Myanmar accuses American of planning unrest
AP - Thursday, September 24
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) - Myanmar on Wednesday accused a Myanmar-born American who was secretly detained three weeks ago of seeking to incite political unrest.
State television news said Kyaw Zaw Lwin confessed that he plotted with dissident groups outside the country, and accused him of being linked to several activists inside Myanmar who planned to set off bombs.
It said authorities, acting on a tip-off, arrested Kyaw Zaw Lwin on Sept. 3 on his arrival at Yangon airport.
Fellow activists reported his disappearance, but there was no word of his fate until Tuesday, when the U.S. Embassy announced that one of its officers had been allowed to visit him.
The television report said Kyaw Zaw Lwin was a member of the dissident group All Burma Students' Democratic Front. It said he had entered Myanmar to create unrest and stir up protests by Buddhist monks.
Kyaw Zaw Lwin's mother is serving a five-year jail term for political activities and his sister was sentenced to 65 years in prison for her role in pro-democracy protests two years ago, activist groups and family members said.
Authorities have tightened security because of concerns about political unrest in mid-September. Sept. 18 was the second anniversary of the start of massive pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks in Yangon that were suppressed by the ruling military a few days later. It was also the 21st anniversary of the military's seizure of power in 1988 after quashing an even larger pro-democracy movement.
On Sept. 17, seven small homemade explosives were set off at industrial parks in Yangon's suburbs, but no one claimed responsibility. The TV report said the explosions were meant to put international attention on Myanmar during this month's U.N. General Assembly session, but did not name any perpetrators.
It said Kyaw Zaw Lwin was a member of an anti-government student group during the 1988 demonstrations and went into exile when the military seized power.
The report said Kyaw Zaw Lwin had entered the country eight times between November 2005 and September 2009 and had confessed to actively taking part in anti-government activities and providing financial assistance to anti-government groups inside the country.
Three people were arrested in the first week of September with C-4 plastic explosives and satellite phones, it said.
The TV report said legal action will be taken against Kyaw Zaw Lwin and the other detainees, and an investigation would be launched to determine their contacts.
Kyaw Zaw Lwin's hometown in the U.S. was not immediately available.
AP - Thursday, September 24
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) - Myanmar on Wednesday accused a Myanmar-born American who was secretly detained three weeks ago of seeking to incite political unrest.
State television news said Kyaw Zaw Lwin confessed that he plotted with dissident groups outside the country, and accused him of being linked to several activists inside Myanmar who planned to set off bombs.
It said authorities, acting on a tip-off, arrested Kyaw Zaw Lwin on Sept. 3 on his arrival at Yangon airport.
Fellow activists reported his disappearance, but there was no word of his fate until Tuesday, when the U.S. Embassy announced that one of its officers had been allowed to visit him.
The television report said Kyaw Zaw Lwin was a member of the dissident group All Burma Students' Democratic Front. It said he had entered Myanmar to create unrest and stir up protests by Buddhist monks.
Kyaw Zaw Lwin's mother is serving a five-year jail term for political activities and his sister was sentenced to 65 years in prison for her role in pro-democracy protests two years ago, activist groups and family members said.
Authorities have tightened security because of concerns about political unrest in mid-September. Sept. 18 was the second anniversary of the start of massive pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks in Yangon that were suppressed by the ruling military a few days later. It was also the 21st anniversary of the military's seizure of power in 1988 after quashing an even larger pro-democracy movement.
On Sept. 17, seven small homemade explosives were set off at industrial parks in Yangon's suburbs, but no one claimed responsibility. The TV report said the explosions were meant to put international attention on Myanmar during this month's U.N. General Assembly session, but did not name any perpetrators.
It said Kyaw Zaw Lwin was a member of an anti-government student group during the 1988 demonstrations and went into exile when the military seized power.
The report said Kyaw Zaw Lwin had entered the country eight times between November 2005 and September 2009 and had confessed to actively taking part in anti-government activities and providing financial assistance to anti-government groups inside the country.
Three people were arrested in the first week of September with C-4 plastic explosives and satellite phones, it said.
The TV report said legal action will be taken against Kyaw Zaw Lwin and the other detainees, and an investigation would be launched to determine their contacts.
Kyaw Zaw Lwin's hometown in the U.S. was not immediately available.
