Myanmar denies Suu Kyi appeal court access: party
Wed Sep 16, 3:35 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar authorities have barred pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from attending court this week to hear the final arguments in her appeal against her house arrest, her party said Wednesday.
The Nobel laureate was convicted on August 11 of breaching security laws after an American swam to her house and sentenced to three years' hard labour. Junta leader Than Shwe reduced the sentence to 18 months house arrest.
The 64-year-old opposition icon appealed against the verdict earlier this month and lawyers for both the military government and her defence are due to make submissions to a court in the commercial hub Yangon on Friday.
"We applied to the police special information branch for her to attend court on Friday because Daw Suu wanted to hear the arguments for her appeal," Nyan Win, the spokesman for her National League for Democracy (NLD), told AFP.
"They refused it saying that it was not their concern. I told them that it was their concern as they detained her, they did not say anything after that," added Nyan Win, who is also one of her main lawyers.
Suu Kyi had not yet been informed that she would be barred from the hearing, he said.
The guilty verdict sparked international outrage and the imposition of further sanctions against Myanmar's powerful generals, who have already kept the frail Suu Kyi locked up for 14 of the past 20 years.
The extension of her house arrest keeps her off the scene for elections promised by the regime some time in 2010, adding to widespread criticism that the polls are a sham designed to legitimise the junta's grip on power.
The NLD won the country's last elections in 1990 but was never allowed to take power by the military, which has ruled the country since 1962.
Nyan Win said the refusal to allow Suu Kyi to attend her own appeal hearing was "not justice", adding: "This is also a sign of how they handle the case in terms of balance and fairness."
Her lawyers have said the appeal would focus on the fact that a 1974 constitution under which she was originally detained had been superseded by a new constitution approved last year.
Her legal team had fully prepared their arguments for Friday, he added.
Eccentric US national John Yettaw was sentenced to seven years' hard labour at the same trial for swimming uninvited to her lakeside house in May, but the regime freed him last month after a visit by US Senator Jim Webb.
Suu Kyi insisted on her innocence during the trial held at Yangon's notorious Insein Prison, saying that she allowed military veteran Yettaw to stay for two nights at her home because he was ill.
The move raised expectations of a possible thaw in the tense relations between Myanmar and the United States, which has reviewed its policies towards the country under the administration of President Barack Obama.
Wed Sep 16, 3:35 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar authorities have barred pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from attending court this week to hear the final arguments in her appeal against her house arrest, her party said Wednesday.
The Nobel laureate was convicted on August 11 of breaching security laws after an American swam to her house and sentenced to three years' hard labour. Junta leader Than Shwe reduced the sentence to 18 months house arrest.
The 64-year-old opposition icon appealed against the verdict earlier this month and lawyers for both the military government and her defence are due to make submissions to a court in the commercial hub Yangon on Friday.
"We applied to the police special information branch for her to attend court on Friday because Daw Suu wanted to hear the arguments for her appeal," Nyan Win, the spokesman for her National League for Democracy (NLD), told AFP.
"They refused it saying that it was not their concern. I told them that it was their concern as they detained her, they did not say anything after that," added Nyan Win, who is also one of her main lawyers.
Suu Kyi had not yet been informed that she would be barred from the hearing, he said.
The guilty verdict sparked international outrage and the imposition of further sanctions against Myanmar's powerful generals, who have already kept the frail Suu Kyi locked up for 14 of the past 20 years.
The extension of her house arrest keeps her off the scene for elections promised by the regime some time in 2010, adding to widespread criticism that the polls are a sham designed to legitimise the junta's grip on power.
The NLD won the country's last elections in 1990 but was never allowed to take power by the military, which has ruled the country since 1962.
Nyan Win said the refusal to allow Suu Kyi to attend her own appeal hearing was "not justice", adding: "This is also a sign of how they handle the case in terms of balance and fairness."
Her lawyers have said the appeal would focus on the fact that a 1974 constitution under which she was originally detained had been superseded by a new constitution approved last year.
Her legal team had fully prepared their arguments for Friday, he added.
Eccentric US national John Yettaw was sentenced to seven years' hard labour at the same trial for swimming uninvited to her lakeside house in May, but the regime freed him last month after a visit by US Senator Jim Webb.
Suu Kyi insisted on her innocence during the trial held at Yangon's notorious Insein Prison, saying that she allowed military veteran Yettaw to stay for two nights at her home because he was ill.
The move raised expectations of a possible thaw in the tense relations between Myanmar and the United States, which has reviewed its policies towards the country under the administration of President Barack Obama.
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US Myanmar policy review almost complete: Obama aide
51 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – US President Barack Obama's acting point man on Myanmar said Wednesday that a review of US policy was almost complete as he urged the country's military regime to free some 2,100 political prisoners.
"It is so important that we not forget about these people," Scot Marciel, Deputy Assistant Secretary, East Asia and Pacific Bureau and Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs said at a major human rights group's forum on the detainees.
Marciel said the US review of its approach to Myanmar would not "question or reassess" the importance of the military junta freeing the prisoners and edging towards democratic rule but might call for different tactics.
"Our policy all along has been improved human rights situation, release of political prisoners, dialogue, and transition to a democratic government that can better govern that country," he said.
"The purpose of the review is to look very honestly, candidly, and say 'we haven't been able to achieve the goal, are there things we could do differently, more of, less of, that might increase the chances of us achieving that goal?'" he said.
"I expect we'll have a conclusion soon," Marciel said as Human Rights Watch unveiled a report spotlighting the fate of what it estimated to be about 2,100 political prisoners in Myanmar, which Washington calls Burma.
U Pyinya Zawta, leader of the All-Burma Monks' Alliance at the center of the 2007 protests against the junta, urged Washington to pursue "high-level engagement" with Myanmar's military leaders while tightening key sanctions.
"The US government should engage, but the most important thing is keep the sanctions in place" unless the junta takes steps like freeing political prisoners, the monk, who spent 10 years in prison, said through an interpreter.
U Pyinya Zawta urged the United States to call for a global arms embargo on Myanmar and to work with key regional powers like India and China to convince the junta to take steps towards democratic rule and free the prisoners, including democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
"(The) United States even should further tighten the sanctions by asking (the) United Nations Security Council to start investigation into regime crimes against humanity," said the monk.
51 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – US President Barack Obama's acting point man on Myanmar said Wednesday that a review of US policy was almost complete as he urged the country's military regime to free some 2,100 political prisoners.
"It is so important that we not forget about these people," Scot Marciel, Deputy Assistant Secretary, East Asia and Pacific Bureau and Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs said at a major human rights group's forum on the detainees.
Marciel said the US review of its approach to Myanmar would not "question or reassess" the importance of the military junta freeing the prisoners and edging towards democratic rule but might call for different tactics.
"Our policy all along has been improved human rights situation, release of political prisoners, dialogue, and transition to a democratic government that can better govern that country," he said.
"The purpose of the review is to look very honestly, candidly, and say 'we haven't been able to achieve the goal, are there things we could do differently, more of, less of, that might increase the chances of us achieving that goal?'" he said.
"I expect we'll have a conclusion soon," Marciel said as Human Rights Watch unveiled a report spotlighting the fate of what it estimated to be about 2,100 political prisoners in Myanmar, which Washington calls Burma.
U Pyinya Zawta, leader of the All-Burma Monks' Alliance at the center of the 2007 protests against the junta, urged Washington to pursue "high-level engagement" with Myanmar's military leaders while tightening key sanctions.
"The US government should engage, but the most important thing is keep the sanctions in place" unless the junta takes steps like freeing political prisoners, the monk, who spent 10 years in prison, said through an interpreter.
U Pyinya Zawta urged the United States to call for a global arms embargo on Myanmar and to work with key regional powers like India and China to convince the junta to take steps towards democratic rule and free the prisoners, including democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi.
"(The) United States even should further tighten the sanctions by asking (the) United Nations Security Council to start investigation into regime crimes against humanity," said the monk.
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US keeps Myanmar, Bolivia, Venezuela on drug black list
1 hr 18 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – Myanmar, Bolivia and Venezuela "failed" in their efforts to meet international anti-drug measures, which could result in sanctions, US State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said Wednesday.
The announcement is Washington's annual certification of countries that are actively participating in the effort to crack down on the illegal narcotics trade.
Of 20 countries identified as major drug-transit or drug-producing countries, President Barack Obama "has determined that ... Bolivia, Burma, and Venezuela, 'failed demonstrably' during the last 12 months to adhere to international counternarcotic agreements and take counternarcotic measures set forth in US law," said Kelly in a statement.
