose the expansion because they are worried about the environmental impact, so it would remain a domestic port, said Putthipong Punnakan, vice-minister to the Prime Minister's Office.
The Transport Ministry will study the construction of a highway of 180 to 190 kilometres to link Kanchanaburi with Dawei, also known as Tavoy.
Mr Putthipong said a link with Dawei would have great benefits for Thailand because China also wants to use the town as a possible site for a major trading port with western and eastern markets.
The Dawei-Kanchanaburi road link would also be connected to a new 1,360-km highway network linking India, Burma and Thailand. the route would run from Moreh in India to Mae Sot in Thailand via Bagan in Burma.
Situated in the southwest of Burma, the deep-sea port at Dawei is being built and should be completed in 2013. It will be capable of handling 300,000 TEU (twenty-foot equivalent) containers a year for ships sailing between Europe and Africa, and the Middle East and South Asia, plying the India Ocean and Andaman Seas.
Dawei Port is a major component in the overall strategy to create an East-West Economic Corridor (linking Danang in Vietnam to Mawlamyine in Burma), the Southern Economic Corridor (Ho Chi Minh City to Dawei), and the North-South Economic Corridor (Kunming-Bangkok).
Transporting goods via the North-South Economic Corridor (NSEC) would shorten the journey from southern China to the Andaman Sea from 16-18 days to just six days, bypassing the congested Straits of Malacca.
Published: 21/06/2010 at 08:24 PM
Online news: Breakingnews
The government plans to develop a land transport route linking Thailand's Kanchanaburi province with the port of Dawei in Burma as a gateway to markets to the west of the country.
Authorities say better land transport is needed because the Pak Bara deep-sea port in the southern province of Satun province cannot be developed on a scale to compete with other other deep-sea ports in the region is.
As well, communities in Pak Bara oppose the expansion because they are worried about the environmental impact, so it would remain a domestic port, said Putthipong Punnakan, vice-minister to the Prime Minister's Office.
The Transport Ministry will study the construction of a highway of 180 to 190 kilometres to link Kanchanaburi with Dawei, also known as Tavoy.
Mr Putthipong said a link with Dawei would have great benefits for Thailand because China also wants to use the town as a possible site for a major trading port with western and eastern markets.
The Dawei-Kanchanaburi road link would also be connected to a new 1,360-km highway network linking India, Burma and Thailand. the route would run from Moreh in India to Mae Sot in Thailand via Bagan in Burma.
Situated in the southwest of Burma, the deep-sea port at Dawei is being built and should be completed in 2013. It will be capable of handling 300,000 TEU (twenty-foot equivalent) containers a year for ships sailing between Europe and Africa, and the Middle East and South Asia, plying the India Ocean and Andaman Seas.
Dawei Port is a major component in the overall strategy to create an East-West Economic Corridor (linking Danang in Vietnam to Mawlamyine in Burma), the Southern Economic Corridor (Ho Chi Minh City to Dawei), and the North-South Economic Corridor (Kunming-Bangkok).
Transporting goods via the North-South Economic Corridor (NSEC) would shorten the journey from southern China to the Andaman Sea from 16-18 days to just six days, bypassing the congested Straits of Malacca.
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Jun 22, 2010
Asia Times Online - Free education costs in Myanmar
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK - Once again, parents in military-ruled Myanmar are counting the cost of a primary education for their children in public schools. It is an annual ritual that comes with the beginning of the new school year, which coincides with the onset of the monsoon rains in June.
Although the Southeast Asian nation has laws affirming that primary school education is free and compulsory, the economic headaches parents have to cope with at this time of the year suggest otherwise, according to a parent from Yangon, the former capital, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
It is a burden that has persisted even after the junta appeared to reprimand public schools taxing parents to make private payments to keep their children enrolled in the state-supported education system, the parent added.
"Many public schools expect parents who have primary school children to pay for building maintenance, school furniture and school books," confirmed Aung Myo Min, director of the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB), a non-governmental group based in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai. "The first month of the school year is the most expensive for these parents. They have to make the annual payment then."
He estimated that such financial demands for a promised "free" education are often as high as 100,000 kyat (about US$100) for the year. "That is a big amount for a family to bear," he told Inter Press Service (IPS). That amount already makes up about 50% of the monthly wage of a mid-ranking civil servant in Myanmar, which ranges close to $200 per month.
But that is not the only financial worry for an education in Myanmar. A parent with a child advancing into secondary school in the state-supported education system could expect to be hit by a demand of 200,000 kyat at the beginning of the school year.
"The higher you go up in the school system, the more you pay," explained Aung Myo Min. "The demands are for the same expenses as primary schools - buildings, books, furniture. Sometimes it is for more."
While such a price for a basic education is what parents in cities like Yangon and Mandalay grapple with, it is far worse in the more remote regions of the country that are home to Myanmar's rich mix of ethnic minorities, such as the Karen and the Shan.
The decades-long conflict between the military and separatist ethnic rebels has seen resources to educate ethnic minority children take a beating, say women's rights activists living in exile in Thailand.
"The schools in villages have few qualified teaching staff and parents have to pay more to transport children to better schools," said Lway Aye Nang, secretary general of the Women's League of Burma (WLB), a women's rights group based in Chiang Mai. "Secondary school students require tuition, which means more expenses for the parents."
Consequently, groups like WLB are worried that girls are made to pay a heavier price when the decision over schooling costs is made at homes. "In both the cities and in rural areas, there is a greater likelihood that parents may keep theirs boys in school and take the girls out," she told IPS. "Family members do not support daughters going to school if there is limited funding."
Little wonder why women's rights activists are wondering aloud if Myanmar will be able to meet the education and gender equality targets set by international leaders at a United Nations summit in 2000. That year the global body launched the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), eight time-bound targets to be achieved by 2015.
Besides goals like slashing the number of people living in absolute poverty and combating killer diseases like HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, world leaders also agreed to achieve universal primary education as well as gender equality and women's empowerment by 2015.
United Nations agencies working in Myanmar are more sanguine that the country's MDG education targets could be met. "The net enrolment rate in primary education in Myanmar is 84% according to the latest ministry of education and UN figures," said Zafrin Chowdhury, spokeswoman for the United Nations Children's Fund office in Myanmar. "Myanmar is well on track to reach the MDG gender parity; the ration is 100 boys: 98 girls."
Yet she conceded in an e-mail interview that the retention rates might check such progress. "Meeting the MDG on primary education will depend on the rates of completion, which is currently not as high as enrolment."
But education rights activists are not convinced with this picture of Myanmar, which has had a history of high literacy rates and is known for being among the region's prosperous countries since the end of British colonization in 1948. Since the 1962 military coup, the country has slid in global rankings to become one of the least developed countries.
The current junta's commitment to education is belied by available public expenses figures in a country whose rulers have made a windfall thanks to the export of natural gas to neighboring Thailand. The junta has earned $8 billion since the year 2000, when gas export sales began, until 2008.
At the same time, the regime has used 40% to 60% of the national budget to pay for its 450,000-strong military. Yet expenses for health and education comprised only 0.4% and 0.5%, respectively, of the national budget according to a 2007 report by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies.
"I cannot see Burma meeting the MDG targets for education even if UN officials inside the country believes so," said Aung Myo Min of HREIB. "If the government is committed, there would be more money available to the schools rather than parents being taxed through donations."
Asia Times Online - Free education costs in Myanmar
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK - Once again, parents in military-ruled Myanmar are counting the cost of a primary education for their children in public schools. It is an annual ritual that comes with the beginning of the new school year, which coincides with the onset of the monsoon rains in June.
Although the Southeast Asian nation has laws affirming that primary school education is free and compulsory, the economic headaches parents have to cope with at this time of the year suggest otherwise, according to a parent from Yangon, the former capital, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
It is a burden that has persisted even after the junta appeared to reprimand public schools taxing parents to make private payments to keep their children enrolled in the state-supported education system, the parent added.
"Many public schools expect parents who have primary school children to pay for building maintenance, school furniture and school books," confirmed Aung Myo Min, director of the Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB), a non-governmental group based in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai. "The first month of the school year is the most expensive for these parents. They have to make the annual payment then."
He estimated that such financial demands for a promised "free" education are often as high as 100,000 kyat (about US$100) for the year. "That is a big amount for a family to bear," he told Inter Press Service (IPS). That amount already makes up about 50% of the monthly wage of a mid-ranking civil servant in Myanmar, which ranges close to $200 per month.
But that is not the only financial worry for an education in Myanmar. A parent with a child advancing into secondary school in the state-supported education system could expect to be hit by a demand of 200,000 kyat at the beginning of the school year.
"The higher you go up in the school system, the more you pay," explained Aung Myo Min. "The demands are for the same expenses as primary schools - buildings, books, furniture. Sometimes it is for more."
While such a price for a basic education is what parents in cities like Yangon and Mandalay grapple with, it is far worse in the more remote regions of the country that are home to Myanmar's rich mix of ethnic minorities, such as the Karen and the Shan.
The decades-long conflict between the military and separatist ethnic rebels has seen resources to educate ethnic minority children take a beating, say women's rights activists living in exile in Thailand.
"The schools in villages have few qualified teaching staff and parents have to pay more to transport children to better schools," said Lway Aye Nang, secretary general of the Women's League of Burma (WLB), a women's rights group based in Chiang Mai. "Secondary school students require tuition, which means more expenses for the parents."
Consequently, groups like WLB are worried that girls are made to pay a heavier price when the decision over schooling costs is made at homes. "In both the cities and in rural areas, there is a greater likelihood that parents may keep theirs boys in school and take the girls out," she told IPS. "Family members do not support daughters going to school if there is limited funding."
Little wonder why women's rights activists are wondering aloud if Myanmar will be able to meet the education and gender equality targets set by international leaders at a United Nations summit in 2000. That year the global body launched the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), eight time-bound targets to be achieved by 2015.
Besides goals like slashing the number of people living in absolute poverty and combating killer diseases like HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, world leaders also agreed to achieve universal primary education as well as gender equality and women's empowerment by 2015.
United Nations agencies working in Myanmar are more sanguine that the country's MDG education targets could be met. "The net enrolment rate in primary education in Myanmar is 84% according to the latest ministry of education and UN figures," said Zafrin Chowdhury, spokeswoman for the United Nations Children's Fund office in Myanmar. "Myanmar is well on track to reach the MDG gender parity; the ration is 100 boys: 98 girls."
Yet she conceded in an e-mail interview that the retention rates might check such progress. "Meeting the MDG on primary education will depend on the rates of completion, which is currently not as high as enrolment."
But education rights activists are not convinced with this picture of Myanmar, which has had a history of high literacy rates and is known for being among the region's prosperous countries since the end of British colonization in 1948. Since the 1962 military coup, the country has slid in global rankings to become one of the least developed countries.
The current junta's commitment to education is belied by available public expenses figures in a country whose rulers have made a windfall thanks to the export of natural gas to neighboring Thailand. The junta has earned $8 billion since the year 2000, when gas export sales began, until 2008.
At the same time, the regime has used 40% to 60% of the national budget to pay for its 450,000-strong military. Yet expenses for health and education comprised only 0.4% and 0.5%, respectively, of the national budget according to a 2007 report by the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies.
"I cannot see Burma meeting the MDG targets for education even if UN officials inside the country believes so," said Aung Myo Min of HREIB. "If the government is committed, there would be more money available to the schools rather than parents being taxed through donations."
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Irish Examiner - Burma threatens to undermine EU credibility on human rights
By Ann Cahill, Europe Correspondent
Monday, June 21, 2010
GROUPS all over the world, including in Dublin, took advantage of the 65th birthday of Aung San Su Kyi to pressurise jailers in her native Burma to release her, and hold genuinely democratic elections later this year.
But even as Christy Moore’s songs of defiance and freedom rang out through the National Concert Hall, it begged the question about the limitations of civil protest.
The writer Damian Gorman read part of his poem addressed to the Troubles in the North, but applicable to Burma, warning of the dangers of complacency and detachment.
The British prime minister, the US president, leaders from the free world issued statements demanding the release of the woman who has been under house arrest for 15 of the past 21 years since she won the last general election held in Burma.
But none of the pleas and none of the bans on imports or embargoes on trade and investment appear to have affected the military dictatorship.
Rated the most corrupt country in the world using child soldiers, sex slaves for its army, forced labour and a major exporter of heroin, it survives because it has supporters.
These include Russia and its neighbours China and India who have forced UN condemnations to be watered down. They pursue their trade interests as Russia helps with their nuclear reactor, China supplies arms and there are claims that North Korea is helping to develop nuclear weapons.
A gasfield, due to come on stream in two year’s time, doubtless will make the country even more attractive.
In the meantime, the ruling military dictators spend less than any other country in the world on the health of its 56 million citizens, maintain the 12th largest active army in the world, and has built a new capital city with eight lane highways and flyovers – and no traffic.
Burma is part of ASEAN, the association of 10 South East Asian nations, and it is becoming an increasingly important body.
There were disputes in the past between the two organisations over Burma, and at their joint meeting last year ASEAN members were not interested in discussing the show trial of Aung San Su Khi after an American swam across a lake to her prison-home and stayed two days before swimming back again. ASEAN members argue they don’t want the Burmese generals moving away from ASEAN to side instead with China, for instance, and so further increasing its influence in the region.
However, the EU is in danger of losing credibility, not just on Burma, but on support for human rights following its joint statement with ASEAN calling for the elections in October to be free and fair. It ignored the fact that most politicians, like Su Khi are either in jail or have been banned from taking part.
Perhaps stating the facts is better than detachment masquerading as diplomacy, especially when some ASEAN members, despite signing up to the UN charter of human rights, believe such rights are a private matter and countries shouldn’t meddle.
This story appeared in the printed version of the Irish Examiner Monday, June 21, 2010
By Ann Cahill, Europe Correspondent
Monday, June 21, 2010
GROUPS all over the world, including in Dublin, took advantage of the 65th birthday of Aung San Su Kyi to pressurise jailers in her native Burma to release her, and hold genuinely democratic elections later this year.
But even as Christy Moore’s songs of defiance and freedom rang out through the National Concert Hall, it begged the question about the limitations of civil protest.
The writer Damian Gorman read part of his poem addressed to the Troubles in the North, but applicable to Burma, warning of the dangers of complacency and detachment.