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Thai leader says US moving toward engaging Myanmar
By FOSTER KLUG, Associated Press Writer – Wed Sep 23, 12:46 am ET
NEW YORK (AP) – Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said Tuesday that the United States and Europe appeared to be moving toward engaging Myanmar rather than a policy of sanctions only as a means of encouraging political change in the military-run country.
Thailand shares a long border with Myanmar, and Abhisit told an audience at Columbia University he believes talks with the country's military leaders are the best way to affect political change, improve human rights and stem drug trafficking.
Senior lawmakers from both political parties in the United States favor a tough sanctions regime, but the Obama administration is reviewing a policy that top officials acknowledge has not produced results in Myanmar. The country, also known as Burma, has been ruled by military juntas since 1962.
"Engagement is more productive than alienation and isolation," said Abhisit, speaking on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly.
The United States and the European Union, he said, appear to be questioning the "thinking that more and more sanctions" will cause change. He did not elaborate.
Abhisit also addressed Thailand's tumultuous politics, which have been in chaos since demonstrations three years ago helped spark a military coup that ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Last year, after Thaksin's allies returned to power, demonstrators occupied the prime minister's office for three months and seized the capital's two airports for a week.
Abhisit, a Thaksin rival, took office after those demonstrations. He said that despite the chaos and occasional violence, Thailand has achieved greater stability under his rule. Recent conflict and political anger, he said, are not reflections of a failed democracy but one that is "vibrantly at work."
On Saturday in Bangkok, about 20,000 pro-Thaksin demonstrators marked the third anniversary of the military coup, which they believe set back the cause of democracy. They urge Abhisit to step down, claiming he came to power illegitimately.
Thaksin, who is in self-imposed exile, says Thailand "has gone backward to dictatorship."
By FOSTER KLUG, Associated Press Writer – Wed Sep 23, 12:46 am ET
NEW YORK (AP) – Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said Tuesday that the United States and Europe appeared to be moving toward engaging Myanmar rather than a policy of sanctions only as a means of encouraging political change in the military-run country.
Thailand shares a long border with Myanmar, and Abhisit told an audience at Columbia University he believes talks with the country's military leaders are the best way to affect political change, improve human rights and stem drug trafficking.
Senior lawmakers from both political parties in the United States favor a tough sanctions regime, but the Obama administration is reviewing a policy that top officials acknowledge has not produced results in Myanmar. The country, also known as Burma, has been ruled by military juntas since 1962.
"Engagement is more productive than alienation and isolation," said Abhisit, speaking on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly.
The United States and the European Union, he said, appear to be questioning the "thinking that more and more sanctions" will cause change. He did not elaborate.
Abhisit also addressed Thailand's tumultuous politics, which have been in chaos since demonstrations three years ago helped spark a military coup that ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Last year, after Thaksin's allies returned to power, demonstrators occupied the prime minister's office for three months and seized the capital's two airports for a week.
Abhisit, a Thaksin rival, took office after those demonstrations. He said that despite the chaos and occasional violence, Thailand has achieved greater stability under his rule. Recent conflict and political anger, he said, are not reflections of a failed democracy but one that is "vibrantly at work."
On Saturday in Bangkok, about 20,000 pro-Thaksin demonstrators marked the third anniversary of the military coup, which they believe set back the cause of democracy. They urge Abhisit to step down, claiming he came to power illegitimately.
Thaksin, who is in self-imposed exile, says Thailand "has gone backward to dictatorship."
***************************************************************
Myanmar PM heads to UN for first visit in 14 years
AP - Thursday, September 24
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The prime minister of military-ruled Myanmar plans to attend the upcoming U.N. General Assembly, the highest-ranking junta official to do so in 14 years, diplomats said Wednesday.
Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein is scheduled to leave Saturday for New York to attend the annual gathering of world leaders, according to Western and Asian diplomats who spoke on condition of anonymity because the junta has not officially released his itinerary.
Myanmar has been represented at the meeting by its foreign minister, who is already in New York, since the junta's second-in-command Gen. Maung Aye attended the General Assembly in 1995 to mark the U.N.'s 50th anniversary.
Washington has traditionally been Myanmar's strongest critic, applying political and economic sanctions against the junta. But President Barack Obama's administration says it is reviewing U.S. policy toward Myanmar, which gave visiting U.S. Senator Jim Webb an unprecedented meeting with the junta chief last month.