The three countries were also decertified in 2008, during the presidency of George W. Bush.
Obama however issued a "national interest waiver" for Bolivia and Venezuela, so Washington can "continue to support specific programs to benefit the Bolivian and Venezuelan people," Kelly said.
US funds "will continue to support" civil society and small community development programs in Venezuela, while the waiver will allow for "continued support for agricultural development, exchange programs, small enterprise development, and police training programs" in Bolivia.
1 hr 18 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – Myanmar, Bolivia and Venezuela "failed" in their efforts to meet international anti-drug measures, which could result in sanctions, US State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said Wednesday.
The announcement is Washington's annual certification of countries that are actively participating in the effort to crack down on the illegal narcotics trade.
Of 20 countries identified as major drug-transit or drug-producing countries, President Barack Obama "has determined that ... Bolivia, Burma, and Venezuela, 'failed demonstrably' during the last 12 months to adhere to international counternarcotic agreements and take counternarcotic measures set forth in US law," said Kelly in a statement.
The three countries were also decertified in 2008, during the presidency of George W. Bush.
Obama however issued a "national interest waiver" for Bolivia and Venezuela, so Washington can "continue to support specific programs to benefit the Bolivian and Venezuelan people," Kelly said.
US funds "will continue to support" civil society and small community development programs in Venezuela, while the waiver will allow for "continued support for agricultural development, exchange programs, small enterprise development, and police training programs" in Bolivia.
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Myanmar allegations highlight Singapore bank secrecy
by Martin Abbugao – Wed Sep 16, 2:15 am ET
SINGAPORE (AFP) – Allegations that Myanmar's junta is stashing billions of dollars in Singapore have thrown a spotlight on banking secrecy in the city-state, which strongly denies being a haven for hot money.
US-based human rights group EarthRights International says that energy majors Total and Chevron are propping up the sanctions-hit Myanmar military regime with profits from a gas project totalling nearly five billion dollars.
Total and Chevron have rejected the charge and two Singapore banks named in the ERI report as the repositories for most of the money -- the Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp. (OCBC) and DBS -- have dismissed it as false and baseless.
In a written reply to media queries on the Myanmar funds, the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) said it requires financial institutions to have tough controls in place to fight money laundering and financing of terrorism.
"This includes procedures to identify and know their customers, and to monitor and report any suspicious transactions," it said.
Singapore is also amending its tax laws in cooperation with industrialised nations that are pursuing citizens who deposit their money in overseas banks.
But Transparency International, which like many other corruption monitors ranks Singapore highly for its clean and efficient government, said the city-state should promote greater transparency in its financial system.
"As long as no one wants to know where the money is coming from, it will be easy to hide money on which taxes should have been paid, but most importantly, money that should have been invested in a given country or programme," a spokesperson for the Berlin-based group told AFP.
Wealthy Asians regard Singapore as the Switzerland of Asia, a rock-solid financial centre where savings can be kept safely and discreetly. But critics say some of the money comes from unsavoury sources.
Officials in neighbouring Indonesia are trying to recover tens of millions of dollars allegedly stashed in Singapore during the rule of the late dictator Suharto.
And rival Philippine groups are suing to gain control over more than 25 million US dollars that formerly belonged to the family of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos and is currently frozen in an offshore bank in Singapore.
"It has been documented time and again that corrupt individuals -- be they politicians, business executives or wealthy citizens -- have used countries like Singapore as safe havens to stash their ill-gotten funds," the Transparency spokesperson said.
There is growing pressure meanwhile on international banks to help governments recover taxes on assets kept overseas by their citizens.
Swiss banking giant UBS recently forged a landmark deal with Washington to reveal the names of some 4,450 American clients suspected of hiding assets from US tax authorities.
That broke the cherished code of secrecy that underpins the super-rich European nation's banking system.
Earlier this year, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development included Singapore on a list of countries that have not yet fully implemented standards on the exchange of tax data needed to pursue suspected evaders.
Singapore's government promised to amend its laws and negotiate new tax treaties to implement standards set by the OECD, the Paris-based club of industrial nations.
The government submitted a bill in parliament on Monday aimed at improving how the island shares information with countries with which it has agreements to prevent double taxation.
In 2007, the last year for when official figures are available, assets under management in Singapore totalled 814 billion US dollars, up 32 percent from 2006. About 86 percent is from foreign sources.
The MAS, Singapore's de facto central bank, insists that investors including institutional and professional fund managers have sound reasons for parking their money here.
"Singapore's growth and development as a wealth management centre is underpinned by high standards of financial regulation and strict supervision," it said after UBS announced its deal with the US government.
by Martin Abbugao – Wed Sep 16, 2:15 am ET
SINGAPORE (AFP) – Allegations that Myanmar's junta is stashing billions of dollars in Singapore have thrown a spotlight on banking secrecy in the city-state, which strongly denies being a haven for hot money.
US-based human rights group EarthRights International says that energy majors Total and Chevron are propping up the sanctions-hit Myanmar military regime with profits from a gas project totalling nearly five billion dollars.
Total and Chevron have rejected the charge and two Singapore banks named in the ERI report as the repositories for most of the money -- the Oversea-Chinese Banking Corp. (OCBC) and DBS -- have dismissed it as false and baseless.
In a written reply to media queries on the Myanmar funds, the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) said it requires financial institutions to have tough controls in place to fight money laundering and financing of terrorism.
"This includes procedures to identify and know their customers, and to monitor and report any suspicious transactions," it said.
Singapore is also amending its tax laws in cooperation with industrialised nations that are pursuing citizens who deposit their money in overseas banks.
But Transparency International, which like many other corruption monitors ranks Singapore highly for its clean and efficient government, said the city-state should promote greater transparency in its financial system.
"As long as no one wants to know where the money is coming from, it will be easy to hide money on which taxes should have been paid, but most importantly, money that should have been invested in a given country or programme," a spokesperson for the Berlin-based group told AFP.
Wealthy Asians regard Singapore as the Switzerland of Asia, a rock-solid financial centre where savings can be kept safely and discreetly. But critics say some of the money comes from unsavoury sources.
Officials in neighbouring Indonesia are trying to recover tens of millions of dollars allegedly stashed in Singapore during the rule of the late dictator Suharto.
And rival Philippine groups are suing to gain control over more than 25 million US dollars that formerly belonged to the family of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos and is currently frozen in an offshore bank in Singapore.
"It has been documented time and again that corrupt individuals -- be they politicians, business executives or wealthy citizens -- have used countries like Singapore as safe havens to stash their ill-gotten funds," the Transparency spokesperson said.
There is growing pressure meanwhile on international banks to help governments recover taxes on assets kept overseas by their citizens.
Swiss banking giant UBS recently forged a landmark deal with Washington to reveal the names of some 4,450 American clients suspected of hiding assets from US tax authorities.
That broke the cherished code of secrecy that underpins the super-rich European nation's banking system.
Earlier this year, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development included Singapore on a list of countries that have not yet fully implemented standards on the exchange of tax data needed to pursue suspected evaders.
Singapore's government promised to amend its laws and negotiate new tax treaties to implement standards set by the OECD, the Paris-based club of industrial nations.
The government submitted a bill in parliament on Monday aimed at improving how the island shares information with countries with which it has agreements to prevent double taxation.
In 2007, the last year for when official figures are available, assets under management in Singapore totalled 814 billion US dollars, up 32 percent from 2006. About 86 percent is from foreign sources.
The MAS, Singapore's de facto central bank, insists that investors including institutional and professional fund managers have sound reasons for parking their money here.
"Singapore's growth and development as a wealth management centre is underpinned by high standards of financial regulation and strict supervision," it said after UBS announced its deal with the US government.
***************************************************************
U.S. to seek new ways to ease Myanmar repression
By Paul Eckert, Asia Correspondent – 1 hr 55 mins ago
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – A U.S. policy review on Myanmar will seek new ways to free political prisoners, a senior State Department official said on Wednesday as a rights group reported the country had since 2007 doubled the number of people jailed for political reasons.
A review of policy toward the former Burma to be concluded "very soon" would not alter the U.S. goals of improving human rights, winning freedom for political prisoners and seeking transition to a democratic government, said Scot Marciel, the Obama administration's top diplomat for Southeast Asia.
"There's no question about the ultimate goal, including the very high and great emphasis we place on the release of political prisoners and a more inclusive political process," he said at the launch of a Human Rights Watch report on political prisoners.