The British prime minister, the US president, leaders from the free world issued statements demanding the release of the woman who has been under house arrest for 15 of the past 21 years since she won the last general election held in Burma.
But none of the pleas and none of the bans on imports or embargoes on trade and investment appear to have affected the military dictatorship.
Rated the most corrupt country in the world using child soldiers, sex slaves for its army, forced labour and a major exporter of heroin, it survives because it has supporters.
These include Russia and its neighbours China and India who have forced UN condemnations to be watered down. They pursue their trade interests as Russia helps with their nuclear reactor, China supplies arms and there are claims that North Korea is helping to develop nuclear weapons.
A gasfield, due to come on stream in two year’s time, doubtless will make the country even more attractive.
In the meantime, the ruling military dictators spend less than any other country in the world on the health of its 56 million citizens, maintain the 12th largest active army in the world, and has built a new capital city with eight lane highways and flyovers – and no traffic.
Burma is part of ASEAN, the association of 10 South East Asian nations, and it is becoming an increasingly important body.
There were disputes in the past between the two organisations over Burma, and at their joint meeting last year ASEAN members were not interested in discussing the show trial of Aung San Su Khi after an American swam across a lake to her prison-home and stayed two days before swimming back again. ASEAN members argue they don’t want the Burmese generals moving away from ASEAN to side instead with China, for instance, and so further increasing its influence in the region.
However, the EU is in danger of losing credibility, not just on Burma, but on support for human rights following its joint statement with ASEAN calling for the elections in October to be free and fair. It ignored the fact that most politicians, like Su Khi are either in jail or have been banned from taking part.
Perhaps stating the facts is better than detachment masquerading as diplomacy, especially when some ASEAN members, despite signing up to the UN charter of human rights, believe such rights are a private matter and countries shouldn’t meddle.
This story appeared in the printed version of the Irish Examiner Monday, June 21, 2010
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June 20. 2010
Kim Jong Il Lauded by Finland and Myanmar's Figures
Pyongyang, June 20 (KCNA) -- Statements were released by figures of Finland and Myanmar on the occasion of the 46th anniversary of General Secretary Kim Jong Il's start of work at the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea.
The director of the "Kominform" Company of Finland in a statement on June 9 said that Kim Jong Il has fully displayed his traits as the great leader of the Party and people with his outstanding political caliber and the love for the people while working in the C.C., the WPK. He praised Kim Jong Il as the great elder statesman who strengthened and developed the WPK into an invincible revolutionary party.
Kim Jong Il, supreme commander of the Korean People's Army, made sure that the army has creditably discharged its mission as the driving force of socialist construction and defender of the country and the nation, he said, adding that the Songun policy is the most original and successful political mode in the world political history.
U Than Tun, deputy director general of the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, in a statement on June 13 noted that the works of Kim Jong Il serve as great immortal programmes which guarantee the sure victory of the popular masses' cause of independence as they give scientific solution to the theoretical and practical issues arising in improving and strengthening the party building and activities as required by the developing historical circumstances and the times.
The WPK has led to victory the Korean people in the struggle to bring about a new turn in accomplishing the cause of Korea's reunification and dynamically shaped the destiny and future of the country and the nation under the seasoned and tested leadership of Kim Jong Il, he noted.
Kim Jong Il Lauded by Finland and Myanmar's Figures
Pyongyang, June 20 (KCNA) -- Statements were released by figures of Finland and Myanmar on the occasion of the 46th anniversary of General Secretary Kim Jong Il's start of work at the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea.
The director of the "Kominform" Company of Finland in a statement on June 9 said that Kim Jong Il has fully displayed his traits as the great leader of the Party and people with his outstanding political caliber and the love for the people while working in the C.C., the WPK. He praised Kim Jong Il as the great elder statesman who strengthened and developed the WPK into an invincible revolutionary party.
Kim Jong Il, supreme commander of the Korean People's Army, made sure that the army has creditably discharged its mission as the driving force of socialist construction and defender of the country and the nation, he said, adding that the Songun policy is the most original and successful political mode in the world political history.
U Than Tun, deputy director general of the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited, in a statement on June 13 noted that the works of Kim Jong Il serve as great immortal programmes which guarantee the sure victory of the popular masses' cause of independence as they give scientific solution to the theoretical and practical issues arising in improving and strengthening the party building and activities as required by the developing historical circumstances and the times.
The WPK has led to victory the Korean people in the struggle to bring about a new turn in accomplishing the cause of Korea's reunification and dynamically shaped the destiny and future of the country and the nation under the seasoned and tested leadership of Kim Jong Il, he noted.
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Global Security Newswire - Myanmar Denies Nuclear Program to IAEA
Monday, June 21, 2010
Myanmar submitted a written notice to the International Atomic Energy Agency on Friday reiterating the nation's denial that it is secretly developing nuclear weapons, the Associated Press reported (see GSN, June 14).
Speculation over Myanmar's alleged nuclear-weapon ambitions gained momentum earlier this month with the release of a five-year study by the Democratic Voice of Burma, an organization of Burmese exiles based in Norway. The report alleges that the Burmese military leadership has pursued nuclear bombs and missiles with the help of North Korea, and the document supports its assertions using files and images smuggled out of the country by a Burmese military officer.
In his letter to the U.N. nuclear watchdog, Burmese Ambassador Win Tin called the nuclear-weapon allegations "groundless and unfounded," according to the state-controlled New Light of Myanmar newspaper. The Burmese Foreign Ministry issued its first denial of the assertions on June 11.
"No activity related to uranium conversion, enrichment, reactor construction or operation has been carried out in the past, is ongoing or is planned for the future in Myanmar," the newspaper quotes the letter as stating.
Myanmar's statement responded to a June 14 letter in which the the Vienna-based nuclear agency asked the South Asian country to divulge details on any nuclear-related pursuits, the New Light of Myanmar reported.
Myanmar is an IAEA member and a Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty signatory, and the nation has signed a nuclear safeguards agreement with the U.N. organization.
"As stated in the safeguards agreement, Myanmar will notify the agency if it plans to carry out any nuclear activities," the letter states.
North Korea was supporting illicit nuclear and ballistic missile work in Myanmar, Iran and Syria, U.N. analysts said in May (Associated Press/Washington Post, June 19).
Monday, June 21, 2010
Myanmar submitted a written notice to the International Atomic Energy Agency on Friday reiterating the nation's denial that it is secretly developing nuclear weapons, the Associated Press reported (see GSN, June 14).
Speculation over Myanmar's alleged nuclear-weapon ambitions gained momentum earlier this month with the release of a five-year study by the Democratic Voice of Burma, an organization of Burmese exiles based in Norway. The report alleges that the Burmese military leadership has pursued nuclear bombs and missiles with the help of North Korea, and the document supports its assertions using files and images smuggled out of the country by a Burmese military officer.
In his letter to the U.N. nuclear watchdog, Burmese Ambassador Win Tin called the nuclear-weapon allegations "groundless and unfounded," according to the state-controlled New Light of Myanmar newspaper. The Burmese Foreign Ministry issued its first denial of the assertions on June 11.
"No activity related to uranium conversion, enrichment, reactor construction or operation has been carried out in the past, is ongoing or is planned for the future in Myanmar," the newspaper quotes the letter as stating.
Myanmar's statement responded to a June 14 letter in which the the Vienna-based nuclear agency asked the South Asian country to divulge details on any nuclear-related pursuits, the New Light of Myanmar reported.
Myanmar is an IAEA member and a Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty signatory, and the nation has signed a nuclear safeguards agreement with the U.N. organization.
"As stated in the safeguards agreement, Myanmar will notify the agency if it plans to carry out any nuclear activities," the letter states.
North Korea was supporting illicit nuclear and ballistic missile work in Myanmar, Iran and Syria, U.N. analysts said in May (Associated Press/Washington Post, June 19).
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NewsyStocks.com - Roundup: Lao PM's Myanmar visit to bring bilateral relations closer
Sunday, June 20, 2010 10:22 PM
YANGON, Jun. 21, 2010 (Xinhua News Agency) -- Lao Prime Minister Bouasone Bouphavanh is due to arrive at Nay Pyi Taw later on Monday to start his official visit to Myanmar.
It is Bouphavanh's second visit to Myanmar in nearly four years, the first in November 2006.
The visit also represents a return trip to that to Vientiane made by his Myanmar counterpart U Thein Sein in November 2007.
The two prime ministers are expected to hold talks on enhancing the two countries' bilateral ties including bilateral cooperation.
Myanmar and Laos have worked for promoting tourism as part of their bilateral cooperation, upgrading the two countries' respective border check points in January in 2007 to meet international standard to boost arrivals of world tourists and those from the third countries visiting the two border areas.
These checkpoints are Wan Pong in Tachilek of Eastern Shan state on the Myanmar side and Ban Muang Mom on the Lao side. The Mekong River flows between the two towns as a border line.
In February 2009, regional border committee of the two countries at deputy foreign minister level met for the first time in Myanmar's border town of Tachilek in eastern Shan state to step up bilateral cooperation in dealing with border affairs.
That meeting covered the issue of security along the border of the two countries, promotion of border trade and exchange of visits of peoples of the two countries.
In an unannounced visit to Laos in late February the same year, General Thura Shwe Mann, Chief of Staff of the Army, Navy and Air Force, met with Lao Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense Lieutenant-General Duangchay Phichit.
The two sides discussed future cooperation efforts, particularly regular exchange of information regarding cross- border issues. They also touched on measures to prevent the illegal passage of people, goods and drugs across the two countries' border.
Initiated during Thein Sein's 2007 trip to Laos , Myanmar and Laos reached a memorandum of understanding in Nay Pyi Taw in May 2009 on establishing sister cities between Myanmar's ancient city of Bagan and Laos' Luang Prabang.
In November the same year, Lao Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Thongloun Sisoulith visited Myanmar, during which the two countries again signed two memorandums of understanding in Nay Pyi Taw respectively on mutual visa exemption for holders of ordinary passport and avoidance of double taxation and prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income.
Sisoulith also attended the 9th meeting of Myanmar-Lao Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation in Taunggyi, the capital of Myanmar's Shan state, discussing with Myanmar
Foreign Minister U Nyan Win matters relating to further strengthening and cooperation between the two countries as well as enhancing in mutual cooperation in regional and international forums.
In the latest development, the two countries agreed in Vientiane in February this year's 9th meeting of Myanmar-Laos border authorities to further strengthen bilateral trade and cooperation between the two countries' border affairs as well as in drug abuse control.
Sunday, June 20, 2010 10:22 PM
YANGON, Jun. 21, 2010 (Xinhua News Agency) -- Lao Prime Minister Bouasone Bouphavanh is due to arrive at Nay Pyi Taw later on Monday to start his official visit to Myanmar.
It is Bouphavanh's second visit to Myanmar in nearly four years, the first in November 2006.
The visit also represents a return trip to that to Vientiane made by his Myanmar counterpart U Thein Sein in November 2007.
The two prime ministers are expected to hold talks on enhancing the two countries' bilateral ties including bilateral cooperation.
Myanmar and Laos have worked for promoting tourism as part of their bilateral cooperation, upgrading the two countries' respective border check points in January in 2007 to meet international standard to boost arrivals of world tourists and those from the third countries visiting the two border areas.
These checkpoints are Wan Pong in Tachilek of Eastern Shan state on the Myanmar side and Ban Muang Mom on the Lao side. The Mekong River flows between the two towns as a border line.
In February 2009, regional border committee of the two countries at deputy foreign minister level met for the first time in Myanmar's border town of Tachilek in eastern Shan state to step up bilateral cooperation in dealing with border affairs.
That meeting covered the issue of security along the border of the two countries, promotion of border trade and exchange of visits of peoples of the two countries.
In an unannounced visit to Laos in late February the same year, General Thura Shwe Mann, Chief of Staff of the Army, Navy and Air Force, met with Lao Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense Lieutenant-General Duangchay Phichit.
The two sides discussed future cooperation efforts, particularly regular exchange of information regarding cross- border issues. They also touched on measures to prevent the illegal passage of people, goods and drugs across the two countries' border.
Initiated during Thein Sein's 2007 trip to Laos , Myanmar and Laos reached a memorandum of understanding in Nay Pyi Taw in May 2009 on establishing sister cities between Myanmar's ancient city of Bagan and Laos' Luang Prabang.
In November the same year, Lao Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Thongloun Sisoulith visited Myanmar, during which the two countries again signed two memorandums of understanding in Nay Pyi Taw respectively on mutual visa exemption for holders of ordinary passport and avoidance of double taxation and prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income.
Sisoulith also attended the 9th meeting of Myanmar-Lao Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation in Taunggyi, the capital of Myanmar's Shan state, discussing with Myanmar
Foreign Minister U Nyan Win matters relating to further strengthening and cooperation between the two countries as well as enhancing in mutual cooperation in regional and international forums.
In the latest development, the two countries agreed in Vientiane in February this year's 9th meeting of Myanmar-Laos border authorities to further strengthen bilateral trade and cooperation between the two countries' border affairs as well as in drug abuse control.
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Indian Express - Manipur, Myanmar transit points in animal parts trade
Samudra Gupta Kashyap
Posted: Mon Jun 21 2010, 23:31 hrs Guwahati:
The seizure of the skull and bones of a full-grown tiger and scales of pangolin — the total value of which has been estimated to be not less than Rs 3 crore in the international grey market — in Guwahati in the past few days, has once again brought to light the fact that illegal trade in animal parts has become big business in the Northeast.
The customs department had in the past week seized at least one tiger skull and about 5 kg of bones from consignments booked for Imphal from the Lokapriya Gopinath Bardoloi International (LGBI) Airport. The officials also seized about 10 kg of pangolin scales, all believed to be heading towards China or some Southeast Asian country through Manipur.
While the customs officials intercepted one packet on Wednesday with the X-ray showing bones inside it, six more packets were intercepted on Thursday. Five more packets were detected on Friday, while six were detected on Sunday.
All the packets were booked by Speedpost at Dimapur in Nagaland and had arrived by surface transport at the LGBI Airport here to be transported by air to Imphal. “The packets were so carefully packed that there was no scope for suspicion. It was only during X-ray in the airport that the bones were detected,” a customs official said.