Webb was also allowed to hold rare talks with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and secured the release of American John Yettaw, who had been sentenced days earlier to seven years of hard labor for swimming to Suu Kyi's home in violation of her house arrest.
Last week, the junta granted an amnesty to 7,114 prisoners, including more than 100 political prisoners and two journalists. The move was expected after Myanmar's envoy told the U.N. Security Council in July an amnesty was being prepared so prisoners could participate in elections next year, the first in two decades.
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists welcomed the release of the two reporters but called Wednesday for the release of 12 others, including Maung Maung La Ngwe, who has been jailed since 1990 for writing on subjects authorities said would "make people lose respect for the government," the CPJ said in a statement.
The junta tends to issue amnesties to mark important days or to deflect criticism ahead of U.N. meetings. The country is believed to hold roughly 65,000 prisoners, including more than 2,200 political detainees, according to human rights groups.
Other journalists were jailed more recently for writing about the junta's slow response to deliver aid to victims of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, or covering the 2007 crackdown on pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks.
"With elections coming next year, we call on Burma's junta to honor its pledge to move toward democracy by releasing the other 12 journalists it still holds in detention," the CPJ said in a statement.
AP - Thursday, September 24
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The prime minister of military-ruled Myanmar plans to attend the upcoming U.N. General Assembly, the highest-ranking junta official to do so in 14 years, diplomats said Wednesday.
Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein is scheduled to leave Saturday for New York to attend the annual gathering of world leaders, according to Western and Asian diplomats who spoke on condition of anonymity because the junta has not officially released his itinerary.
Myanmar has been represented at the meeting by its foreign minister, who is already in New York, since the junta's second-in-command Gen. Maung Aye attended the General Assembly in 1995 to mark the U.N.'s 50th anniversary.
Washington has traditionally been Myanmar's strongest critic, applying political and economic sanctions against the junta. But President Barack Obama's administration says it is reviewing U.S. policy toward Myanmar, which gave visiting U.S. Senator Jim Webb an unprecedented meeting with the junta chief last month.
Webb was also allowed to hold rare talks with detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and secured the release of American John Yettaw, who had been sentenced days earlier to seven years of hard labor for swimming to Suu Kyi's home in violation of her house arrest.
Last week, the junta granted an amnesty to 7,114 prisoners, including more than 100 political prisoners and two journalists. The move was expected after Myanmar's envoy told the U.N. Security Council in July an amnesty was being prepared so prisoners could participate in elections next year, the first in two decades.
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists welcomed the release of the two reporters but called Wednesday for the release of 12 others, including Maung Maung La Ngwe, who has been jailed since 1990 for writing on subjects authorities said would "make people lose respect for the government," the CPJ said in a statement.
The junta tends to issue amnesties to mark important days or to deflect criticism ahead of U.N. meetings. The country is believed to hold roughly 65,000 prisoners, including more than 2,200 political detainees, according to human rights groups.
Other journalists were jailed more recently for writing about the junta's slow response to deliver aid to victims of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, or covering the 2007 crackdown on pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks.
"With elections coming next year, we call on Burma's junta to honor its pledge to move toward democracy by releasing the other 12 journalists it still holds in detention," the CPJ said in a statement.
***************************************************************
Suu Kyi party 'welcomes Myanmar amnesty'
AFP - Thursday, September 24
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar's main opposition party on Wednesday welcomed the release of 7,000 prisoners but reiterated calls for the ruling junta to free Aung San Suu Kyi and other political detainees.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) issued a statement almost one week after the military regime announced that it was freeing the prisoners so they could vote in elections due next year.
"The NLD warmly welcomes the release of 7,114 national prisoners that included some 100 political prisoners from prisons on September 17," the statement said.
"However we also call for the unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners including the NLD vice chairman Tin Oo and general secretary Aung San Suu Kyi," it said.
Suu Kyi had her house arrest extended by 18 months in August after she was convicted over an incident in which an American man swam uninvited to the lakeside house where she is detained in May.
Tin Oo has also been under house arrest since 2003.
The statement said Suu Kyi and Tin Oo "have been always trying for dialogue and national reconciliation", as had jailed members of ethnic minority groups and students who led mass pro-democracy protests in 1988.
The NLD said Tuesday that it had written to junta chief Than Shwe urging him to allow its central executive committee to meet Suu Kyi and Tin Oo so they could discuss the elections.