"The purpose of the review is to look very honestly, candidly and say: 'We haven't been able to achieve this goal. Are there things we can do differently, more of, less of, that might increase the chances of us achieving that goal?'" added Marciel.
Marciel, the U.S. Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs, did not spell out what new policies Washington might try. But experts on the country and one prominent U.S. lawmaker have called for direct talks with the reclusive military leadership.
Washington has long sought to press the military junta that has ruled Myanmar since 1962 to free Nobel peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. She is under house arrest and has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention of one form or another.
The U.S. advocacy group Human Rights Watch said in a report issued on Wednesday that the military government has more than doubled the number of political prisoners, to 2,250, since it quashed since pro-democracy protests in 2007.
Dozens of political and labor activists, Buddhist monks, journalists, and artists have been jailed for their involvement in the 2007 demonstrations, and for assisting civilians after Cyclone Nargis in 2008, said the report.
"Despite recent conciliatory visits by U.N. and foreign officials, the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is throwing into its squalid prisons," Tom Malinowski, Washington advocacy director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement.
Malinowski said a mixture of dialogue with the junta and pressure on them through sanctions and public criticism was necessary to free the jailed activists.
Former political prisoner U Pyinya Zawta, head of the All-Burma Monks' Alliance that led the 2007 protests, echoed Malinowski and urged Washington to finish the review quickly.
"The U.S. government should engage, but the most important thing is to keep the current sanctions in place unless the Burmese government moves forward, releases political prisoners and makes significant change," he said at the Human Rights Watch event.
In May, President Barack Obama extended a ban on U.S. investment in Myanmar imposed in 1997 because of the authorities' political repression. He has also renewed long-standing sanctions on imports.
By Paul Eckert, Asia Correspondent – 1 hr 55 mins ago
WASHINGTON (Reuters) – A U.S. policy review on Myanmar will seek new ways to free political prisoners, a senior State Department official said on Wednesday as a rights group reported the country had since 2007 doubled the number of people jailed for political reasons.
A review of policy toward the former Burma to be concluded "very soon" would not alter the U.S. goals of improving human rights, winning freedom for political prisoners and seeking transition to a democratic government, said Scot Marciel, the Obama administration's top diplomat for Southeast Asia.
"There's no question about the ultimate goal, including the very high and great emphasis we place on the release of political prisoners and a more inclusive political process," he said at the launch of a Human Rights Watch report on political prisoners.
"The purpose of the review is to look very honestly, candidly and say: 'We haven't been able to achieve this goal. Are there things we can do differently, more of, less of, that might increase the chances of us achieving that goal?'" added Marciel.
Marciel, the U.S. Ambassador for ASEAN Affairs, did not spell out what new policies Washington might try. But experts on the country and one prominent U.S. lawmaker have called for direct talks with the reclusive military leadership.
Washington has long sought to press the military junta that has ruled Myanmar since 1962 to free Nobel peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. She is under house arrest and has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention of one form or another.
The U.S. advocacy group Human Rights Watch said in a report issued on Wednesday that the military government has more than doubled the number of political prisoners, to 2,250, since it quashed since pro-democracy protests in 2007.
Dozens of political and labor activists, Buddhist monks, journalists, and artists have been jailed for their involvement in the 2007 demonstrations, and for assisting civilians after Cyclone Nargis in 2008, said the report.
"Despite recent conciliatory visits by U.N. and foreign officials, the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is throwing into its squalid prisons," Tom Malinowski, Washington advocacy director at Human Rights Watch, said in a statement.
Malinowski said a mixture of dialogue with the junta and pressure on them through sanctions and public criticism was necessary to free the jailed activists.
Former political prisoner U Pyinya Zawta, head of the All-Burma Monks' Alliance that led the 2007 protests, echoed Malinowski and urged Washington to finish the review quickly.
"The U.S. government should engage, but the most important thing is to keep the current sanctions in place unless the Burmese government moves forward, releases political prisoners and makes significant change," he said at the Human Rights Watch event.
In May, President Barack Obama extended a ban on U.S. investment in Myanmar imposed in 1997 because of the authorities' political repression. He has also renewed long-standing sanctions on imports.
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Rights group: Free Myanmar prisoners before polls
AP - Thursday, September 17
BANGKOK – A leading U.S.-based human rights group launched a campaign Wednesday for Myanmar's military government to release more than 2,200 political prisoners before elections promised for next year.
Human Rights Watch said the junta has more than doubled the number of political prisoners in the past two years, with more than 100 jailed in recent months.
It called on the government to "immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners" if the elections are to have any credibility.
The junta has repeatedly denied it holds political prisoners, saying all inmates have been found guilty of criminal offenses. A government spokesman did not immediately reply to a request for comment on the report.
Human Rights Watch said those imprisoned in the past two years, some with sentences several decades long, include people involved in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations in 2007 and in assisting the victims of a devastating cyclone in 2008. It said the country has 43 known prisons holding political activists and more than 50 labor camps where prisoners are forced to perform hard labor.
"We named the campaign '2,100 by 2010' in July but since then, the number (of prisoners) has grown to approximately 2,250," said Tom Malinowski, a lobbyist in Washington for Human Rights Watch.
The release of political prisoners is also a demand of Myanmar's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy of detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. It has not yet decided to take part in the elections, and says the release of prisoners, including Suu Kyi _ who is under house arrest _ is a condition for taking part.
Human Rights Watch said the United States, China, India, and Myanmar's neighbors in Southeast Asia should make the release of political prisoners a central element of their policies toward the country.
Washington has been the leading country in applying political and economic sanctions against the junta, but with little to show for such measures, the Obama administration is reviewing U.S. policy to consider whether some limited engagement might be more productive.
Human Rights Watch said it sent a Sept. 9 letter to U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton calling on Washington "to complete its policy review ... and focus on the promotion of human rights through principled diplomacy, tougher financial sanctions, and additional but properly monitored humanitarian aid."
AP - Thursday, September 17
BANGKOK – A leading U.S.-based human rights group launched a campaign Wednesday for Myanmar's military government to release more than 2,200 political prisoners before elections promised for next year.
Human Rights Watch said the junta has more than doubled the number of political prisoners in the past two years, with more than 100 jailed in recent months.
It called on the government to "immediately and unconditionally release all political prisoners" if the elections are to have any credibility.
The junta has repeatedly denied it holds political prisoners, saying all inmates have been found guilty of criminal offenses. A government spokesman did not immediately reply to a request for comment on the report.
Human Rights Watch said those imprisoned in the past two years, some with sentences several decades long, include people involved in peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations in 2007 and in assisting the victims of a devastating cyclone in 2008. It said the country has 43 known prisons holding political activists and more than 50 labor camps where prisoners are forced to perform hard labor.
"We named the campaign '2,100 by 2010' in July but since then, the number (of prisoners) has grown to approximately 2,250," said Tom Malinowski, a lobbyist in Washington for Human Rights Watch.
The release of political prisoners is also a demand of Myanmar's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy of detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. It has not yet decided to take part in the elections, and says the release of prisoners, including Suu Kyi _ who is under house arrest _ is a condition for taking part.
Human Rights Watch said the United States, China, India, and Myanmar's neighbors in Southeast Asia should make the release of political prisoners a central element of their policies toward the country.
Washington has been the leading country in applying political and economic sanctions against the junta, but with little to show for such measures, the Obama administration is reviewing U.S. policy to consider whether some limited engagement might be more productive.
Human Rights Watch said it sent a Sept. 9 letter to U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton calling on Washington "to complete its policy review ... and focus on the promotion of human rights through principled diplomacy, tougher financial sanctions, and additional but properly monitored humanitarian aid."
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HRW calls for Myanmar prisoners' release
Published: Sept. 16, 2009 at 9:30 AM
YANGON, Myanmar, Sept. 16 (UPI) -- The number of political prisoners in Myanmar has more than doubled during the past two years, swelling to more than 2,200, a rights group said Wednesday.
The Human Rights Watch report, "Burma's Forgotten Prisoners," features stories about dozens of political and labor activists, Buddhist monks, journalists and artists arrested and tried since peaceful protests in 2007 and sentenced to lengthy prison terms. Myanmar was formerly known as Burma.
Human Rights Watch said the military junta ruling Myanmar should release all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally if the country's scheduled elections in 2010 are to have any credibility.
"Burma's generals are planning elections next year that will be a sham if their opponents are in prison," said Tom Malinowski, Washington advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. "Despite recent conciliatory visits by U.N. and foreign officials, the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is throwing into its squalid prisons."