The Wildlife Crime Control Bureau suspects the skull and bones to be of at least one full-grown tiger, which must have been killed either in Arunachal Pradesh or in some adjoining area in Assam. Ten kg of pangolin scales recovered so far on the other hand indicated that at least 200 pangolins must have been killed.
“The consignments of animal parts must have been bound for China through Manipur and Myanmar. We are trying to track down the sender and recipient in Dimapur and Imphal, respectively. There must be a big gang involved in the entire racket, including poachers, smugglers and local informers,” the customs official said.
Customs officials and experts dealing with wildlife crime said Manipur was the most favoured destination of several international rackets operating in the Northeastern region. While these rackets manage to take the animal parts to Imphal, from there they are sent out of the country through Moreh on the Myanmar border.
There has been a spate of seizures of animal parts in the current year in the region in the recent months. The last major seizure was made by the Assam Rifles, which included two tiger skulls and 16 kg of tiger bones in Chandel district of Manipur in February.
While Kaziranga National Park in Assam has recently emerged as the highest tiger density habitat in India, at least three tigers have been poisoned to death in Orang National Park in the past four years. In Arunachal Pradesh on the other hand Namdapha and Pakke tiger reserves have reported several tiger deaths in the past decade.
Samudra Gupta Kashyap
Posted: Mon Jun 21 2010, 23:31 hrs Guwahati:
The seizure of the skull and bones of a full-grown tiger and scales of pangolin — the total value of which has been estimated to be not less than Rs 3 crore in the international grey market — in Guwahati in the past few days, has once again brought to light the fact that illegal trade in animal parts has become big business in the Northeast.
The customs department had in the past week seized at least one tiger skull and about 5 kg of bones from consignments booked for Imphal from the Lokapriya Gopinath Bardoloi International (LGBI) Airport. The officials also seized about 10 kg of pangolin scales, all believed to be heading towards China or some Southeast Asian country through Manipur.
While the customs officials intercepted one packet on Wednesday with the X-ray showing bones inside it, six more packets were intercepted on Thursday. Five more packets were detected on Friday, while six were detected on Sunday.
All the packets were booked by Speedpost at Dimapur in Nagaland and had arrived by surface transport at the LGBI Airport here to be transported by air to Imphal. “The packets were so carefully packed that there was no scope for suspicion. It was only during X-ray in the airport that the bones were detected,” a customs official said.
The Wildlife Crime Control Bureau suspects the skull and bones to be of at least one full-grown tiger, which must have been killed either in Arunachal Pradesh or in some adjoining area in Assam. Ten kg of pangolin scales recovered so far on the other hand indicated that at least 200 pangolins must have been killed.
“The consignments of animal parts must have been bound for China through Manipur and Myanmar. We are trying to track down the sender and recipient in Dimapur and Imphal, respectively. There must be a big gang involved in the entire racket, including poachers, smugglers and local informers,” the customs official said.
Customs officials and experts dealing with wildlife crime said Manipur was the most favoured destination of several international rackets operating in the Northeastern region. While these rackets manage to take the animal parts to Imphal, from there they are sent out of the country through Moreh on the Myanmar border.
There has been a spate of seizures of animal parts in the current year in the region in the recent months. The last major seizure was made by the Assam Rifles, which included two tiger skulls and 16 kg of tiger bones in Chandel district of Manipur in February.
While Kaziranga National Park in Assam has recently emerged as the highest tiger density habitat in India, at least three tigers have been poisoned to death in Orang National Park in the past four years. In Arunachal Pradesh on the other hand Namdapha and Pakke tiger reserves have reported several tiger deaths in the past decade.
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Myanmar, S. Korea launch extensive cooperation this year
English.news.cn 2010-06-20 11:19:01
By Feng Yingqiu
YANGON, June 20 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar and South Korea have been launching extensive cooperation this year, especially in the fields of technology, trade and investment, and education, bringing its bilateral cooperation to a new high.
In March, Myanmar's Ministry of Industry-2 and the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) reached a bilateral agreement, under which S. Korea will help Myanmar establish an automobile-related technical training school in central part's Magway, aimed at upgrading the country's automobile production technology to the international standard.
The Korea-Myanmar Friendship Automobile Training Center will be set up with 3 million U.S. dollars provided by the South Korean government.
On completion, the training school will conduct courses on car production and the installation of the whole automobile body parts will be trained by Korean experts.
KOICA, which is South Korean government's overseas aid agency and based in Myanmar since 1991, has been providing training to Myanmar government staff in information and technology (IT), industrial and forestry sectors as well as technical expertise and equipment needed for social service organizations' training in related fields.
In April, businessmen from South Korea's Chungbuk province visited Myanmar to seek joint investment in food production industry with its Myanmar counterparts.
A series of business meetings, held at the UMFCCI office, discussed matters related to production industry with instant noodle, Korea Ginseng tea, Korean traditional food, fruit-related food and sea weeds.
Meanwhile, a total of seven Myanmar companies and 70 Korean companies have sought investment and trade worth of 31 million U.S. dollars in Myanmar, according to reports.
In May, businessmen of Myanmar and South Korea met in Yangon for discussions on further economic and trade cooperation.
South Korean side was represented by 10 giant companies dealing with robot game , machinery, cosmetic and pharmaceutical, communication, electricity equipment and transformer, motor car, engine and generator.
Of them, the Korean Importers Association has also sought trade and investment in Myanmar's mining, agriculture, forestry, marine, pharmaceutical, hotel, construction, electronic and computer sectors.
According to the latest official statistics, Myanmar-S. Korea bilateral trade amounted to over 268 million U.S. dollars in 2009- 10 fiscal year, of which Myanmar's export to Korea took over 65 million dollars, while its import from South Korea stood over 203 million dollars.
In the investment sector, South Korea's investment in Myanmar reached 240 million U.S. dollars up to February this year since 1988, standing as the 10th largest foreign investor in the country according to official statistics.
The East Asian country's investment in 37 projects accounted for 1.52 percent of Myanmar's total foreign investment of over 16 billion dollars.
In June, the Union of Myanmar Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) reached a memorandum of understanding (MoU) in Yangon with the College of Education of Chonnam National University ( CECNU) of S. Korea on bilateral cooperation in education on the occasion of the visit of a delegation, led by Professor Dr. Kim Hoisoo of the CECNU, over the this week.
The CECNU will conduct Korean language course, testing of the language, compilation and distribution of Myanmar-Korean language dictionary among others.
Meanwhile, under Year 2010 Korea Government Scholarship Program for Graduate Students, S. Korea is offering scholarships for master degree and Doctor of Philosophy degree to a dozen Myanmar graduate students this year.
Moreover, the South Korea International Cooperation Agency ( KOICA) will also provide ten master degree scholarships for Myanmar government staff this year to help develop human resources.
According to earlier report, a total of 1,000 Myanmar state employees have so far been sent to South Korea under KOICA sponsorship since 1991.
Furthermore, the South Korean government will also send two dozens more overseas volunteers to Myanmar this year under a cooperation program of the two countries to work in the country's agricultural, marine and communication sectors.
The move is a follow-up of that in 2009 when KOICA sent 16 volunteers to Myanmar to help in the country's development works, especially in information technology.
English.news.cn 2010-06-20 11:19:01
By Feng Yingqiu
YANGON, June 20 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar and South Korea have been launching extensive cooperation this year, especially in the fields of technology, trade and investment, and education, bringing its bilateral cooperation to a new high.
In March, Myanmar's Ministry of Industry-2 and the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) reached a bilateral agreement, under which S. Korea will help Myanmar establish an automobile-related technical training school in central part's Magway, aimed at upgrading the country's automobile production technology to the international standard.
The Korea-Myanmar Friendship Automobile Training Center will be set up with 3 million U.S. dollars provided by the South Korean government.
On completion, the training school will conduct courses on car production and the installation of the whole automobile body parts will be trained by Korean experts.
KOICA, which is South Korean government's overseas aid agency and based in Myanmar since 1991, has been providing training to Myanmar government staff in information and technology (IT), industrial and forestry sectors as well as technical expertise and equipment needed for social service organizations' training in related fields.
In April, businessmen from South Korea's Chungbuk province visited Myanmar to seek joint investment in food production industry with its Myanmar counterparts.
A series of business meetings, held at the UMFCCI office, discussed matters related to production industry with instant noodle, Korea Ginseng tea, Korean traditional food, fruit-related food and sea weeds.
Meanwhile, a total of seven Myanmar companies and 70 Korean companies have sought investment and trade worth of 31 million U.S. dollars in Myanmar, according to reports.
In May, businessmen of Myanmar and South Korea met in Yangon for discussions on further economic and trade cooperation.
South Korean side was represented by 10 giant companies dealing with robot game , machinery, cosmetic and pharmaceutical, communication, electricity equipment and transformer, motor car, engine and generator.
Of them, the Korean Importers Association has also sought trade and investment in Myanmar's mining, agriculture, forestry, marine, pharmaceutical, hotel, construction, electronic and computer sectors.
According to the latest official statistics, Myanmar-S. Korea bilateral trade amounted to over 268 million U.S. dollars in 2009- 10 fiscal year, of which Myanmar's export to Korea took over 65 million dollars, while its import from South Korea stood over 203 million dollars.
In the investment sector, South Korea's investment in Myanmar reached 240 million U.S. dollars up to February this year since 1988, standing as the 10th largest foreign investor in the country according to official statistics.
The East Asian country's investment in 37 projects accounted for 1.52 percent of Myanmar's total foreign investment of over 16 billion dollars.
In June, the Union of Myanmar Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) reached a memorandum of understanding (MoU) in Yangon with the College of Education of Chonnam National University ( CECNU) of S. Korea on bilateral cooperation in education on the occasion of the visit of a delegation, led by Professor Dr. Kim Hoisoo of the CECNU, over the this week.
The CECNU will conduct Korean language course, testing of the language, compilation and distribution of Myanmar-Korean language dictionary among others.
Meanwhile, under Year 2010 Korea Government Scholarship Program for Graduate Students, S. Korea is offering scholarships for master degree and Doctor of Philosophy degree to a dozen Myanmar graduate students this year.
Moreover, the South Korea International Cooperation Agency ( KOICA) will also provide ten master degree scholarships for Myanmar government staff this year to help develop human resources.
According to earlier report, a total of 1,000 Myanmar state employees have so far been sent to South Korea under KOICA sponsorship since 1991.
Furthermore, the South Korean government will also send two dozens more overseas volunteers to Myanmar this year under a cooperation program of the two countries to work in the country's agricultural, marine and communication sectors.
The move is a follow-up of that in 2009 when KOICA sent 16 volunteers to Myanmar to help in the country's development works, especially in information technology.
*********************************************************
June 21, 2010
Jakarta Globe - Opinion: The Thinker: Burma on a Leash
Kyaw Zwa Moe
During the time we were struggling to expel the British from our shores, this was a famous chant: “A hardship for the British, an opportunity for the Burmese.”
Half a century later, we could amend the slogan to: “A hardship for the Burmese, an opportunity for the Chinese.”
For Burma has become a satellite of China — economically, politically and militarily.
Earlier this month, Burma’s generals rolled out the red carpet for visiting Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, and reaffirmed the two countries’ fraternal relationship. Junta strongman Sr. Gen. Than Shwe stressed that the two countries have established “a strategic relationship,” a term that can be interpreted as “a strategic alliance of the two countries in political, economic and security issues.”
Although this kind of alliance between two neighboring countries is normal in terms of economic cooperation, a China-Burma strategic relationship could significantly alter the balance of security in the region.
The day after the Chinese premier concluded his trip, Burma’s state-run New Light of Myanmar reported that China National Petroleum Corporation had physically begun the construction of 800-kilometer dual pipelines to import oil and natural gas overland from Burma’s Arakan state.
China will also import the crude oil that it brings from the Middle East and Africa via these pipelines, which commence at Burma’s Kyaukpyu deep seaport off the country’s western coast and cross the country to China’s Yunnan province.
Given the growing presence of China’s commercial interests in the Bay of Bengal, it is clear that Beijing will order an expansion of naval capacity in the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal to ensure the security of its oil tankers.
This creates several serious security concerns for rival India, because the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal are traditionally within New Delhi’s sphere of influence.
CNPC, which is the main investor in the transnational oil and gas pipeline project, is one of China’s three largest state-owned oil and gas companies. The other two companies, China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (Sinopec) and China National Offshore Oil Corporation have also secured an enormous stake in Burma’s oil and natural gas fields. In fact, according to the Washington-based EarthRights International in 2008, 16 Chinese oil companies are currently invested in Burma.
China has succeeded in securing these energy reserves at the expense of the Western nations that balked at the prospect of dealing with the regime, and fell in line with a US-led sanctions policy.
Make no mistake — securing Burma’s natural resources and keeping the junta in its pocket is one of China’s key foreign policy goals.
For the Burmese generals, the pipeline deal is more than just a massive cash cow; it has strategic value as well. While the military junta in Naypyidaw frequently faces condemnation and sanctions from the international community for its gross violations of human rights, the pipeline guarantees that Beijing will continue to protect Burma and veto calls for sanctions against the junta.
Burma’s armed forces, not to mention its air force and navy, have been significantly upgraded in the past two decades with China’s help. The Burmese air force recently reinforced its capacity with the acquisition of 50 K-8 Karakorum jet fighters from China.
The generals’ reliance on Chinese protection is not, in fact, based on their fears of external threats, but is a result of their policy of refusing to settle peacefully with ethnic armed groups and agreeing national reconciliation with the domestic political opposition.
China has no interest in promoting human rights and democracy in the world, much less in Burma. Chinese leaders aim to build cozy relations with rogue states, such as North Korea, Sudan and Burma, exploiting the so-called principle of “non-interference in other country’s internal affairs.”
Recently, when Al Jazeera aired a documentary accusing Burma of initiating a secret nuclear program, Chinese leaders kept silent. They apparently have no fear of another nuclear power in their backyard. To the Chinese leadership, securing Burma’s huge natural gas reserve is an altogether more immediate concern than tapering its nuclear ambitions.
But for the people of Burma, now is the time to reassess whether our country has fallen into colonial hands again.
If so, it is the duty of all Burmese citizens to stand up and protect the country from becoming a colony or a satellite state of a Greater China.