The release of the report also marked the start of "2100 by 2010," HRW's global campaign for the release of all political prisoners in Myanmar by the 2010 elections, Malinowski said, noting that since the campaign was named, the ranks of prisoners has grown.
"The United States, China, India and Burma's neighbors in Southeast Asia should make the release of all political prisoners a central goal of their engagement with Burma, and use every tool of influence and leverage they have to achieve it," he said.
Published: Sept. 16, 2009 at 9:30 AM
YANGON, Myanmar, Sept. 16 (UPI) -- The number of political prisoners in Myanmar has more than doubled during the past two years, swelling to more than 2,200, a rights group said Wednesday.
The Human Rights Watch report, "Burma's Forgotten Prisoners," features stories about dozens of political and labor activists, Buddhist monks, journalists and artists arrested and tried since peaceful protests in 2007 and sentenced to lengthy prison terms. Myanmar was formerly known as Burma.
Human Rights Watch said the military junta ruling Myanmar should release all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally if the country's scheduled elections in 2010 are to have any credibility.
"Burma's generals are planning elections next year that will be a sham if their opponents are in prison," said Tom Malinowski, Washington advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. "Despite recent conciliatory visits by U.N. and foreign officials, the military government is actually increasing the number of critics it is throwing into its squalid prisons."
The release of the report also marked the start of "2100 by 2010," HRW's global campaign for the release of all political prisoners in Myanmar by the 2010 elections, Malinowski said, noting that since the campaign was named, the ranks of prisoners has grown.
"The United States, China, India and Burma's neighbors in Southeast Asia should make the release of all political prisoners a central goal of their engagement with Burma, and use every tool of influence and leverage they have to achieve it," he said.
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MSNBC News - Paper planes carry kid's dreams
Posted: Wednesday, September 16, 2009 9:06 AM
Filed Under: Bangkok, Thailand
By NBC News' Warangkana Chomchuen
BANGKOK, Thailand – Mong Thongdee is a rare champion.
The 12-year-old boy lives just behind Chiang Mai airport, in northern Thailand, and makes paper planes for hobby. That’s where he gets scolded by his father for littering the place and wasting papers.
"I barely have enough money to buy notebooks for school and there he was, tearing papers to make airplanes," said his father, Yoon Thongdee.
Mong’s parents, who came from Shan state in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, earn $7 a day from construction work to feed their family of four. They all squeeze into a tiny square room in a row house where their neighbors are other migrant workers.
At the national paper plane contest late last year, Mong’s dart floated 12.5 seconds in the air and made him a winner. Ever since that victory, he’s been training two hours a day to prepare for the origami airplane competition in Japan this month, where he will represent Thailand.
But when Mong requested to have a travel document to go Japan he was rejected. Even though he has lived in Thailand since he was born, he is still a son of migrants and doesn’t have citizenship. Like his parents, Mong resides on a temporary permit – which will be terminated when he leaves the country, and turns him into an illegal immigrant if he returns.
Stateless limbo
"Mong isn’t a Thai citizen nor he is recognized by Myanmar’s government," said Achara Sutthisoontharin, a case worker at Bangkok Clinic, an organization that provides legal counseling on personal rights and status. "His parents left Myanmar since 1995 and never went back. So Mong doesn’t exist there."
Achara sent Mong’s story to a newspaper and very quickly a troupe of reporters were following him to chronicle his struggle with various authorities. His plight also highlights overdue issue of stateless and nationality-less people – or those without official status and citizenship – which is estimated to be over half a million living in Thailand.
"Most of them are migrant workers from Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia who come to look for a better job, but some are also Thais whose parents – out of ignorance, poverty and inconvenience – did not register them when they were born," Achara said.
Stateless children like Mong are entitled to basic education and can file a request for Thai citizenship. However, the request will be considered on a case by case basis by a Thai authority. Achara said some cases took as long as seven years.
Without official status and proper documents, a stateless person has no access to basic health care and faces hurdles in career choice – which places them at a disadvantaged position that often leads to abuse.
The initial rejection of Mong’s call for travel documents – sparked an outcry. Activists, lawyers and ordinary people poured their support and encouragement after they saw a picture of him silently shedding tears while sitting next to an official.
Finally the Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva stepped in to intervene. Mong now holds a temporary passport that allows him to travel and a Japanese visa that’s valid for 90 days.
An inspiration
"I know some people thought, ‘A son of migrant making paper plane? Big deal!’" said Winasrin Meesap, Mong’s teacher at Ban Huay Sai school. "But it’s their only pastime. They can’t afford other kinds of toys. And we should support our children to achieve their best no matter what."
Ban Huay Sai is a primary school with only six teachers and 83 students. About 60 percent of them are children of Myanmar laborers whose main source of income is from construction works.
Teacher Winasrin said that after completing 9th grade, most of her students tend to drop out because their parents cannot afford further education.
But now Mong’s victory has become an inspiration. After school boys and girls gather to make airplanes from papers in a recycle bin, dreaming of their own highflying day.
Mong said he wants to be a pilot so he can fly an aircraft for real. He also wants to win in the Japan competition. "I hope to fly longer. Maybe 17 seconds."
"But if I don’t win, I hope that other children will not give up," he said as he sat next to his father, ready to go buy a nice pair of jeans for the trip. "I hope they can be as good as I am."
Posted: Wednesday, September 16, 2009 9:06 AM
Filed Under: Bangkok, Thailand
By NBC News' Warangkana Chomchuen
BANGKOK, Thailand – Mong Thongdee is a rare champion.
The 12-year-old boy lives just behind Chiang Mai airport, in northern Thailand, and makes paper planes for hobby. That’s where he gets scolded by his father for littering the place and wasting papers.
"I barely have enough money to buy notebooks for school and there he was, tearing papers to make airplanes," said his father, Yoon Thongdee.
Mong’s parents, who came from Shan state in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, earn $7 a day from construction work to feed their family of four. They all squeeze into a tiny square room in a row house where their neighbors are other migrant workers.
At the national paper plane contest late last year, Mong’s dart floated 12.5 seconds in the air and made him a winner. Ever since that victory, he’s been training two hours a day to prepare for the origami airplane competition in Japan this month, where he will represent Thailand.
But when Mong requested to have a travel document to go Japan he was rejected. Even though he has lived in Thailand since he was born, he is still a son of migrants and doesn’t have citizenship. Like his parents, Mong resides on a temporary permit – which will be terminated when he leaves the country, and turns him into an illegal immigrant if he returns.
Stateless limbo
"Mong isn’t a Thai citizen nor he is recognized by Myanmar’s government," said Achara Sutthisoontharin, a case worker at Bangkok Clinic, an organization that provides legal counseling on personal rights and status. "His parents left Myanmar since 1995 and never went back. So Mong doesn’t exist there."
Achara sent Mong’s story to a newspaper and very quickly a troupe of reporters were following him to chronicle his struggle with various authorities. His plight also highlights overdue issue of stateless and nationality-less people – or those without official status and citizenship – which is estimated to be over half a million living in Thailand.
"Most of them are migrant workers from Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia who come to look for a better job, but some are also Thais whose parents – out of ignorance, poverty and inconvenience – did not register them when they were born," Achara said.
Stateless children like Mong are entitled to basic education and can file a request for Thai citizenship. However, the request will be considered on a case by case basis by a Thai authority. Achara said some cases took as long as seven years.
Without official status and proper documents, a stateless person has no access to basic health care and faces hurdles in career choice – which places them at a disadvantaged position that often leads to abuse.
The initial rejection of Mong’s call for travel documents – sparked an outcry. Activists, lawyers and ordinary people poured their support and encouragement after they saw a picture of him silently shedding tears while sitting next to an official.
Finally the Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva stepped in to intervene. Mong now holds a temporary passport that allows him to travel and a Japanese visa that’s valid for 90 days.
An inspiration
"I know some people thought, ‘A son of migrant making paper plane? Big deal!’" said Winasrin Meesap, Mong’s teacher at Ban Huay Sai school. "But it’s their only pastime. They can’t afford other kinds of toys. And we should support our children to achieve their best no matter what."
Ban Huay Sai is a primary school with only six teachers and 83 students. About 60 percent of them are children of Myanmar laborers whose main source of income is from construction works.
Teacher Winasrin said that after completing 9th grade, most of her students tend to drop out because their parents cannot afford further education.
But now Mong’s victory has become an inspiration. After school boys and girls gather to make airplanes from papers in a recycle bin, dreaming of their own highflying day.