Kyaw Zwa Moe is managing editor of Irrawaddy magazine.
Jakarta Globe - Opinion: The Thinker: Burma on a Leash
Kyaw Zwa Moe
During the time we were struggling to expel the British from our shores, this was a famous chant: “A hardship for the British, an opportunity for the Burmese.”
Half a century later, we could amend the slogan to: “A hardship for the Burmese, an opportunity for the Chinese.”
For Burma has become a satellite of China — economically, politically and militarily.
Earlier this month, Burma’s generals rolled out the red carpet for visiting Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, and reaffirmed the two countries’ fraternal relationship. Junta strongman Sr. Gen. Than Shwe stressed that the two countries have established “a strategic relationship,” a term that can be interpreted as “a strategic alliance of the two countries in political, economic and security issues.”
Although this kind of alliance between two neighboring countries is normal in terms of economic cooperation, a China-Burma strategic relationship could significantly alter the balance of security in the region.
The day after the Chinese premier concluded his trip, Burma’s state-run New Light of Myanmar reported that China National Petroleum Corporation had physically begun the construction of 800-kilometer dual pipelines to import oil and natural gas overland from Burma’s Arakan state.
China will also import the crude oil that it brings from the Middle East and Africa via these pipelines, which commence at Burma’s Kyaukpyu deep seaport off the country’s western coast and cross the country to China’s Yunnan province.
Given the growing presence of China’s commercial interests in the Bay of Bengal, it is clear that Beijing will order an expansion of naval capacity in the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal to ensure the security of its oil tankers.
This creates several serious security concerns for rival India, because the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal are traditionally within New Delhi’s sphere of influence.
CNPC, which is the main investor in the transnational oil and gas pipeline project, is one of China’s three largest state-owned oil and gas companies. The other two companies, China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (Sinopec) and China National Offshore Oil Corporation have also secured an enormous stake in Burma’s oil and natural gas fields. In fact, according to the Washington-based EarthRights International in 2008, 16 Chinese oil companies are currently invested in Burma.
China has succeeded in securing these energy reserves at the expense of the Western nations that balked at the prospect of dealing with the regime, and fell in line with a US-led sanctions policy.
Make no mistake — securing Burma’s natural resources and keeping the junta in its pocket is one of China’s key foreign policy goals.
For the Burmese generals, the pipeline deal is more than just a massive cash cow; it has strategic value as well. While the military junta in Naypyidaw frequently faces condemnation and sanctions from the international community for its gross violations of human rights, the pipeline guarantees that Beijing will continue to protect Burma and veto calls for sanctions against the junta.
Burma’s armed forces, not to mention its air force and navy, have been significantly upgraded in the past two decades with China’s help. The Burmese air force recently reinforced its capacity with the acquisition of 50 K-8 Karakorum jet fighters from China.
The generals’ reliance on Chinese protection is not, in fact, based on their fears of external threats, but is a result of their policy of refusing to settle peacefully with ethnic armed groups and agreeing national reconciliation with the domestic political opposition.
China has no interest in promoting human rights and democracy in the world, much less in Burma. Chinese leaders aim to build cozy relations with rogue states, such as North Korea, Sudan and Burma, exploiting the so-called principle of “non-interference in other country’s internal affairs.”
Recently, when Al Jazeera aired a documentary accusing Burma of initiating a secret nuclear program, Chinese leaders kept silent. They apparently have no fear of another nuclear power in their backyard. To the Chinese leadership, securing Burma’s huge natural gas reserve is an altogether more immediate concern than tapering its nuclear ambitions.
But for the people of Burma, now is the time to reassess whether our country has fallen into colonial hands again.
If so, it is the duty of all Burmese citizens to stand up and protect the country from becoming a colony or a satellite state of a Greater China.
Kyaw Zwa Moe is managing editor of Irrawaddy magazine.
*********************************************************
Burma Wants Freedom and Democracy (Weblog)
Saturday, June 12, 2010
BURMA'S JUNTA DESECRATES ANCIENT BUDDHIST PAGODAS
By: Roland Watson
Dictator Watch has received very disturbing information. Although we do not have independent confirmation, our sources are credible.
We would note that the recent intelligence from the Democratic Voice of Burma's source, Sai Thein Win, that the SPDC (the military junta of Burma) has a nuclear weapons program, confirms what we have previously published.
Most importantly, Sai Thein Win confirms that the weapons program is centered in Thakeikkyin. We have already published two sources with this information, one in 2006 and a second in 2008. Sai Thein Win is now the third. However, there is no source with information about the state of the program at Thabeikkyin, right now. There is as yet no source from the Nuclear Battalion itself.
We remain extremely concerned that the SPDC will attempt to sidestep creating an entire atomic weapons program domestically (as Iran is doing), which program IAEA expert Robert Kelley says at the moment appears to be at a primitive stage. The much simpler alternative, and which the junta can afford (thanks to Total and Chevron), is to buy plutonium or highly enriched uranium, even fabricated metal hemispheres, and a bomb blueprint, directly from North Korea or China.
We were right about the SPDC being the world's newest nuclear threat. We have good reason to believe that the following intelligence is accurate as well.
The top general of the junta, Than Shwe, has been plundering the ancient pagodas of Burma, stealing gold and other Buddhist images, jade artifacts, and even the diamonds and other gems in the pagoda buds. These in turn have been sold to Premier Wen Jiabao of China, and others.
There have been at least two sales to China. The proceeds are being used to swell Than Shwe's already immense wealth, and also to help fund the Tatmadaw.
The pillaged pagodas include Danok; in the Bagan area; around Mandalay; and Thaton's Myathabeik. The stolen items have been replaced with imitations.
Any recent renovations at pagodas and other historical sites, anywhere in Burma, are suspect. Than Shwe has sent agents, dressed as monks, to Burma's different ethnic states. Their objective is to steal cultural artifacts, as a means to destroy the ethnic nationalities' heritage and identity. We have information that the agents have stolen items in Mon, Karen and Kachin States.
It is well known that the SPDC has been looting Burma's natural resources, including its oil and gas reserves (with Total and Chevron), teak forests, and precious gem deposits. Now it appears there is no limit to the Senior General's willingness to defile the nation he says that he protects.
This grave robbery can mean one of two things: Either Than Shwe (and his wife, Kyaing Kyaing), is so certain of his rule that he has lost all restraint; or he fears it will end and is trying to pocket as much lucre as possible before fleeing to China, or Singapore.
When Burma is free, its ancient pagodas should be carefully examined. When priceless relics of the country's heritage are discovered missing, the Burmese people know where to look.
Click here for Burmese Translation (pdf) (http://www.dictatorwatch.org/prpagodatheftBurmese.pdf)
DICTATOR WATCH
www.dictatorwatch.org
June 12, 2010
Saturday, June 12, 2010
BURMA'S JUNTA DESECRATES ANCIENT BUDDHIST PAGODAS
By: Roland Watson
Dictator Watch has received very disturbing information. Although we do not have independent confirmation, our sources are credible.
We would note that the recent intelligence from the Democratic Voice of Burma's source, Sai Thein Win, that the SPDC (the military junta of Burma) has a nuclear weapons program, confirms what we have previously published.
Most importantly, Sai Thein Win confirms that the weapons program is centered in Thakeikkyin. We have already published two sources with this information, one in 2006 and a second in 2008. Sai Thein Win is now the third. However, there is no source with information about the state of the program at Thabeikkyin, right now. There is as yet no source from the Nuclear Battalion itself.
We remain extremely concerned that the SPDC will attempt to sidestep creating an entire atomic weapons program domestically (as Iran is doing), which program IAEA expert Robert Kelley says at the moment appears to be at a primitive stage. The much simpler alternative, and which the junta can afford (thanks to Total and Chevron), is to buy plutonium or highly enriched uranium, even fabricated metal hemispheres, and a bomb blueprint, directly from North Korea or China.
We were right about the SPDC being the world's newest nuclear threat. We have good reason to believe that the following intelligence is accurate as well.
The top general of the junta, Than Shwe, has been plundering the ancient pagodas of Burma, stealing gold and other Buddhist images, jade artifacts, and even the diamonds and other gems in the pagoda buds. These in turn have been sold to Premier Wen Jiabao of China, and others.
There have been at least two sales to China. The proceeds are being used to swell Than Shwe's already immense wealth, and also to help fund the Tatmadaw.
The pillaged pagodas include Danok; in the Bagan area; around Mandalay; and Thaton's Myathabeik. The stolen items have been replaced with imitations.
Any recent renovations at pagodas and other historical sites, anywhere in Burma, are suspect. Than Shwe has sent agents, dressed as monks, to Burma's different ethnic states. Their objective is to steal cultural artifacts, as a means to destroy the ethnic nationalities' heritage and identity. We have information that the agents have stolen items in Mon, Karen and Kachin States.
It is well known that the SPDC has been looting Burma's natural resources, including its oil and gas reserves (with Total and Chevron), teak forests, and precious gem deposits. Now it appears there is no limit to the Senior General's willingness to defile the nation he says that he protects.
This grave robbery can mean one of two things: Either Than Shwe (and his wife, Kyaing Kyaing), is so certain of his rule that he has lost all restraint; or he fears it will end and is trying to pocket as much lucre as possible before fleeing to China, or Singapore.
When Burma is free, its ancient pagodas should be carefully examined. When priceless relics of the country's heritage are discovered missing, the Burmese people know where to look.
Click here for Burmese Translation (pdf) (http://www.dictatorwatch.org/prpagodatheftBurmese.pdf)
DICTATOR WATCH
www.dictatorwatch.org
June 12, 2010
*********************************************************
Human Rights Watch - Burma’s authoritarian upgrade: 1990-2010
by David Scott Mathieson
Published in: openDemocracy June 10, 2010
The twentieth anniversary of Burma's last elections on 27 May 1990 was recalled by many Burmese inside and outside the country as a defining date in the country's political history. It is also an opportunity to measure the prospects for the elections scheduled by the country's military rulers to take place sometime (perhaps 10 October) in 2010.
It is worth recalling the scale and impact of the events of 1990. The election took place two years after the Burmese military in August 1988 massacred more than 3,000 protesters, part of a huge popular uprising that called for an end to military rule and a transition to democracy. In this context the election itself was a surprisingly free and fair process which delivered a resounding defeat for the military regime, as the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) won more than 60% of the popular vote and 80% of parliamentary seats. Yet the stunned regime recovered its balance, refused to hand over power, and restored its security; in the process it reinvented itself from the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
In the 2000s, the regime started carefully to draft a new constitution and prepare the ground for the next elections. But this time, Burma's military junta is not steering any sort of democratic transition; it is upgrading to a more sophisticated authoritarian model - SPDC Version 2.0. The generals learnt a valuable lesson in 1990: elections must not be left to the people's free choice, for we may not get the result we want (see Joakim Kreutz, "Burma: sources of political change", 27 August 2008).
The military's reinvention
The elections may produce a more user-friendly civilian parliament, one that other countries may feel more comfortable engaging with (which indeed is part of their purpose). But the new parliament will remain tightly controlled by the same military that has turned Burma into a political and economic abomination. There is little hope that the so-called "roadmap to disciplined democracy" will produce any semblance of a genuinely open society, or even begin to address the dire ills of contemporary Burma: a major health and poverty crisis, a wrecked education system, and continued social divisions based on wealth, ethnicity and to a lesser extent religion. Burma has been a divided society for decades, and the military has exploited and profited from such divisions in order to justify its oppressive rule (see "Burma: A Disastrous Taste of Democracy", Bangkok Post, 2 May 2010).
The Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, has spent the past twenty years preparing for this upgrade through marginalising the political opposition; rewriting the constitution; drafting electoral laws that leave nothing to chance; and exploiting the economy to redistribute assets in favour of the officer-corps. Some observers contend that this upgrade will benefit the country if Burma becomes more like Vietnam, China, or even Singapore - all authoritarian states with thriving economies.
The military leadership and their close business associates control key sectors of the economy and have benefited from recent government "privatisations" of state assets. For instance, in February 2010, the junta began to sell off a network of government-controlled gas-stations, shipping-ports, factories, cinemas and other assets. It is suspected such sales may in part provide a source of electioneering finance for the Tatmadaw's friends and allies who contest the elections.
Burma's military government also controls nearly $5 billion in foreign reserves, accumulated thanks to lucrative natural-gas sales and the use of an accounting trick: for domestic purposes, gas revenues are recorded at the official exchange rate ($1 to 6 Burmese Kyat) but actual payments are made in US dollars (worth $1 to 800-1,000 Burmese Kyat at the market rate), the difference being deposited (it is suspected) in offshore bank-accounts.
At the same time, thousands of military officers are taking off their uniforms in order to take positions of authority in the civilian government. These former officers will want to be compensated for the loss of rank and privileges; the result could be the emergence of a new, more sophisticated patronage system.
The new parliament will ensure this patronage system functions effectively. More than thirty political parties, many with links to the military, have already applied to Burma's electoral commission to be registered. In late April 2010, prime minister Thein Sein and more than twenty other senior generals resigned from their military posts and - in a move was long expected as part of the authoritarian-upgrade script - registered the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This could make the party supremely powerful, for it will utilise the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a mass-based social-welfare organisation created by the regime in 1993, which currently has more than 26 million members, and offices and economic interests throughout Burma.
The 2008 constitution reserves one-quarter of lower-house seats to serving military officers, and one-third of upper-house seats. The most important ministerial portfolios reserved for the military include defence (control over their budget and military justice), home affairs (domestic repression), and border affairs (cross-border trade, access to illicit rackets such as drugs, logging and smuggling, and license to conduct ongoing offensives against ethnic minorities). In other words, the military's interests will continue to be safeguarded without civilian oversight, and free from the drudgery of everyday governance.
The prospect of power
The release of long-awaited electoral laws in March 2010 has set the ground-rules for the elections. The laws exclude serving prisoners from being members of political parties or electoral candidates: a cruel provision that neuters more than 2,100 political prisoners, including dissidents and people who won seats in the last election in 1990. Many of the prisoners, such as famous student leaders Min Ko Naing and Htay Kwe, and leaders of ethnic-Shan political parties, have been detained because their peaceful, popular and conciliatory style poses a challenge to the military government.
An estimated 428 members of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy are in detention. The laws prescribe that the party, if it chose to re-register with the electoral commission, would then have to expel these individuals - including the NLD's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house-arrest. On 29 March, the NLD decided that these legal provisions were unjust and announced it would not contest the elections.
Some of the already registered parties competed in the 1990 elections; they include ethnic-based parties (such as the Pa-O National Organisation) and new configurations of elites. An optimistic view (to which some analysts subscribe) is that the election may be part of a slow but inevitable process of change - not a mere SPDC 2.0 upgrade, but a new SPDC 2010. They expect the new version to bring about real democratic progress, if not overnight but in the years ahead. The coming months will reveal more about the machinations of the process, but the optimism seems sadly unwarranted. The basic configurations of power in Burma are unlikely to change, regardless of the electoral results.
It is hard to imagine the military is devoting all this effort only to transfer its inheritance to civilians it has long repressed. The next two decades may well be the same as the past two, but with the disguise of a less overt and near-caricatural regime.
The prospect, then, is that the authoritarian upgrade ushers in a new era of military rule in Burma with a civilian face. The best way to avoid this fate is for the international community to speak with one voice and refuse to endorse the flawed process in any way, either through election monitoring or cynical paeans of progress just because polls are being held.
The next step would be to strengthen the targeted financial sanctions against senior members of the military government; and combine this with principled diplomacy that calls for the release of political prisoners, an inclusive political process, and more humanitarian assistance directly to Burmese communities.
These are the vital ways to exert pressure on the SPDC. Only if they are followed will there be hope that the military's more outwardly sophisticated control of the country can be exchanged for a genuinely democratic package.
by David Scott Mathieson
Published in: openDemocracy June 10, 2010
The twentieth anniversary of Burma's last elections on 27 May 1990 was recalled by many Burmese inside and outside the country as a defining date in the country's political history. It is also an opportunity to measure the prospects for the elections scheduled by the country's military rulers to take place sometime (perhaps 10 October) in 2010.
It is worth recalling the scale and impact of the events of 1990. The election took place two years after the Burmese military in August 1988 massacred more than 3,000 protesters, part of a huge popular uprising that called for an end to military rule and a transition to democracy. In this context the election itself was a surprisingly free and fair process which delivered a resounding defeat for the military regime, as the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) won more than 60% of the popular vote and 80% of parliamentary seats. Yet the stunned regime recovered its balance, refused to hand over power, and restored its security; in the process it reinvented itself from the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc) to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC).
In the 2000s, the regime started carefully to draft a new constitution and prepare the ground for the next elections. But this time, Burma's military junta is not steering any sort of democratic transition; it is upgrading to a more sophisticated authoritarian model - SPDC Version 2.0. The generals learnt a valuable lesson in 1990: elections must not be left to the people's free choice, for we may not get the result we want (see Joakim Kreutz, "Burma: sources of political change", 27 August 2008).
The military's reinvention
The elections may produce a more user-friendly civilian parliament, one that other countries may feel more comfortable engaging with (which indeed is part of their purpose). But the new parliament will remain tightly controlled by the same military that has turned Burma into a political and economic abomination. There is little hope that the so-called "roadmap to disciplined democracy" will produce any semblance of a genuinely open society, or even begin to address the dire ills of contemporary Burma: a major health and poverty crisis, a wrecked education system, and continued social divisions based on wealth, ethnicity and to a lesser extent religion. Burma has been a divided society for decades, and the military has exploited and profited from such divisions in order to justify its oppressive rule (see "Burma: A Disastrous Taste of Democracy", Bangkok Post, 2 May 2010).
The Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, has spent the past twenty years preparing for this upgrade through marginalising the political opposition; rewriting the constitution; drafting electoral laws that leave nothing to chance; and exploiting the economy to redistribute assets in favour of the officer-corps. Some observers contend that this upgrade will benefit the country if Burma becomes more like Vietnam, China, or even Singapore - all authoritarian states with thriving economies.
The military leadership and their close business associates control key sectors of the economy and have benefited from recent government "privatisations" of state assets. For instance, in February 2010, the junta began to sell off a network of government-controlled gas-stations, shipping-ports, factories, cinemas and other assets. It is suspected such sales may in part provide a source of electioneering finance for the Tatmadaw's friends and allies who contest the elections.
Burma's military government also controls nearly $5 billion in foreign reserves, accumulated thanks to lucrative natural-gas sales and the use of an accounting trick: for domestic purposes, gas revenues are recorded at the official exchange rate ($1 to 6 Burmese Kyat) but actual payments are made in US dollars (worth $1 to 800-1,000 Burmese Kyat at the market rate), the difference being deposited (it is suspected) in offshore bank-accounts.
At the same time, thousands of military officers are taking off their uniforms in order to take positions of authority in the civilian government. These former officers will want to be compensated for the loss of rank and privileges; the result could be the emergence of a new, more sophisticated patronage system.
The new parliament will ensure this patronage system functions effectively. More than thirty political parties, many with links to the military, have already applied to Burma's electoral commission to be registered. In late April 2010, prime minister Thein Sein and more than twenty other senior generals resigned from their military posts and - in a move was long expected as part of the authoritarian-upgrade script - registered the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP). This could make the party supremely powerful, for it will utilise the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a mass-based social-welfare organisation created by the regime in 1993, which currently has more than 26 million members, and offices and economic interests throughout Burma.
The 2008 constitution reserves one-quarter of lower-house seats to serving military officers, and one-third of upper-house seats. The most important ministerial portfolios reserved for the military include defence (control over their budget and military justice), home affairs (domestic repression), and border affairs (cross-border trade, access to illicit rackets such as drugs, logging and smuggling, and license to conduct ongoing offensives against ethnic minorities). In other words, the military's interests will continue to be safeguarded without civilian oversight, and free from the drudgery of everyday governance.
The prospect of power
The release of long-awaited electoral laws in March 2010 has set the ground-rules for the elections. The laws exclude serving prisoners from being members of political parties or electoral candidates: a cruel provision that neuters more than 2,100 political prisoners, including dissidents and people who won seats in the last election in 1990. Many of the prisoners, such as famous student leaders Min Ko Naing and Htay Kwe, and leaders of ethnic-Shan political parties, have been detained because their peaceful, popular and conciliatory style poses a challenge to the military government.
An estimated 428 members of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy are in detention. The laws prescribe that the party, if it chose to re-register with the electoral commission, would then have to expel these individuals - including the NLD's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house-arrest. On 29 March, the NLD decided that these legal provisions were unjust and announced it would not contest the elections.
Some of the already registered parties competed in the 1990 elections; they include ethnic-based parties (such as the Pa-O National Organisation) and new configurations of elites. An optimistic view (to which some analysts subscribe) is that the election may be part of a slow but inevitable process of change - not a mere SPDC 2.0 upgrade, but a new SPDC 2010. They expect the new version to bring about real democratic progress, if not overnight but in the years ahead. The coming months will reveal more about the machinations of the process, but the optimism seems sadly unwarranted. The basic configurations of power in Burma are unlikely to change, regardless of the electoral results.
It is hard to imagine the military is devoting all this effort only to transfer its inheritance to civilians it has long repressed. The next two decades may well be the same as the past two, but with the disguise of a less overt and near-caricatural regime.
The prospect, then, is that the authoritarian upgrade ushers in a new era of military rule in Burma with a civilian face. The best way to avoid this fate is for the international community to speak with one voice and refuse to endorse the flawed process in any way, either through election monitoring or cynical paeans of progress just because polls are being held.
The next step would be to strengthen the targeted financial sanctions against senior members of the military government; and combine this with principled diplomacy that calls for the release of political prisoners, an inclusive political process, and more humanitarian assistance directly to Burmese communities.
These are the vital ways to exert pressure on the SPDC. Only if they are followed will there be hope that the military's more outwardly sophisticated control of the country can be exchanged for a genuinely democratic package.
*********************************************************
The Age - Burmese elections spur border trade in drugs, guns
BEN DOHERTY, BANGKOK
June 21, 2010
ELECTIONS promised for Burma this year have sparked an explosion in drug-trafficking into Thailand, as rebel armies, fearful of a final, pre-poll crackdown by the ruling junta, trade heroin and amphetamines for guns.
Rebel armies, most notably the Wa State Army, have for decades financed their fight against the oppressive Burma junta by running drugs over the border, from where they are trafficked all over the world.
A decade ago, the Golden Triangle between Thailand, Burma and Laos supplied half the world's heroin. Afghanistan produces more now, but drug barons in Burma have turned to manufacturing massive quantities of amphetamines and methamphetamines - which can be produced cheaply and independent of rainfall in small, hidden laboratories.
Now, Burma's illicit drug trade and the country's flawed electoral process appear set to collide.
The Burmese junta has promised elections this year, likely in October, though few in the international community expect them to be free or fair. The ruling generals have vowed to bring the rebel armies under their command and turn them into border guards before the polls are held.
The deadline for the Wa to come under central government control has lapsed and its leaders have become increasingly worried about attack by government troops.
Colonel Peeranate Gatetem, head of the Thai army's anti-drug Pha Muang Task Force, says the number of drug runs has increased exponentially in recent months, as a desperate Wa - outnumbered and outgunned by the junta's troops - prepares to fight.
''This year will be the biggest for amphetamines,'' Colonel Peeranate said. ''In all of last year, we intercepted 1.2 million pills. This year, in just six months, already we have seized 5 million. This year there has been an explosion.''
He said authorities were likely uncovering only a tiny fraction of what wass being taken across the border, by most estimates between 1 or 2 per cent. ''The amphetamine trade is huge now, we think it will be around 300 million to 400 million pills this year. But it is hard to know.''
Sources within Burma say the drug labs are working round the clock, with new ones being built.
And larger and larger drug shipments are being captured by troops and police.
The UN's Office on Drugs and Crime has noticed the increase, as has Thailand's Office of Narcotics Control Board.
''Minority groups that feel under threat from the central government are using drug trafficking to sustain themselves and keep control of their territories,'' UN representative Gary Lewis said.
With the money they are making, Col Peeranate said, the Wa were arming themselves with surface-to-air missiles bought from China, and AK-47 assault rifles. ''The Burmese government wants the Wa to disarm, to come under government control and become a border guard force. But the Wa will not ever agree to do that, so they are preparing for the government troops to move in on them. They are getting ready to fight. They are selling more and more drugs so they can buy weapons to fight the government. They are producing millions of pills, which they are smuggling across the border,'' he said.
The Age met Wa soldiers close to the Burma border. The Wa would not participate in the election, they said, and they refused to co-operate with the illegitimate and brutal junta. ''We protect our territory. We fight for [our] people.''
They refused to discuss drugs. ''Our life here is hard. We are poor. We always need to make money some way, any way to feed our people. We need to survive.''
In Thailand, a former Wa drug runner who now works undercover for the Thai army gathering intelligence on drug shipments said: ''The Wa are very worried, they think [the] junta's soldiers are coming soon, to take control before the election. The soldiers are afraid. They sell the drugs to buy many, many guns so they can fight. The Wa fighters will be ready, and they will fight.''
BEN DOHERTY, BANGKOK
June 21, 2010
ELECTIONS promised for Burma this year have sparked an explosion in drug-trafficking into Thailand, as rebel armies, fearful of a final, pre-poll crackdown by the ruling junta, trade heroin and amphetamines for guns.
Rebel armies, most notably the Wa State Army, have for decades financed their fight against the oppressive Burma junta by running drugs over the border, from where they are trafficked all over the world.
A decade ago, the Golden Triangle between Thailand, Burma and Laos supplied half the world's heroin. Afghanistan produces more now, but drug barons in Burma have turned to manufacturing massive quantities of amphetamines and methamphetamines - which can be produced cheaply and independent of rainfall in small, hidden laboratories.
Now, Burma's illicit drug trade and the country's flawed electoral process appear set to collide.
The Burmese junta has promised elections this year, likely in October, though few in the international community expect them to be free or fair. The ruling generals have vowed to bring the rebel armies under their command and turn them into border guards before the polls are held.
The deadline for the Wa to come under central government control has lapsed and its leaders have become increasingly worried about attack by government troops.
Colonel Peeranate Gatetem, head of the Thai army's anti-drug Pha Muang Task Force, says the number of drug runs has increased exponentially in recent months, as a desperate Wa - outnumbered and outgunned by the junta's troops - prepares to fight.
''This year will be the biggest for amphetamines,'' Colonel Peeranate said. ''In all of last year, we intercepted 1.2 million pills. This year, in just six months, already we have seized 5 million. This year there has been an explosion.''
He said authorities were likely uncovering only a tiny fraction of what wass being taken across the border, by most estimates between 1 or 2 per cent. ''The amphetamine trade is huge now, we think it will be around 300 million to 400 million pills this year. But it is hard to know.''
Sources within Burma say the drug labs are working round the clock, with new ones being built.
And larger and larger drug shipments are being captured by troops and police.
The UN's Office on Drugs and Crime has noticed the increase, as has Thailand's Office of Narcotics Control Board.
''Minority groups that feel under threat from the central government are using drug trafficking to sustain themselves and keep control of their territories,'' UN representative Gary Lewis said.
With the money they are making, Col Peeranate said, the Wa were arming themselves with surface-to-air missiles bought from China, and AK-47 assault rifles. ''The Burmese government wants the Wa to disarm, to come under government control and become a border guard force. But the Wa will not ever agree to do that, so they are preparing for the government troops to move in on them. They are getting ready to fight. They are selling more and more drugs so they can buy weapons to fight the government. They are producing millions of pills, which they are smuggling across the border,'' he said.
The Age met Wa soldiers close to the Burma border. The Wa would not participate in the election, they said, and they refused to co-operate with the illegitimate and brutal junta. ''We protect our territory. We fight for [our] people.''
They refused to discuss drugs. ''Our life here is hard. We are poor. We always need to make money some way, any way to feed our people. We need to survive.''
In Thailand, a former Wa drug runner who now works undercover for the Thai army gathering intelligence on drug shipments said: ''The Wa are very worried, they think [the] junta's soldiers are coming soon, to take control before the election. The soldiers are afraid. They sell the drugs to buy many, many guns so they can fight. The Wa fighters will be ready, and they will fight.''