Mong said he wants to be a pilot so he can fly an aircraft for real. He also wants to win in the Japan competition. "I hope to fly longer. Maybe 17 seconds."
"But if I don’t win, I hope that other children will not give up," he said as he sat next to his father, ready to go buy a nice pair of jeans for the trip. "I hope they can be as good as I am."
***************************************************************
MYANMAR: Wind like the elephant's nose
AYEYARWADY DELTA, 16 September 2009 (IRIN) - Just over a year after Cyclone Nargis obliterated all that was familiar in Khit San village in Myanmar's Ayeyarwady River Delta, a tornado touched down last month, causing yet more damage and reawakening old fears.
"It was frightening, we were really scared - the children already don't sleep when there is the slightest of winds," said Daw Thin Wain, wife of the village's founder, 70-year-old U Hla Han.
The tornado tore down the only school, which had been built next to the remains of a monastery - a stark reminder of the devastation brought by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
Nargis killed 140,000 people; the eighth deadliest cyclone of all time. U Hla Han lost 18 members of his family, including his wife, some of his children and grandchildren. A year later he married Daw Thin Wai. "I had to move on, I have to be strong if I have to lead my people," he said.
When the tornado touched down in the village on 10 August, the old leader thought the village was going to be put to the test again.
Burmese call tornadoes "Ley Sin Hna Moung", or "wind like the elephant's nose", to describe the destructive funnel. In July 2009 seven hit a group of villages in the same area of the delta; the biggest twister destroyed 30 homes in Kyein Chaung Gyi. Houses are mostly made of the broad evergreen fronds of Dani palms, and cannot withstand storms and strong winds.
"After Nargis we have begun experiencing more tornadoes," said a villager from Kyein Chaung Gyi. Some of the more literate residents have linked the higher incidence of tornadoes to global warming, but Robert Stefanski, a scientific officer at the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), said he was not aware of any studies showing such a connection.
Tornadoes are violently rotating storms of small diameter produced in a severe thunderstorm. "They are also produced during and immediately [within hours] after passage of a tropical cyclone. It is possible that after Nargis the villagers have a more heightened awareness of weather events," Stefanski said.
A local disaster expert commented: "Tornadoes are a relatively new phenomenon for Myanmar. These tornadoes are very, very localized, hence not much information is available, but it is true that more than the usual number have been recorded recently."
More cyclones too
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), an international body, said global warming was likely to cause a greater number of intense tropical cyclones in the region. Before 2000, one cyclone made landfall on the Myanmar coast roughly every three years.
Since then, one has been recorded every year, according to Hazard Profile of Myanmar, a report prepared jointly by the government's Department of Meteorology and Hydrology, the Thailand-based Asian Disaster Preparedness Center, and other agencies.
The report said the course of cyclones in the region had changed, and often also altered direction within a few hours, making the point of landfall more difficult to predict.
Little has been written on the impact of global warming in Myanmar. Various climate models have predicted that the Himalayan glaciers and the Asian monsoon, which feed the region's rivers, will gradually dry up; the IPCC suggests that in the long term the Ayeyarwady Delta, the main rice-growing area, would be affected.
The duration of the monsoon has shortened since 1950 from between 145 and 150 days to between 115 and 120 days; Shrinking Monsoon, a report by Myanmar's National Commission for Environmental Affairs, called for changes in cropping patterns and the use of high-yield seed varieties.
Farmers in the region have reported that rising soil salinity is affecting rice yields and sources of drinking water. A huge storm surge accompanied Nargis, carrying salt water in from the Andaman Sea far inland, but farmers said they have noticed a gradual increase in salinity over the years. War War Khaing, a farmer in Thai Kone village, said his production was down by 70 percent.
AYEYARWADY DELTA, 16 September 2009 (IRIN) - Just over a year after Cyclone Nargis obliterated all that was familiar in Khit San village in Myanmar's Ayeyarwady River Delta, a tornado touched down last month, causing yet more damage and reawakening old fears.
"It was frightening, we were really scared - the children already don't sleep when there is the slightest of winds," said Daw Thin Wain, wife of the village's founder, 70-year-old U Hla Han.
The tornado tore down the only school, which had been built next to the remains of a monastery - a stark reminder of the devastation brought by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
Nargis killed 140,000 people; the eighth deadliest cyclone of all time. U Hla Han lost 18 members of his family, including his wife, some of his children and grandchildren. A year later he married Daw Thin Wai. "I had to move on, I have to be strong if I have to lead my people," he said.
When the tornado touched down in the village on 10 August, the old leader thought the village was going to be put to the test again.
Burmese call tornadoes "Ley Sin Hna Moung", or "wind like the elephant's nose", to describe the destructive funnel. In July 2009 seven hit a group of villages in the same area of the delta; the biggest twister destroyed 30 homes in Kyein Chaung Gyi. Houses are mostly made of the broad evergreen fronds of Dani palms, and cannot withstand storms and strong winds.
"After Nargis we have begun experiencing more tornadoes," said a villager from Kyein Chaung Gyi. Some of the more literate residents have linked the higher incidence of tornadoes to global warming, but Robert Stefanski, a scientific officer at the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), said he was not aware of any studies showing such a connection.
Tornadoes are violently rotating storms of small diameter produced in a severe thunderstorm. "They are also produced during and immediately [within hours] after passage of a tropical cyclone. It is possible that after Nargis the villagers have a more heightened awareness of weather events," Stefanski said.
A local disaster expert commented: "Tornadoes are a relatively new phenomenon for Myanmar. These tornadoes are very, very localized, hence not much information is available, but it is true that more than the usual number have been recorded recently."
More cyclones too
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), an international body, said global warming was likely to cause a greater number of intense tropical cyclones in the region. Before 2000, one cyclone made landfall on the Myanmar coast roughly every three years.
Since then, one has been recorded every year, according to Hazard Profile of Myanmar, a report prepared jointly by the government's Department of Meteorology and Hydrology, the Thailand-based Asian Disaster Preparedness Center, and other agencies.
The report said the course of cyclones in the region had changed, and often also altered direction within a few hours, making the point of landfall more difficult to predict.
Little has been written on the impact of global warming in Myanmar. Various climate models have predicted that the Himalayan glaciers and the Asian monsoon, which feed the region's rivers, will gradually dry up; the IPCC suggests that in the long term the Ayeyarwady Delta, the main rice-growing area, would be affected.
The duration of the monsoon has shortened since 1950 from between 145 and 150 days to between 115 and 120 days; Shrinking Monsoon, a report by Myanmar's National Commission for Environmental Affairs, called for changes in cropping patterns and the use of high-yield seed varieties.
Farmers in the region have reported that rising soil salinity is affecting rice yields and sources of drinking water. A huge storm surge accompanied Nargis, carrying salt water in from the Andaman Sea far inland, but farmers said they have noticed a gradual increase in salinity over the years. War War Khaing, a farmer in Thai Kone village, said his production was down by 70 percent.
***************************************************************
Sep 17, 2009
COMMENT
Asia Times Online - A vote for Webb's Myanmar opening
By David I Steinberg
United States Senator James Webb's recent visit to Myanmar has come under fire from the Burmese democracy movement. The protests, while sincere and well-intended, miss the point of Webb's visit - he was not there to praise or legitimize the ruling junta but to help craft a more effective policy aimed at its removal and the restoration of democracy to this proud land.
Writing in the Washington Post recently, U Win Tin, a founder of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party and a former political prisoner (from 1989 to 2008) lamented that Webb's visit was "damaging to our democracy movement". I believe he misses important aspects of the Barack Obama administration's Myanmar policy. (U Win Tin's opinion piece titled An 'Election' Burma's People Don't Need appeared September 9 in the Washington Post.)
Make no mistake, U Win Tin is a brave and honorable man who has suffered much for the democratic movement in Myanmar. His sacrifices, and those of many others in that country, have neither gone unnoticed nor unappreciated abroad. The problems facing both the people of Myanmar and the international community are manifold. The people indeed have spiraled down an economic abyss while the state has garnered increasing resources from its exports of natural gas and other primary materials.
The military in Myanmar has a stranglehold on power in that society. It has a vision of their its leadership in that state - a belief that the military is the only institution that can preserve national unity. One may question the validity of this belief, but one should not doubt the conviction with which it is held. That the generals have not used their now considerable resources for the common good is undeniable - validated by their own statistics on their meager expenditures in fields connected with basic human needs.