*********************************************************
The Huffington Post - Burma's Continuing Agony
Doug Bandow - Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute
Posted: June 19, 2010 03:40 PM
Nobel laureate and Burmese democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi turned 65 today. She has spent 15 of the last 21 years in prison or under house arrest. There is no end to her, or her nation's, agony in sight.
Burma, renamed Myanmar by the junta, won its independence after World War II. But popular independence leader Gen. Aung San -- Suu Kyi's father -- was assassinated and the new government failed to provide political autonomy to Burma's many ethnic groups, triggering a war which continues to this day.
The military seized power in 1962. Since then only the names of the men wearing the stars have changed. Democracy protests broke out in August 1988 and were put down with massive force; between 3,000 and 6,000 demonstrators were killed. The junta then called a relatively free election in 1990, which Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, won in a landslide. The military voided the results and launched a political war against the NLD, jailing Suu Kyi and many of her followers. Periodic protests, such as in Rangoon in 2007, were suppressed brutally.
The paranoia and indifference of the regime, which styles itself the State Peace and Development Council, were both on display a year later when the military obstructed aid efforts in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, which devastated the country. It is impossible to know how many people died unnecessarily because the regime feared Western assistance might undermine its authority.
After decades of war the regime reached ceasefires with several ethnic groups, but now the SPDC is pushing to forcibly disarm the ethnic militaries without providing the groups with meaningful political guarantees. Zipporah Sein, General Secretary of the Karen National Union, warns of the "greatest possibility of renewed conflict."
Perhaps even more worrisome, in recent months there have been an increasing number of claims that the SPDC is attempting to develop nuclear weapons. The regime naturally has denied the charge and Burma is, superficially at least, an implausible nuclear weapons state since it lacks serious conventional enemies.
Even many of the regime's critics remain skeptical. In January the Institute for Science and International Security concluded: "Despite the public reports to the contrary, the military junta does not appear to be close to establishing a significant nuclear capability. Information suggesting the construction of major nuclear facilities appears unreliable or inconclusive."
Still, the regime fears outside military intervention and has forged a close relationship with North Korea. Moreover, an army major recently defected, bringing along incriminating evidence. Robert Kelley, a former nuclear scientist and arms inspector, believes the SPDC has a real but primitive program underway. The regime may at least be looking at a nuclear option.
Burma's record is execrable. The group Freedom House recently ranked Burma at the bottom among the nine worst nations: the regime "suppresses nearly all basic rights, and commits human rights abuses with impunity." Moreover, "the SPDC does not tolerate dissent and has a long history of imprisoning anyone who is critical of the government."
The State Department reports that "government security forces allowed custodial deaths to occur and committed extrajudicial killings, disappearances, rape, and torture."
Burma's violations of religious liberty caused the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom to cite Burma as a "country of particular concern."
With this record, the SPDC is hoping to win greater legitimacy by transforming itself into a nominally civilian government through strictly controlled elections later this year. Then the military will wield power behind a civilian façade.
The junta wrote a new constitution that ensures military control of future governments and election rules which guarantee seats to military officers and favor its allies. For instance, those with foreign spouses (Suu Kyi's late husband was British) or imprisoned (some 2200 NLD activists are currently detained along with Suu Kyi) are barred from running for office or even belonging to a registered political party. As a result, the NLD disbanded after deciding that it could not contest the election under these circumstances.
Moreover, the regime has begun privatizing state enterprises -- normally a positive step, but not when done at favorable terms for junta relatives, friends, and cronies. Observed David Scott Mathieson of Human Rights Watch: "the military's interests will continue to be safeguarded without civilian oversight, and free from the drudgery of everyday governance."
Some observers hope for gradual democratic evolution. For instance, the International Crisis Group points to "the best opportunity in a generation to influence the future direction of the country." For this reason a few NLD activists formed a new party to run.
However, even if the electoral count is fair and they win a number of seats, they are likely to be only window dressing for a system which will remain as repressive as ever. The military is making extraordinary efforts to preserve its control. Mathieson called the new system an "authoritarian upgrade."
The West is left with no good choices. Suu Kyi wrote to those outside of Burma: "Please use your liberty to promote ours."
How?
The U.S. and Europeans already have tried economic sanctions. But with China, India, Japan, and Southeast Asia all ready to do business with Burma, Western policy has caused little more than an inconvenience. In fact, those linked to the regime have used state government economic controls to their advantage. A study by Lex Rieffel for the U.S. Institute for Peace reported: "The banking system is dominated by state-owned banks that lend primarily to relatives and cronies of regime leaders as well as state-owned enterprises."
The Obama administration has sought a more realistic policy of limited engagement. With Washington's blessing Sen. Jim Webb (D-Va.) visited Burma last year. However, he recently put off a planned trip because of the latest nuclear allegations, explaining: "Until there is further clarification on these matters, I believe it would be unwise and potentially counterproductive for me to visit Burma."
Yet the possibility that the SPDC is seeking a nuclear weapon, even in a somewhat haphazard and unserious way, is another argument for Western engagement. As the Institute for Science and International Security explained: "Because Burma's known program is so small, the United States and its allies have an opportunity to both engage and pressure the military regime in a manner that would make it extremely difficult for Burma to acquire a nuclear weapons capability, let alone nuclear weapons."
Since current policy isn't working, the U.S. should cooperate with European and interested Asian nations to develop a package of economic and diplomatic benefits should the Burmese junta improve human rights, take genuine steps towards greater democracy, and open Burmese society. No one should be under any illusions about the likelihood of dramatic reform: the SPDC is not going to surrender power irrespective of the inducements offered. Nevertheless, the regime might decide that the benefits offered for more limited reform, including relaxation of Western sanctions, are worth the risk of change. Such negotiations also might ease the regime's paranoia about potential Western threats of regime change.
Offering some hope is the experience of NGOs after Cyclone Nargis. Although the regime's initial response was criminally callous, officials eventually became more cooperative. The International Crisis Group concluded that "it is possible to work with the military regime on humanitarian issues" and that the junta was even "allowing a substantial role for civil society." Frank Smithuis of Doctors Without Borders told the New York Times: "the military at times has actually been quite helpful to us."
While offering some carrots, the Western nations should seek a thicker stick by intensifying targeted financial sanctions against junta leaders and business partners. The U.S. and likeminded states also should encourage India, Japan, South Korea, and the ASEAN states to apply coordinated diplomatic and economic pressure on the SPDC, with targeted sanctions to follow if the regime remains unresponsive. The possibility of a Burmese nuke should cause even ASEAN members to consider making an exception to their traditional policy of nonintervention in the affairs of other nations.
Finally, Washington should use the prospect of a nuclear crisis in Southeast as well as Northeast Asia to enlist China, India, and Russia into taking a more active role. None are likely to worry much about the status of human rights or democracy in Burma. All should be unsettled by the consequences of a serious Burmese effort to develop nuclear weapons. The SPDC already angered China with a military offensive which drove refugees across its border. Does Beijing want two paranoid, isolated, and unpredictable nuclear weapons states as neighbors?
The U.S. should also pledge to all three of these major powers, and especially to China, that Washington would not take military advantage of any liberalization in Burma. The U.S. would pursue no alliance, bases, deployments, or even training missions if these governments helped transform the SPDC into something else.
Such a new strategy towards Burma might achieve nothing, of course. Indeed, there is little in the history of dealing with the junta to give reason for optimism. But Washington's current policies have failed and Washington's alternatives are limited.
Aung San Suu Kyi is spending another birthday in confinement. She haunts us with her plea to help her people win liberty. So far that has remained outside of Washington's capability. But Americans should not stop trying to assist. Burma remains one of the world's great tragedies of tyranny.
Doug Bandow - Senior Fellow at the Cato Institute
Posted: June 19, 2010 03:40 PM
Nobel laureate and Burmese democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi turned 65 today. She has spent 15 of the last 21 years in prison or under house arrest. There is no end to her, or her nation's, agony in sight.
Burma, renamed Myanmar by the junta, won its independence after World War II. But popular independence leader Gen. Aung San -- Suu Kyi's father -- was assassinated and the new government failed to provide political autonomy to Burma's many ethnic groups, triggering a war which continues to this day.
The military seized power in 1962. Since then only the names of the men wearing the stars have changed. Democracy protests broke out in August 1988 and were put down with massive force; between 3,000 and 6,000 demonstrators were killed. The junta then called a relatively free election in 1990, which Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, won in a landslide. The military voided the results and launched a political war against the NLD, jailing Suu Kyi and many of her followers. Periodic protests, such as in Rangoon in 2007, were suppressed brutally.
The paranoia and indifference of the regime, which styles itself the State Peace and Development Council, were both on display a year later when the military obstructed aid efforts in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, which devastated the country. It is impossible to know how many people died unnecessarily because the regime feared Western assistance might undermine its authority.
After decades of war the regime reached ceasefires with several ethnic groups, but now the SPDC is pushing to forcibly disarm the ethnic militaries without providing the groups with meaningful political guarantees. Zipporah Sein, General Secretary of the Karen National Union, warns of the "greatest possibility of renewed conflict."
Perhaps even more worrisome, in recent months there have been an increasing number of claims that the SPDC is attempting to develop nuclear weapons. The regime naturally has denied the charge and Burma is, superficially at least, an implausible nuclear weapons state since it lacks serious conventional enemies.
Even many of the regime's critics remain skeptical. In January the Institute for Science and International Security concluded: "Despite the public reports to the contrary, the military junta does not appear to be close to establishing a significant nuclear capability. Information suggesting the construction of major nuclear facilities appears unreliable or inconclusive."
Still, the regime fears outside military intervention and has forged a close relationship with North Korea. Moreover, an army major recently defected, bringing along incriminating evidence. Robert Kelley, a former nuclear scientist and arms inspector, believes the SPDC has a real but primitive program underway. The regime may at least be looking at a nuclear option.
Burma's record is execrable. The group Freedom House recently ranked Burma at the bottom among the nine worst nations: the regime "suppresses nearly all basic rights, and commits human rights abuses with impunity." Moreover, "the SPDC does not tolerate dissent and has a long history of imprisoning anyone who is critical of the government."
The State Department reports that "government security forces allowed custodial deaths to occur and committed extrajudicial killings, disappearances, rape, and torture."
Burma's violations of religious liberty caused the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom to cite Burma as a "country of particular concern."
With this record, the SPDC is hoping to win greater legitimacy by transforming itself into a nominally civilian government through strictly controlled elections later this year. Then the military will wield power behind a civilian façade.
The junta wrote a new constitution that ensures military control of future governments and election rules which guarantee seats to military officers and favor its allies. For instance, those with foreign spouses (Suu Kyi's late husband was British) or imprisoned (some 2200 NLD activists are currently detained along with Suu Kyi) are barred from running for office or even belonging to a registered political party. As a result, the NLD disbanded after deciding that it could not contest the election under these circumstances.
Moreover, the regime has begun privatizing state enterprises -- normally a positive step, but not when done at favorable terms for junta relatives, friends, and cronies. Observed David Scott Mathieson of Human Rights Watch: "the military's interests will continue to be safeguarded without civilian oversight, and free from the drudgery of everyday governance."
Some observers hope for gradual democratic evolution. For instance, the International Crisis Group points to "the best opportunity in a generation to influence the future direction of the country." For this reason a few NLD activists formed a new party to run.
However, even if the electoral count is fair and they win a number of seats, they are likely to be only window dressing for a system which will remain as repressive as ever. The military is making extraordinary efforts to preserve its control. Mathieson called the new system an "authoritarian upgrade."
The West is left with no good choices. Suu Kyi wrote to those outside of Burma: "Please use your liberty to promote ours."
How?
The U.S. and Europeans already have tried economic sanctions. But with China, India, Japan, and Southeast Asia all ready to do business with Burma, Western policy has caused little more than an inconvenience. In fact, those linked to the regime have used state government economic controls to their advantage. A study by Lex Rieffel for the U.S. Institute for Peace reported: "The banking system is dominated by state-owned banks that lend primarily to relatives and cronies of regime leaders as well as state-owned enterprises."
The Obama administration has sought a more realistic policy of limited engagement. With Washington's blessing Sen. Jim Webb (D-Va.) visited Burma last year. However, he recently put off a planned trip because of the latest nuclear allegations, explaining: "Until there is further clarification on these matters, I believe it would be unwise and potentially counterproductive for me to visit Burma."
Yet the possibility that the SPDC is seeking a nuclear weapon, even in a somewhat haphazard and unserious way, is another argument for Western engagement. As the Institute for Science and International Security explained: "Because Burma's known program is so small, the United States and its allies have an opportunity to both engage and pressure the military regime in a manner that would make it extremely difficult for Burma to acquire a nuclear weapons capability, let alone nuclear weapons."
Since current policy isn't working, the U.S. should cooperate with European and interested Asian nations to develop a package of economic and diplomatic benefits should the Burmese junta improve human rights, take genuine steps towards greater democracy, and open Burmese society. No one should be under any illusions about the likelihood of dramatic reform: the SPDC is not going to surrender power irrespective of the inducements offered. Nevertheless, the regime might decide that the benefits offered for more limited reform, including relaxation of Western sanctions, are worth the risk of change. Such negotiations also might ease the regime's paranoia about potential Western threats of regime change.
Offering some hope is the experience of NGOs after Cyclone Nargis. Although the regime's initial response was criminally callous, officials eventually became more cooperative. The International Crisis Group concluded that "it is possible to work with the military regime on humanitarian issues" and that the junta was even "allowing a substantial role for civil society." Frank Smithuis of Doctors Without Borders told the New York Times: "the military at times has actually been quite helpful to us."
While offering some carrots, the Western nations should seek a thicker stick by intensifying targeted financial sanctions against junta leaders and business partners. The U.S. and likeminded states also should encourage India, Japan, South Korea, and the ASEAN states to apply coordinated diplomatic and economic pressure on the SPDC, with targeted sanctions to follow if the regime remains unresponsive. The possibility of a Burmese nuke should cause even ASEAN members to consider making an exception to their traditional policy of nonintervention in the affairs of other nations.