The essential premise of U Win Tin and his party is that political change must precede any other action internally or in international relations: if the political stalemate between the military and the opposition, led by the NLD, were to be resolved through dialogue, economic reform would take place, people's lives would become better, minority relations would improve and international relations prosper. To imply that 20 years of internal political stalemate between the two would be overcome prior to the planned 2010 elections is fantasy.
The military junta's premise is obviously different: unity and stability come first and must be guaranteed by a new government under a constitution in which, while opposition voices will be heard, the reins of ultimate power will remain in military hands. Only then can economic conditions for the people improve. Foreign states should, thus, recognize the validity of this argument and the road toward what the junta calls "discipline-flourishing democracy".
Both premises, however, are questionable. The military has given no previous indication that it has serious policy concerns for the livelihoods of the majority of the population, and perhaps the leadership is shielded from the stark realities of survival in that society.
The opposition, which has never had a chance to practice its liberal economic and political platform, is likely erroneous on two counts: that the military will now renegotiate the new constitution that is to come into effect after the elections in 2010, and that the international community, of which the military is rightly suspicious since the West has generally called for regime change for two decades, can materially affect the internal distribution of power in that society.
A more productive premise than either of the two would be to start with the plight of the diverse Burmese people: how can their conditions be improved? This is both the critical need and the essential policy question. It is not only a problem resulting from Cyclone Nargis in 2008, but deprivation is endemic in that society after a half-century of ineffective and indeed deleterious economic policies, but was greatly exacerbated by the cyclone's devastation.
Realities erode the high moral ground. Both groups claim it internally for different, antithetical reasons. Externally, sanctions and isolation have been its manifestation. Effective dialogue between the opposition and the military is highly unlikely to take place before the elections of 2010. Yet there are other possible avenues of dialogue; one of them is with the international community. That dialogue with the United States and the West has been in hiatus for 20 years.
U Win Tin, reflecting the leadership of his party, is understandably concerned that this is the last chance for change before the new constitution goes into effect. The dilemma for the NLD, of which he is an executive committee member, is this: to participate in the 2010 elections (if allowed to do so - there is not yet a new party registration law) might give them a small opposition voice in a new government, but it would effectively eliminate the victory the NLD won in the 1990 elections.
This is a genuine problem for them and for which there is no easy answer. Webb's trip did not, and could not resolve Burmese issues, for the problems of that sorry state will only be decided bama-lo, as the Burmese say, "In the Burmese manner."
Webb's visit was a first and important step to begin this dialogue process. Change and better relations are likely to move slowly and will depend on staged, reciprocal actions on both sides. Webb appropriately called for amelioration of conditions in that country. It was an important and productive beginning, but there should be no illusions as to the problems ahead. However one views sanctions, it is evident they are easily imposed and exceedingly difficult to eliminate.
But there are other steps that each side might take to begin to deal with the dire Burmese conditions. A prosperous and stable Myanmar is in the interests of that country, its neighbors China and India, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the United States. Isolation exacerbates the multiple problems facing that state and the international community.
We should applaud the modest beginning Webb's visit has created, and explore its positive ramifications.
David I Steinberg is distinguished professor of Asian Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. His latest book is Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford University Press.
COMMENT
Asia Times Online - A vote for Webb's Myanmar opening
By David I Steinberg
United States Senator James Webb's recent visit to Myanmar has come under fire from the Burmese democracy movement. The protests, while sincere and well-intended, miss the point of Webb's visit - he was not there to praise or legitimize the ruling junta but to help craft a more effective policy aimed at its removal and the restoration of democracy to this proud land.
Writing in the Washington Post recently, U Win Tin, a founder of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party and a former political prisoner (from 1989 to 2008) lamented that Webb's visit was "damaging to our democracy movement". I believe he misses important aspects of the Barack Obama administration's Myanmar policy. (U Win Tin's opinion piece titled An 'Election' Burma's People Don't Need appeared September 9 in the Washington Post.)
Make no mistake, U Win Tin is a brave and honorable man who has suffered much for the democratic movement in Myanmar. His sacrifices, and those of many others in that country, have neither gone unnoticed nor unappreciated abroad. The problems facing both the people of Myanmar and the international community are manifold. The people indeed have spiraled down an economic abyss while the state has garnered increasing resources from its exports of natural gas and other primary materials.
The military in Myanmar has a stranglehold on power in that society. It has a vision of their its leadership in that state - a belief that the military is the only institution that can preserve national unity. One may question the validity of this belief, but one should not doubt the conviction with which it is held. That the generals have not used their now considerable resources for the common good is undeniable - validated by their own statistics on their meager expenditures in fields connected with basic human needs.
The essential premise of U Win Tin and his party is that political change must precede any other action internally or in international relations: if the political stalemate between the military and the opposition, led by the NLD, were to be resolved through dialogue, economic reform would take place, people's lives would become better, minority relations would improve and international relations prosper. To imply that 20 years of internal political stalemate between the two would be overcome prior to the planned 2010 elections is fantasy.
The military junta's premise is obviously different: unity and stability come first and must be guaranteed by a new government under a constitution in which, while opposition voices will be heard, the reins of ultimate power will remain in military hands. Only then can economic conditions for the people improve. Foreign states should, thus, recognize the validity of this argument and the road toward what the junta calls "discipline-flourishing democracy".
Both premises, however, are questionable. The military has given no previous indication that it has serious policy concerns for the livelihoods of the majority of the population, and perhaps the leadership is shielded from the stark realities of survival in that society.
The opposition, which has never had a chance to practice its liberal economic and political platform, is likely erroneous on two counts: that the military will now renegotiate the new constitution that is to come into effect after the elections in 2010, and that the international community, of which the military is rightly suspicious since the West has generally called for regime change for two decades, can materially affect the internal distribution of power in that society.
A more productive premise than either of the two would be to start with the plight of the diverse Burmese people: how can their conditions be improved? This is both the critical need and the essential policy question. It is not only a problem resulting from Cyclone Nargis in 2008, but deprivation is endemic in that society after a half-century of ineffective and indeed deleterious economic policies, but was greatly exacerbated by the cyclone's devastation.
Realities erode the high moral ground. Both groups claim it internally for different, antithetical reasons. Externally, sanctions and isolation have been its manifestation. Effective dialogue between the opposition and the military is highly unlikely to take place before the elections of 2010. Yet there are other possible avenues of dialogue; one of them is with the international community. That dialogue with the United States and the West has been in hiatus for 20 years.
U Win Tin, reflecting the leadership of his party, is understandably concerned that this is the last chance for change before the new constitution goes into effect. The dilemma for the NLD, of which he is an executive committee member, is this: to participate in the 2010 elections (if allowed to do so - there is not yet a new party registration law) might give them a small opposition voice in a new government, but it would effectively eliminate the victory the NLD won in the 1990 elections.
This is a genuine problem for them and for which there is no easy answer. Webb's trip did not, and could not resolve Burmese issues, for the problems of that sorry state will only be decided bama-lo, as the Burmese say, "In the Burmese manner."
Webb's visit was a first and important step to begin this dialogue process. Change and better relations are likely to move slowly and will depend on staged, reciprocal actions on both sides. Webb appropriately called for amelioration of conditions in that country. It was an important and productive beginning, but there should be no illusions as to the problems ahead. However one views sanctions, it is evident they are easily imposed and exceedingly difficult to eliminate.
But there are other steps that each side might take to begin to deal with the dire Burmese conditions. A prosperous and stable Myanmar is in the interests of that country, its neighbors China and India, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the United States. Isolation exacerbates the multiple problems facing that state and the international community.
We should applaud the modest beginning Webb's visit has created, and explore its positive ramifications.
David I Steinberg is distinguished professor of Asian Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. His latest book is Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford University Press.
***************************************************************
Myanmar artists to compete in int'l postage stamp design contest
www.chinaview.cn 2009-09-16 12:18:22
YANGON, Sept. 16 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar artists will compete in postage stamp design contest, organized by the South Korean government agency of Korea Post under two categories of youth and general, the local weekly Myanmar Time reported in this week issue.
The stamp design, under the theme of "Reuse and Recycle Precious Resources", has been restricted to contestants aged 17 who goes under the category of youth whereas designs for " Visit Korea Year" will go to general category with no age restriction, the report said.
Myanmar contestants' designs will be collected by Myanmar Post and Telecommunication Department from which the selected ones will be forwarded to the Korea Post, it said, adding that the scanning period will start next month and winners will be announced in November or December.