Finally, Washington should use the prospect of a nuclear crisis in Southeast as well as Northeast Asia to enlist China, India, and Russia into taking a more active role. None are likely to worry much about the status of human rights or democracy in Burma. All should be unsettled by the consequences of a serious Burmese effort to develop nuclear weapons. The SPDC already angered China with a military offensive which drove refugees across its border. Does Beijing want two paranoid, isolated, and unpredictable nuclear weapons states as neighbors?
The U.S. should also pledge to all three of these major powers, and especially to China, that Washington would not take military advantage of any liberalization in Burma. The U.S. would pursue no alliance, bases, deployments, or even training missions if these governments helped transform the SPDC into something else.
Such a new strategy towards Burma might achieve nothing, of course. Indeed, there is little in the history of dealing with the junta to give reason for optimism. But Washington's current policies have failed and Washington's alternatives are limited.
Aung San Suu Kyi is spending another birthday in confinement. She haunts us with her plea to help her people win liberty. So far that has remained outside of Washington's capability. But Americans should not stop trying to assist. Burma remains one of the world's great tragedies of tyranny.
*********************************************************
StrategyPage.com - MiG-19s Finally Disappear From China
June 20, 2010: China has officially retired that last of its J-6 jet fighters. Actually, the last ones retired were the JJ-6, which was used to test new equipment for other aircraft.
This is a Chinese built copy of the Russian MiG-19 (2,200 built). Over 3,000 J-6s were built, and over five hundred were exported. Pakistan retired the last of its J-6s eight years ago, but Iran, Myanmar and North Korea still have some in use. The J-6 was always an inexpensive jet fighter alternative for less wealthy nations, including China.
The J-6 was a 7.5 ton, single engine, single seat aircraft with a max speed of 1,500 kilometers an hour. Only carried a half ton of bombs and was designed over 60 years ago.
Five years ago, China had about 300 J-6s in service, and has been phasing them out ever since. Most were retired in the 1990s. China redesigned the MiG-19 in the 1960s, to produce the Q-5 ground attack aircraft. About a thousand were built, and some are still in service.
June 20, 2010: China has officially retired that last of its J-6 jet fighters. Actually, the last ones retired were the JJ-6, which was used to test new equipment for other aircraft.
This is a Chinese built copy of the Russian MiG-19 (2,200 built). Over 3,000 J-6s were built, and over five hundred were exported. Pakistan retired the last of its J-6s eight years ago, but Iran, Myanmar and North Korea still have some in use. The J-6 was always an inexpensive jet fighter alternative for less wealthy nations, including China.
The J-6 was a 7.5 ton, single engine, single seat aircraft with a max speed of 1,500 kilometers an hour. Only carried a half ton of bombs and was designed over 60 years ago.
Five years ago, China had about 300 J-6s in service, and has been phasing them out ever since. Most were retired in the 1990s. China redesigned the MiG-19 in the 1960s, to produce the Q-5 ground attack aircraft. About a thousand were built, and some are still in service.
*********************************************************
Mizzima News - Nucleolus of nuclear Burma
Monday, 21 June 2010 13:04 Dr. Tint Swe
From time to time Burma draws media attention providing news of military coups, people’s uprisings, news of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the like. The gross human rights violations, the state-sponsored forced labor practices and the use of child soldier issues are not appealing enough to create outside attention. Condemnations and paper resolutions by world bodies did not make many headlines either. But the last piece of nuclear news is like volcanic ashes spreading over the unwarranted preparation of the 2010 election in Burma.
The 37-page Nuclear Related Activities in Burma report by Robert E. Kelley and Ali Fowle was enough to stir the responsible media and the USA. The pre-planned visit of United States Senator Jim Webb cancelled his second trip to Burma because of that news. The neighboring countries, which would be inside the radius of the missile range supposed to be built by Burmese Generals, are yet to express any dissenting opinions on the subject. Nuclear big neighbors know well of complications and compulsions of being nuclear.
The experts call for independent assessment of the information received by the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), the radio and TV broadcasting station based in Oslo run by pro-democracy movement. The writers of the report also scientifically invited official clarification by IAEA. For the people of Burma there is no doubt at all that the military leaders will do everything pertinent that will aid their quest to remain in power.
The authors who are experts in the nuclear field wrote that Burma was ruled by a junta that had no real political philosophy other than greed. To add to the laundry lists of attacks, as the Generals are born-Buddhists they are living not only with Lobha (greed) but Dosa (anger) and Moha (delusion). Fear has always been there in generals’ mindset. They are afraid of losing power and the wealth they now hold illegitimately and want to simply hand it over to their trusted ones and relatives.
The report categorizes that they are unrealistic attempts of the Molecular Laser Isotope Separation project, unprofessional engineering drawings and the crude appearance of items. But today many countries international relations with Burma do business not on real situation as told by the suppressed people. Those governments just care for the other governments they are dealing. Those foreign ministers will be telling that is their foreign policy is pragmatic. There is no reason to suit the national interest if a neighbor becomes destructive nuclear nation.
Indeed, it is true that the regime believes nuclear weapons contribute to immunity which is being sought because they have repeatedly committed crimes against their own people. Burmese people want to know if the perpetrators are immune by possessing such missiles and weapon of mass destruction.
The Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) whose members jointly signed the Southeast Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty in 1995, are nothing but proud of nuclear motivation of one of its ten countries. It is because the charter allows being forever constructive to one another. The junta leader will not accept if others tell him that it is against the Bangkok Treaty. Though the junta has been going against the principle of upholding international law with respect to human rights, social justice and multilateral trade, nine others continued non-interference practice. Not only the ASEAN, but the SAARC also wants to embrace the junta. The question is which bloc can pay more to the go-getting generals.
The information gathering started five years ago and revealed that secret plan initiated a decade before. It took only a couple of months for Burmese elected representatives to realize that military would not yield to the results of the 1990 election. When they informed international community about it, it was not approved. Nuclear dream of Burmese junta has been apparent and known by the word since years ago but not believed. Now it is time the world to act. To stop nuclear it needs to stop the junta.
When nuclear experts from Pakistan fled to Burma 10 years ago, no foreigners thought it was true. The unholy alliance between Burma and North Korea was also reported by Burmese language radios. Even in early 2002 there were warning sings of the the suspicious North Korean ship, the Kang Nam I, docked at Thilawa shipyard which was built by the China National Constructional and Agricultural Machinery Import and Export Co (CAMC). Only America took some measures against the North Korean ship. But materials from North Korea, Russia, Germany, Singapore, and Europe are were already in existence at Thabeikkyin, Pyin Oo Lwin, Myaing, and maybe at unknown other sites.
This credible report is the last of leakages of classified information from the junta. In April 2006, Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the number 2, paid an official visit at the invitation of the prime minister of the Russian Federation. General Thura Shwe Mann, the number 3, also made a secret visit to North Korea in November 2008. The leaked information received by pro-democracy side included secret reports of those visits as well as the meeting minute between Indian President Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam and Burmese Senior General Than Shwe of 6th March 2006. In January this year Major Win Naing Kyaw and Foreign Ministry official U Thura Kyaw were sentenced to death and U Pyan Sein, a civilian was sentenced to 15 years for revealing state secrets.
The new hero major Sai Thein Win is hiding because he does not want to be the next Mordecai Vanunu, a former Israeli nuclear technician who also revealed details of nuclear weapon program of Israel in 1986 . Some Burmese intelligent officers are trained by Mossad, which lured the scientist back.
Before IAEA could investigate, the report proves the nucleolus of nuclear Burma.
The constitution written unilaterally and announced approved in the midst of devastating Cyclone is a part of long term strategy of Burmese Generals. Having the secret nuclear ambition, the generals won’t and can’t share power with parliamentarians from Aung San Suu Kyi’s party. So they keep her under detention and made NLD nonexistent. The upcoming election is nothing but to guard nuclear nightmare alive there in Burma.
Monday, 21 June 2010 13:04 Dr. Tint Swe
From time to time Burma draws media attention providing news of military coups, people’s uprisings, news of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, and the like. The gross human rights violations, the state-sponsored forced labor practices and the use of child soldier issues are not appealing enough to create outside attention. Condemnations and paper resolutions by world bodies did not make many headlines either. But the last piece of nuclear news is like volcanic ashes spreading over the unwarranted preparation of the 2010 election in Burma.
The 37-page Nuclear Related Activities in Burma report by Robert E. Kelley and Ali Fowle was enough to stir the responsible media and the USA. The pre-planned visit of United States Senator Jim Webb cancelled his second trip to Burma because of that news. The neighboring countries, which would be inside the radius of the missile range supposed to be built by Burmese Generals, are yet to express any dissenting opinions on the subject. Nuclear big neighbors know well of complications and compulsions of being nuclear.
The experts call for independent assessment of the information received by the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB), the radio and TV broadcasting station based in Oslo run by pro-democracy movement. The writers of the report also scientifically invited official clarification by IAEA. For the people of Burma there is no doubt at all that the military leaders will do everything pertinent that will aid their quest to remain in power.
The authors who are experts in the nuclear field wrote that Burma was ruled by a junta that had no real political philosophy other than greed. To add to the laundry lists of attacks, as the Generals are born-Buddhists they are living not only with Lobha (greed) but Dosa (anger) and Moha (delusion). Fear has always been there in generals’ mindset. They are afraid of losing power and the wealth they now hold illegitimately and want to simply hand it over to their trusted ones and relatives.
The report categorizes that they are unrealistic attempts of the Molecular Laser Isotope Separation project, unprofessional engineering drawings and the crude appearance of items. But today many countries international relations with Burma do business not on real situation as told by the suppressed people. Those governments just care for the other governments they are dealing. Those foreign ministers will be telling that is their foreign policy is pragmatic. There is no reason to suit the national interest if a neighbor becomes destructive nuclear nation.
Indeed, it is true that the regime believes nuclear weapons contribute to immunity which is being sought because they have repeatedly committed crimes against their own people. Burmese people want to know if the perpetrators are immune by possessing such missiles and weapon of mass destruction.
The Association of South-East Asia Nations (ASEAN) whose members jointly signed the Southeast Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty in 1995, are nothing but proud of nuclear motivation of one of its ten countries. It is because the charter allows being forever constructive to one another. The junta leader will not accept if others tell him that it is against the Bangkok Treaty. Though the junta has been going against the principle of upholding international law with respect to human rights, social justice and multilateral trade, nine others continued non-interference practice. Not only the ASEAN, but the SAARC also wants to embrace the junta. The question is which bloc can pay more to the go-getting generals.
The information gathering started five years ago and revealed that secret plan initiated a decade before. It took only a couple of months for Burmese elected representatives to realize that military would not yield to the results of the 1990 election. When they informed international community about it, it was not approved. Nuclear dream of Burmese junta has been apparent and known by the word since years ago but not believed. Now it is time the world to act. To stop nuclear it needs to stop the junta.
When nuclear experts from Pakistan fled to Burma 10 years ago, no foreigners thought it was true. The unholy alliance between Burma and North Korea was also reported by Burmese language radios. Even in early 2002 there were warning sings of the the suspicious North Korean ship, the Kang Nam I, docked at Thilawa shipyard which was built by the China National Constructional and Agricultural Machinery Import and Export Co (CAMC). Only America took some measures against the North Korean ship. But materials from North Korea, Russia, Germany, Singapore, and Europe are were already in existence at Thabeikkyin, Pyin Oo Lwin, Myaing, and maybe at unknown other sites.
This credible report is the last of leakages of classified information from the junta. In April 2006, Vice Senior General Maung Aye, the number 2, paid an official visit at the invitation of the prime minister of the Russian Federation. General Thura Shwe Mann, the number 3, also made a secret visit to North Korea in November 2008. The leaked information received by pro-democracy side included secret reports of those visits as well as the meeting minute between Indian President Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam and Burmese Senior General Than Shwe of 6th March 2006. In January this year Major Win Naing Kyaw and Foreign Ministry official U Thura Kyaw were sentenced to death and U Pyan Sein, a civilian was sentenced to 15 years for revealing state secrets.
The new hero major Sai Thein Win is hiding because he does not want to be the next Mordecai Vanunu, a former Israeli nuclear technician who also revealed details of nuclear weapon program of Israel in 1986 . Some Burmese intelligent officers are trained by Mossad, which lured the scientist back.
Before IAEA could investigate, the report proves the nucleolus of nuclear Burma.
The constitution written unilaterally and announced approved in the midst of devastating Cyclone is a part of long term strategy of Burmese Generals. Having the secret nuclear ambition, the generals won’t and can’t share power with parliamentarians from Aung San Suu Kyi’s party. So they keep her under detention and made NLD nonexistent. The upcoming election is nothing but to guard nuclear nightmare alive there in Burma.
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Mon academic Nai Pan Hla dies at 87
Monday, 21 June 2010 23:12 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Mon researcher and academic on Mon literature and culture Dr. Nai Pan Hla died of a stroke aged 87 on Friday.
He was being treated at Hninsi Gone hospital and home for the aged on Kabaaye Street, Rangoon. A cremation ceremony was held yesterday at Yayway Cemetery.
“He was hospitalised first for one month and then taken back home,” his son Min Aye Chan told Mizzima. “He was then admitted again and died on the 18th of this month.”
Dr. Nai Pan Hla was the fourth son of seven siblings born to village headman U Kyua and Daw Cho on March 20, 1923 in Kaw Wein village, Mon State, on the banks of the Gyaing River.
He studied Mon, Burmese and English languages at the monastic school in his village then passed grade seven in the 1939-40 academic year at Karen ABM High School in Moulmein. As the Second World War had reached Burma he returned home from grade eight studies at Moulmein State High School. He moved to Rangoon in 1946, where he studied matriculation at Myoma High School in Rangoon for three months.
At the Ramanya Mon Association he served as secretary of the political group, and took a post as the senior officer for Mon culture at the Ministry of Culture in 1953. Five years later he was visiting professor at Harvard University and in 1967, in China.
During his career he wrote many research articles on Mon-Burmese culture for periodicals in Burma. The Burma Research Society published his prominent work, Yarzardayit Ayaydawpon (Mon King Movement) in Mon language in 1958. Due to its secessionist themes, the book’s Burmese version could only be published 10 years later. The volume came with forewords by history professor Than Tun (deceased), Burmese professor Than Swe and Khin Hnin Yuu, one of the most influential Burmese women writers.
“The original book is good and so is the translation, so I’d like to say we’ve been given a reliable Yarzardayit history book”, Dr. Than Htun said, hailing the book in his foreword.