A total of 30 prizes including certificates of merits and cash prizes will be awarded titles -- Grand prize, Award of Excellence, Honorable Mention , Special Award and Award for the Guidance Teacher respectively.
Among the prizes, two grand prizes winner will be awarded two million Won (over 1,600 U.S. dollars) for youth and three million Won (over 2,400 USD) for the general categories, it said, adding that the two winning designs will be issued as South Korea's official stamps next year, it also said.
In 2008, three artists from Myanmar won honorable mention, award of excellence and special award respectively in the similar contest, it added.
www.chinaview.cn 2009-09-16 12:18:22
YANGON, Sept. 16 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar artists will compete in postage stamp design contest, organized by the South Korean government agency of Korea Post under two categories of youth and general, the local weekly Myanmar Time reported in this week issue.
The stamp design, under the theme of "Reuse and Recycle Precious Resources", has been restricted to contestants aged 17 who goes under the category of youth whereas designs for " Visit Korea Year" will go to general category with no age restriction, the report said.
Myanmar contestants' designs will be collected by Myanmar Post and Telecommunication Department from which the selected ones will be forwarded to the Korea Post, it said, adding that the scanning period will start next month and winners will be announced in November or December.
A total of 30 prizes including certificates of merits and cash prizes will be awarded titles -- Grand prize, Award of Excellence, Honorable Mention , Special Award and Award for the Guidance Teacher respectively.
Among the prizes, two grand prizes winner will be awarded two million Won (over 1,600 U.S. dollars) for youth and three million Won (over 2,400 USD) for the general categories, it said, adding that the two winning designs will be issued as South Korea's official stamps next year, it also said.
In 2008, three artists from Myanmar won honorable mention, award of excellence and special award respectively in the similar contest, it added.
***************************************************************
Wednesday, Sept. 16, 2009
The Japan Times - Birkin seeks Myanmar sanctions
By NATSUKO FUKUE, Staff writer
British singer and actress Jane Birkin held a news conference Tuesday in Tokyo to urge the incoming government to pressure Myanmar's military junta to promote democracy.
Birkin, 62, who wrote a song called "Aung San Suu Kyi" and has participated in demonstrations against the junta, is in Tokyo for a concert this week.
She said sanctions should be placed on Myanmar, which has been under military rule for nearly 50 years, but they must be effective because they could also harm ordinary people.
"You're lucky because you've got a new government" and it is a good opportunity for Japanese people to make new demands for supporting Myanmar citizens, Birkin added.
She said ordinary people can help Myanmar by writing a letter to their government or boycotting companies doing business with the junta.
Yuki Akimoto of the Burma Information Network based in Tokyo stressed the importance of supporting local citizens. Japan should focus on helping the people of Myanmar, such as by offering humanitarian support for refugees or assisting in the prevention of infectious diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis and HIV, she said.
The Japan Times - Birkin seeks Myanmar sanctions
By NATSUKO FUKUE, Staff writer
British singer and actress Jane Birkin held a news conference Tuesday in Tokyo to urge the incoming government to pressure Myanmar's military junta to promote democracy.
Birkin, 62, who wrote a song called "Aung San Suu Kyi" and has participated in demonstrations against the junta, is in Tokyo for a concert this week.
She said sanctions should be placed on Myanmar, which has been under military rule for nearly 50 years, but they must be effective because they could also harm ordinary people.
"You're lucky because you've got a new government" and it is a good opportunity for Japanese people to make new demands for supporting Myanmar citizens, Birkin added.
She said ordinary people can help Myanmar by writing a letter to their government or boycotting companies doing business with the junta.
Yuki Akimoto of the Burma Information Network based in Tokyo stressed the importance of supporting local citizens. Japan should focus on helping the people of Myanmar, such as by offering humanitarian support for refugees or assisting in the prevention of infectious diseases such as malaria, tuberculosis and HIV, she said.
***************************************************************
Sep 16, 2009
The Straits Times - 15 counts of maid abuse
By Elena Chong
A WOMAN was charged in court on Wednesday with 15 counts of abusing and using criminal force on her Myanmar domestic worker.
Housewife Peck Choon Khim, 40, is alleged to have used a spatula, a cane and kettle to hit Ms Moe Thandar Lin, 24, on various occasions between last November and March this year.
She is also said, among other things, to have punched the maid on the arm and face, kicked her on the knee, and pinched her.
In January, Peck allegedly threw salt on her face and hair, and pulled her blouse.
On Feb 2 she is accused of throwing a packet of baby wipes and a bundle of vegetables at her.
Few days later, she allegedly splashed water at Ms Moe twice for no apparent reason.
Peck, represented by Mr K. Sathinathan, will be back in court on Oct 14.
If convicted, she faces a jail term of up to three years and a fine of up to $7,500 on each causing hurt charge.
For using criminal force, she can be jailed for up to three months and/or fined up to $1,500.
The Straits Times - 15 counts of maid abuse
By Elena Chong
A WOMAN was charged in court on Wednesday with 15 counts of abusing and using criminal force on her Myanmar domestic worker.
Housewife Peck Choon Khim, 40, is alleged to have used a spatula, a cane and kettle to hit Ms Moe Thandar Lin, 24, on various occasions between last November and March this year.
She is also said, among other things, to have punched the maid on the arm and face, kicked her on the knee, and pinched her.
In January, Peck allegedly threw salt on her face and hair, and pulled her blouse.
On Feb 2 she is accused of throwing a packet of baby wipes and a bundle of vegetables at her.
Few days later, she allegedly splashed water at Ms Moe twice for no apparent reason.
Peck, represented by Mr K. Sathinathan, will be back in court on Oct 14.
If convicted, she faces a jail term of up to three years and a fine of up to $7,500 on each causing hurt charge.
For using criminal force, she can be jailed for up to three months and/or fined up to $1,500.
***************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Japan's Burma Policy: Changes to Come?
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN, Wednesday, September 16, 2009
The Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) landmark win in the recent Japanese election has prompted much speculation about the incoming administration's foreign policy.
China's rise, US economic difficulties, North Korea's unpredictable bellicosity and Asia's growing share of global GDP means that Tokyo has to deal with many challenges and opportunities.
Japan's economy has stagnated since 1990, about the same time that Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) won the last election held in Burma.
Japan’s economy contracted 15.2 percent in the first quarter of 2009—the fastest pace since records began in 1955 and the fourth straight quarter of negative growth. Exports plunged 26 percent in that quarter, the steepest decline on record. The latest numbers show the vulnerability of a country reliant on international trade to fuel growth, with the Chinese market central to this strategy.
While Asia's importance in Tokyo's political and economic considerations will increase, Japan remains dependent on the US for security and to a large extent it will follow US foreign policy trends.
That said, the DPJ has already indicated that it could alter Japan's dependent defense relationship with the US. However, it remains unclear how it would achieve this without compromising Japanese security, as the party seems unlikely to add any bite to Japan's official pacifism.
With all these conundrums in mind, Burma doubtless will remain well down its list of international issues or bilateral relationships. It remains to be seen if the new Japanese administration will change its approach to Burma, even as the US comes to the end of its Burma policy review.
China's rise has eclipsed Japan in Western public perceptions of where power lies in Asia, though the Japanese economy remains the world's second-largest, after the US.
One place where reality matches perception is Burma, a sea-change that has taken place over the past two decades. While nowadays China is the main commercial-diplomatic partner for Snr-Gen Than Shwe, this was not the case in the past, when China supported Burma's Communist rebels.
Before invading British-ruled Burma in 1942, Japan helped foster a nationalist movement in Burma, training and arming independence hero Aung San’s (Aung San Suu Kyi's father) legendary “thirty comrades,”—later the core of the Burma Independence Army.
Prior to the 1988 student-led, pro-democracy demonstrations in Burma, Japan was probably the junta's main economic partner. By 1980, Burma was the fourth-largest recipient of Japanese overseas aid, which peaked at US $244 million in 1986, or 6.3 percent of all Japanese overseas assistance.
Meanwhile Burma’s economy deteriorated rapidly, a contributory factor to the 1988 protests, suggesting that the aid did little to help ordinary Burmese. Japanese leverage on the junta was limited, however, as it lacked a UN Security Council vote which Beijing has wielded many times in the junta's defense in recent years.
Donald Seekins, who teaches at Meio University in Japan and is the author of “Burma and Japan since 1940: From Co-prosperity to Quiet Dialogue,” said that business interests drove Japan’s foreign assistance to Burma.
“They saw the post-socialist economy as a big opportunity and didn't want to be crowded out of the Burma market by other Asian countries, especially Singapore, South Korea and China,” he said.
Despite shying from public support of the junta after 1988, Japan has refused to join Western sanctions and continues to provide bilateral aid to what NGO Transparency International ranks as one of the most corrupt governments in the world.
According to Yuki Akimoto, the director of BurmaInfo (Japan), “Japan has been the largest donor to Burma among OECD countries every year since 1979 and aid levels were not lowered even after the 2007 "Saffron Revolution," when a Japanese journalist, Kenji Nagai, was killed.”
Burmese Agriculture and Irrigation Minister Maj-Gen Htay Oo’s visited Japan in August, in the final days of the LDP administration and just days after the culmination of the trial which saw Aung San Suu Kyi put back under house arrest.
While Japan joined calls for Suu Kyi to be released, it has generally refrained from the blunt criticisms issued by the US and Europeans.
Tokyo has preferred what Seekins terms “quiet dialogue”—reassuring the junta that while Japan feels compelled to emulate Western rhetoric on human rights issues from time
to time, it wants to retain economic ties with Burma.
While bureaucrats in Japan's Ministry for Foreign Affairs will retain considerable influence on policy, irrespective of who is in office, Htay Oo's week-long visit to Japan may have been an attempt to learn what the DPJ might do once in power, given that the trip came just days before the Japanese election.
Reading those tea leaves, however, is difficult. However, Htay Oo doubtless knew in advance that incoming Prime Minister Hatoyama has some strong views on Burma.
Yuki Akamoto told The Irrawaddy that Hatoyama is a long-time supporter of Suu Kyi and democratization in Burma, and he has been an officer of the Parliamentary League to Promote Democracy in Burma which has been critical of the regime and Japan's policy.
How this translates into policy, however, remains to be seen. With the US apparently looking for ways to engage with the junta, Japan is unlikely to take a harder line, given that it digressed from the US-led sanctions first implemented under President Clinton in 1997.
The US rationale for engagement partly stems from the view that economic sanctions have merely enabled less-scrupulous investors and governments to obtain access to Burmese oil, gas, gems and timber without any adverse effect on the junta's control of Burma. Japan has more or less been saying this all along.
Tokyo is wary of China's rise, so it seems unlikely that Japan will advocate a policy that could push Burma closer to China. Going forward, this will give Beijing an easier run at Burma's resources.
Moreover, China sees Burma not only as a resource goldmine, but as a vital component in its strategic power projection, as China can acquire overland access to the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia though Burma.
At the same time, however, if the US continues to press for democracy in Burma—here it must be noted that the Obama administration has shied away from pro-democracy rhetoric in its foreign policy to date—then Japan will follow suit to some degree, irrespective of the grumblings about the US expressed in the DPJ's pre-election propaganda.
Therefore, as Donald Seekins puts it, it is unlikely “that there will be much change from the LDP-era's rather ambiguous Burma policy.”
***************************************************************
By SIMON ROUGHNEEN, Wednesday, September 16, 2009
The Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) landmark win in the recent Japanese election has prompted much speculation about the incoming administration's foreign policy.
China's rise, US economic difficulties, North Korea's unpredictable bellicosity and Asia's growing share of global GDP means that Tokyo has to deal with many challenges and opportunities.
Japan's economy has stagnated since 1990, about the same time that Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) won the last election held in Burma.
Japan’s economy contracted 15.2 percent in the first quarter of 2009—the fastest pace since records began in 1955 and the fourth straight quarter of negative growth. Exports plunged 26 percent in that quarter, the steepest decline on record. The latest numbers show the vulnerability of a country reliant on international trade to fuel growth, with the Chinese market central to this strategy.
While Asia's importance in Tokyo's political and economic considerations will increase, Japan remains dependent on the US for security and to a large extent it will follow US foreign policy trends.
That said, the DPJ has already indicated that it could alter Japan's dependent defense relationship with the US. However, it remains unclear how it would achieve this without compromising Japanese security, as the party seems unlikely to add any bite to Japan's official pacifism.
With all these conundrums in mind, Burma doubtless will remain well down its list of international issues or bilateral relationships. It remains to be seen if the new Japanese administration will change its approach to Burma, even as the US comes to the end of its Burma policy review.
China's rise has eclipsed Japan in Western public perceptions of where power lies in Asia, though the Japanese economy remains the world's second-largest, after the US.
One place where reality matches perception is Burma, a sea-change that has taken place over the past two decades. While nowadays China is the main commercial-diplomatic partner for Snr-Gen Than Shwe, this was not the case in the past, when China supported Burma's Communist rebels.
Before invading British-ruled Burma in 1942, Japan helped foster a nationalist movement in Burma, training and arming independence hero Aung San’s (Aung San Suu Kyi's father) legendary “thirty comrades,”—later the core of the Burma Independence Army.
Prior to the 1988 student-led, pro-democracy demonstrations in Burma, Japan was probably the junta's main economic partner. By 1980, Burma was the fourth-largest recipient of Japanese overseas aid, which peaked at US $244 million in 1986, or 6.3 percent of all Japanese overseas assistance.
Meanwhile Burma’s economy deteriorated rapidly, a contributory factor to the 1988 protests, suggesting that the aid did little to help ordinary Burmese. Japanese leverage on the junta was limited, however, as it lacked a UN Security Council vote which Beijing has wielded many times in the junta's defense in recent years.
Donald Seekins, who teaches at Meio University in Japan and is the author of “Burma and Japan since 1940: From Co-prosperity to Quiet Dialogue,” said that business interests drove Japan’s foreign assistance to Burma.
“They saw the post-socialist economy as a big opportunity and didn't want to be crowded out of the Burma market by other Asian countries, especially Singapore, South Korea and China,” he said.
Despite shying from public support of the junta after 1988, Japan has refused to join Western sanctions and continues to provide bilateral aid to what NGO Transparency International ranks as one of the most corrupt governments in the world.
According to Yuki Akimoto, the director of BurmaInfo (Japan), “Japan has been the largest donor to Burma among OECD countries every year since 1979 and aid levels were not lowered even after the 2007 "Saffron Revolution," when a Japanese journalist, Kenji Nagai, was killed.”
Burmese Agriculture and Irrigation Minister Maj-Gen Htay Oo’s visited Japan in August, in the final days of the LDP administration and just days after the culmination of the trial which saw Aung San Suu Kyi put back under house arrest.
While Japan joined calls for Suu Kyi to be released, it has generally refrained from the blunt criticisms issued by the US and Europeans.
Tokyo has preferred what Seekins terms “quiet dialogue”—reassuring the junta that while Japan feels compelled to emulate Western rhetoric on human rights issues from time
to time, it wants to retain economic ties with Burma.
While bureaucrats in Japan's Ministry for Foreign Affairs will retain considerable influence on policy, irrespective of who is in office, Htay Oo's week-long visit to Japan may have been an attempt to learn what the DPJ might do once in power, given that the trip came just days before the Japanese election.
Reading those tea leaves, however, is difficult. However, Htay Oo doubtless knew in advance that incoming Prime Minister Hatoyama has some strong views on Burma.
Yuki Akamoto told The Irrawaddy that Hatoyama is a long-time supporter of Suu Kyi and democratization in Burma, and he has been an officer of the Parliamentary League to Promote Democracy in Burma which has been critical of the regime and Japan's policy.
How this translates into policy, however, remains to be seen. With the US apparently looking for ways to engage with the junta, Japan is unlikely to take a harder line, given that it digressed from the US-led sanctions first implemented under President Clinton in 1997.
The US rationale for engagement partly stems from the view that economic sanctions have merely enabled less-scrupulous investors and governments to obtain access to Burmese oil, gas, gems and timber without any adverse effect on the junta's control of Burma. Japan has more or less been saying this all along.
Tokyo is wary of China's rise, so it seems unlikely that Japan will advocate a policy that could push Burma closer to China. Going forward, this will give Beijing an easier run at Burma's resources.
Moreover, China sees Burma not only as a resource goldmine, but as a vital component in its strategic power projection, as China can acquire overland access to the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia though Burma.
At the same time, however, if the US continues to press for democracy in Burma—here it must be noted that the Obama administration has shied away from pro-democracy rhetoric in its foreign policy to date—then Japan will follow suit to some degree, irrespective of the grumblings about the US expressed in the DPJ's pre-election propaganda.
Therefore, as Donald Seekins puts it, it is unlikely “that there will be much change from the LDP-era's rather ambiguous Burma policy.”
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