In 1988 and 1989, he served as visiting professor at Tokyo University and Tokyo International Christian University in Japan.
From there he went to the United States, where he was admitted as a doctoral candidate by Pacific Western University (California) in 1991. There he earned a bachelor’s degree in science and a PhD in cultural anthropology.
For his translation of 11 Mon Dhammasat Texts in English with Ryuji Okudaira he was awarded a doctorate of laws (LLD) in 1992. A dhammasat is a mixture of law, legal advice and poetry based on Buddhist principles. He served as permanent professor of Southeast Asian culture and history at Meio University in Okinawa, Japan from April 1994.
Back home, he also taught Mon literature and stone inscription while living in Bahan Township, Rangoon.
He is survived by a son and six daughters.
Monday, 21 June 2010 23:12 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Mon researcher and academic on Mon literature and culture Dr. Nai Pan Hla died of a stroke aged 87 on Friday.
He was being treated at Hninsi Gone hospital and home for the aged on Kabaaye Street, Rangoon. A cremation ceremony was held yesterday at Yayway Cemetery.
“He was hospitalised first for one month and then taken back home,” his son Min Aye Chan told Mizzima. “He was then admitted again and died on the 18th of this month.”
Dr. Nai Pan Hla was the fourth son of seven siblings born to village headman U Kyua and Daw Cho on March 20, 1923 in Kaw Wein village, Mon State, on the banks of the Gyaing River.
He studied Mon, Burmese and English languages at the monastic school in his village then passed grade seven in the 1939-40 academic year at Karen ABM High School in Moulmein. As the Second World War had reached Burma he returned home from grade eight studies at Moulmein State High School. He moved to Rangoon in 1946, where he studied matriculation at Myoma High School in Rangoon for three months.
At the Ramanya Mon Association he served as secretary of the political group, and took a post as the senior officer for Mon culture at the Ministry of Culture in 1953. Five years later he was visiting professor at Harvard University and in 1967, in China.
During his career he wrote many research articles on Mon-Burmese culture for periodicals in Burma. The Burma Research Society published his prominent work, Yarzardayit Ayaydawpon (Mon King Movement) in Mon language in 1958. Due to its secessionist themes, the book’s Burmese version could only be published 10 years later. The volume came with forewords by history professor Than Tun (deceased), Burmese professor Than Swe and Khin Hnin Yuu, one of the most influential Burmese women writers.
“The original book is good and so is the translation, so I’d like to say we’ve been given a reliable Yarzardayit history book”, Dr. Than Htun said, hailing the book in his foreword.
In 1988 and 1989, he served as visiting professor at Tokyo University and Tokyo International Christian University in Japan.
From there he went to the United States, where he was admitted as a doctoral candidate by Pacific Western University (California) in 1991. There he earned a bachelor’s degree in science and a PhD in cultural anthropology.
For his translation of 11 Mon Dhammasat Texts in English with Ryuji Okudaira he was awarded a doctorate of laws (LLD) in 1992. A dhammasat is a mixture of law, legal advice and poetry based on Buddhist principles. He served as permanent professor of Southeast Asian culture and history at Meio University in Okinawa, Japan from April 1994.
Back home, he also taught Mon literature and stone inscription while living in Bahan Township, Rangoon.
He is survived by a son and six daughters.
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The Irrawaddy - Political Parties Left Flagging
By KO HTWE - Monday, June 21, 2010
Burma's Union Election Commission (EC) imposed a new regulation on Friday that registered political parties can fly their parties' flags only on their own office buildings and headquarters.
The EC sent letters to all parties that stated that they have to follow the political registration laws and other government regulations. It also said that a party cannot set up offices in state-run buildings or religious places under the Political Parties Registration Bylaw chapter 3, article 15.
“If we ever get the opportunity to meet with the commission we will have so many questions to ask,” said Thu Wai, the chairman of the Rangoon-based Democratic Party, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday. “I can only assume that this is a warning for the political parties.”
Many observers said that the restrictions were announced following an apparent campaign by the pro-regime Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics party (UMFNP), which defied election laws by flying flags emblazoned with its logo on cars and motorbikes recently in Rangoon, Mandalay and other cities.
On June 10, a large crowd gathered near Theingyi Market in downtown Rangoon after seeing the political flags of the UMFNP, which feature a peacock symbol similar to that of the National League for Democracy. Rumors spread that an anti-government protest was taking place, but it was turned out to be a peaceful stand-off between members of the party, the police and a crowd of local people.
Phyo Min Thein, the chairman of the Union Democratic Party, said that many streets in Rangoon are covered in flags and banners belonging to the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). “They said that they are only USDA flags, but we all know the USDA and the USDP [Union Solidarity and Development Party] is the same thing,” he said. “They have no right to fly flags or banners. We are looking forward to seeing how this matter is handled.”
Approved political parties have to submit party members lists to the EC within 90 days of registration approval.
Under Political Parties Registration Law chapter 2, 5 (f): “Parties planning to run nationwide must have at least 1,000 members, while those contesting the election in a single state or region need a minimum of 500 members. The parties are required to present their lists within 90 days of registration.”
Forty-two political parties have applied for party registration, of which 35 have been accepted to date.
By KO HTWE - Monday, June 21, 2010
Burma's Union Election Commission (EC) imposed a new regulation on Friday that registered political parties can fly their parties' flags only on their own office buildings and headquarters.
The EC sent letters to all parties that stated that they have to follow the political registration laws and other government regulations. It also said that a party cannot set up offices in state-run buildings or religious places under the Political Parties Registration Bylaw chapter 3, article 15.
“If we ever get the opportunity to meet with the commission we will have so many questions to ask,” said Thu Wai, the chairman of the Rangoon-based Democratic Party, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday. “I can only assume that this is a warning for the political parties.”
Many observers said that the restrictions were announced following an apparent campaign by the pro-regime Union of Myanmar Federation of National Politics party (UMFNP), which defied election laws by flying flags emblazoned with its logo on cars and motorbikes recently in Rangoon, Mandalay and other cities.
On June 10, a large crowd gathered near Theingyi Market in downtown Rangoon after seeing the political flags of the UMFNP, which feature a peacock symbol similar to that of the National League for Democracy. Rumors spread that an anti-government protest was taking place, but it was turned out to be a peaceful stand-off between members of the party, the police and a crowd of local people.
Phyo Min Thein, the chairman of the Union Democratic Party, said that many streets in Rangoon are covered in flags and banners belonging to the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). “They said that they are only USDA flags, but we all know the USDA and the USDP [Union Solidarity and Development Party] is the same thing,” he said. “They have no right to fly flags or banners. We are looking forward to seeing how this matter is handled.”
Approved political parties have to submit party members lists to the EC within 90 days of registration approval.
Under Political Parties Registration Law chapter 2, 5 (f): “Parties planning to run nationwide must have at least 1,000 members, while those contesting the election in a single state or region need a minimum of 500 members. The parties are required to present their lists within 90 days of registration.”
Forty-two political parties have applied for party registration, of which 35 have been accepted to date.
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The Irrawaddy - Election Commission Begins Poll Preparations
By SAW YAN NAING - Monday, June 21, 2010
In preparation for the upcoming election, Burmese authorities have tasked 600 schoolteachers in Rangoon Division with the mission of organizing voter lists and inputting the information on computers, according to sources in Rangoon.
The schoolteachers were summoned by the authorities on June 9, said one schoolteacher in Rangoon who is participating in the process and who asked for anonymity. They were asked to take lists of eligible voters collected from across the country, organize the lists and place the information on government computers.
The process will take at least two months. The completed voter lists will be sent to the election commission, the schoolteacher said.
According to a report by the Rangoon-based Eleven Media Group, the chairman of the election commission, Thein Soe, held talks with members of the election commission who represent divisions and states about providing election related training and activities in their areas.
The commission members also received demonstrations on and practiced how to operate a polling center, how to set up a polling station and how to perform the voting process. The practice sessions are intended to show international observers and the public that the junta will hold “free and fair elections,” according to the Eleven Media Group report.
The Burmese government has not officially announced the election date, but many observers and diplomats say the election is expected to be held in October. The Eleven Media Group report said that Thein Soe will announce the election date after the election preparations are complete.
Most of the schoolteachers involved in organizing and inputting the voter lists are members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a junta-backed civil organization. In Burma, schoolteachers are usually assigned as supervisors and polling center watchers during elections.
The USDA, founded in 1993, claims more than 24 million members nationwide, including schoolteachers, civil service personnel and members of the military.
On April 29, USDA leaders who are also government ministers and senior officials, including Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein, founded the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to contest the election.
The USDA and USDP have been criticized by analysts and other political parties for their interconnected leadership, current government positions and ties to the military.
Thus far, 33 political parties that plan to contest the upcoming election have been granted registration permission by the election commission, but the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by pro-democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi, decided not to register and was therefore dissolved.
The election will be Burma's first since 1990, when the NLD won a landslide victory but the military junta refused to transfer power.
By SAW YAN NAING - Monday, June 21, 2010
In preparation for the upcoming election, Burmese authorities have tasked 600 schoolteachers in Rangoon Division with the mission of organizing voter lists and inputting the information on computers, according to sources in Rangoon.
The schoolteachers were summoned by the authorities on June 9, said one schoolteacher in Rangoon who is participating in the process and who asked for anonymity. They were asked to take lists of eligible voters collected from across the country, organize the lists and place the information on government computers.
The process will take at least two months. The completed voter lists will be sent to the election commission, the schoolteacher said.
According to a report by the Rangoon-based Eleven Media Group, the chairman of the election commission, Thein Soe, held talks with members of the election commission who represent divisions and states about providing election related training and activities in their areas.
The commission members also received demonstrations on and practiced how to operate a polling center, how to set up a polling station and how to perform the voting process. The practice sessions are intended to show international observers and the public that the junta will hold “free and fair elections,” according to the Eleven Media Group report.
The Burmese government has not officially announced the election date, but many observers and diplomats say the election is expected to be held in October. The Eleven Media Group report said that Thein Soe will announce the election date after the election preparations are complete.
Most of the schoolteachers involved in organizing and inputting the voter lists are members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a junta-backed civil organization. In Burma, schoolteachers are usually assigned as supervisors and polling center watchers during elections.
The USDA, founded in 1993, claims more than 24 million members nationwide, including schoolteachers, civil service personnel and members of the military.
On April 29, USDA leaders who are also government ministers and senior officials, including Burmese Prime Minister Thein Sein, founded the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to contest the election.
The USDA and USDP have been criticized by analysts and other political parties for their interconnected leadership, current government positions and ties to the military.
Thus far, 33 political parties that plan to contest the upcoming election have been granted registration permission by the election commission, but the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by pro-democracy advocate Aung San Suu Kyi, decided not to register and was therefore dissolved.
The election will be Burma's first since 1990, when the NLD won a landslide victory but the military junta refused to transfer power.
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DVB News - PM asked to sever junta ties
By AYE NAI
Published: 21 June 2010
A group standing for elections in Burma this year has urged the party headed by prime minister Thein Sein to ensure its independence from the current military government.
Thein Sein’s role in the coming elections has drawn heavy criticism from observers who warn that the polls are designed to extend military rule in Burma. He will head the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which has been given a head start in campaigning and is widely tipped to take office.
But a statement released last week by the Union Democratic Party (UDP) said that “only when a boundary is set between the [USDP and government], can we the political parties be clear about our capacity”.
Phyo Min Thein, UDP leader, said that the lines between current government ministers, the USDP and self-professed independent Election Commission – the supreme authority during the polls – is blurred.
“So there maybe controversies, inside the country and also internationally, regarding free and fair elections and we would like to have some clarification before these circumstances occur,” he said.
He also urged the government to release political prisoners prior to the elections and reduce the political party candidate fee, which stands at 500,000 kyat ($US500) and may be beyond the reach of many parties. The junta should also announce date for the elections soon, he added.
Other hopefuls for Burma’s first elections in two decades have complained that preferential treatment given to the USDP has hindered the chances of other parties running for office. The USDP’s social wing, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), allegedly began canvassing voters some weeks ago, while reports of coercion of civilians by the USDA have already surfaced.
Last week it was revealed that USDA members had been appointed by the Election Commission to guard ballot boxes during the elections, scheduled for later this year, further calling into question the integrity of the polls.
The Election Commission head, Thein Soe, said in May that international election monitors “would not be welcome” in Burma, given the country’s “past experience” with elections. The last polls in 1990 were beseiged by controversy after the government ignored a landslide victory by the National League for Democracy (NLD), which has
boycotted this year’s election.
By AYE NAI
Published: 21 June 2010
A group standing for elections in Burma this year has urged the party headed by prime minister Thein Sein to ensure its independence from the current military government.
Thein Sein’s role in the coming elections has drawn heavy criticism from observers who warn that the polls are designed to extend military rule in Burma. He will head the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which has been given a head start in campaigning and is widely tipped to take office.
But a statement released last week by the Union Democratic Party (UDP) said that “only when a boundary is set between the [USDP and government], can we the political parties be clear about our capacity”.
Phyo Min Thein, UDP leader, said that the lines between current government ministers, the USDP and self-professed independent Election Commission – the supreme authority during the polls – is blurred.
“So there maybe controversies, inside the country and also internationally, regarding free and fair elections and we would like to have some clarification before these circumstances occur,” he said.
He also urged the government to release political prisoners prior to the elections and reduce the political party candidate fee, which stands at 500,000 kyat ($US500) and may be beyond the reach of many parties. The junta should also announce date for the elections soon, he added.
Other hopefuls for Burma’s first elections in two decades have complained that preferential treatment given to the USDP has hindered the chances of other parties running for office. The USDP’s social wing, the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), allegedly began canvassing voters some weeks ago, while reports of coercion of civilians by the USDA have already surfaced.
Last week it was revealed that USDA members had been appointed by the Election Commission to guard ballot boxes during the elections, scheduled for later this year, further calling into question the integrity of the polls.
The Election Commission head, Thein Soe, said in May that international election monitors “would not be welcome” in Burma, given the country’s “past experience” with elections. The last polls in 1990 were beseiged by controversy after the government ignored a landslide victory by the National League for Democracy (NLD), which has
boycotted this year’s election.
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