The polls are being held under a new constitution that was passed in a controversial referendum in 2008, days after a devastating cyclone killed 138,000 people in Myanmar.
Critics say the polls are a sham through which the military regime wants to legitimise its hold on power.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962.
AFP - Thursday, September 24
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar's main opposition party on Wednesday welcomed the release of 7,000 prisoners but reiterated calls for the ruling junta to free Aung San Suu Kyi and other political detainees.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) issued a statement almost one week after the military regime announced that it was freeing the prisoners so they could vote in elections due next year.
"The NLD warmly welcomes the release of 7,114 national prisoners that included some 100 political prisoners from prisons on September 17," the statement said.
"However we also call for the unconditional and immediate release of all political prisoners including the NLD vice chairman Tin Oo and general secretary Aung San Suu Kyi," it said.
Suu Kyi had her house arrest extended by 18 months in August after she was convicted over an incident in which an American man swam uninvited to the lakeside house where she is detained in May.
Tin Oo has also been under house arrest since 2003.
The statement said Suu Kyi and Tin Oo "have been always trying for dialogue and national reconciliation", as had jailed members of ethnic minority groups and students who led mass pro-democracy protests in 1988.
The NLD said Tuesday that it had written to junta chief Than Shwe urging him to allow its central executive committee to meet Suu Kyi and Tin Oo so they could discuss the elections.
The polls are being held under a new constitution that was passed in a controversial referendum in 2008, days after a devastating cyclone killed 138,000 people in Myanmar.
Critics say the polls are a sham through which the military regime wants to legitimise its hold on power.
Myanmar has been ruled by the military since 1962.
***************************************************************
Washington Post - Visit by Burmese Official Hints at U.S. Policy Shift
By John Pomfret, Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, September 23, 2009
For the first time in nine years, the United States allowed Burma's foreign minister to come to Washington, a sign of softening U.S. policy toward the military junta that has run that Asian nation for nearly five decades.
Maj. Gen. Nyan Win quietly arrived in Washington on Friday night and left the next day after meetings with Burmese Embassy staffers, a U.S.-Asian business council and Sen. James Webb, the Virginia Democrat who has advocated closer ties to the junta, according to Kyaw Win, an embassy spokesman. The foreign minister also took in some sightseeing, visiting the White House, the Lincoln Memorial and the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum. A State Department spokesman said Nyan Win did not meet with administration officials.
The main goal of the trip was to evaluate the Burmese Embassy, which needs repairs, Kyaw Win said. "The approval is a good sign though," he said. "We didn't get permission for many years."
Nyan Win's 24-hour sojourn appears to be part of a new policy by the Obama administration toward Burma, said officials and sources familiar with the trip. The policy encourages U.S. officials to engage the government of Burma, also known as Myanmar, on a higher level.
To that end, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton is scheduled to attend a meeting of the Group of Friends of Burma, established by U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, on Wednesday. In addition, Burma's prime minister, Gen. Thein Sein, will appear at the ongoing U.N. General Assembly, making him the most senior junta member to attend the annual gathering since the nation's second-in-command did so in 1995. He is expected to meet there with Kurt M. Campbell, assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, according to a source briefed by U.S. officials.
U.S. policy toward Burma has been under review for nine months; American officials met Friday to iron out the final details, and the results are expected to be announced soon.
U.S. officials and other sources said the Obama administration decided that economic sanctions first imposed on the junta in the 1990s will not be lifted but will not be tightened either. More humanitarian aid may be approved, too. Administration officials would not comment on the possible changes.
The United States had been considering bolder moves, including resuming military-to-military relations and counter-narcotics cooperation, according to a Senate source familiar with the administration's deliberations. But earlier this year the junta again arrested and convicted opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on security charges, sentencing her to an additional 18 months of house arrest. Most international observers view the sentence as a way to keep the Nobel Peace Prize winner off the campaign trail during next year's elections. Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 of the past 20 years and the junta is committed to avoiding a repeat of 1990, when her party, the National League for Democracy, won a landslide victory.
The charges against Suu Kyi stemmed from an incident in May, in which an American, John W. Yettaw, swam to her lakeside home in Rangoon and stayed there for two days. Yettaw said that he had a vision that Suu Kyi was to be killed by terrorists and that he wanted to warn her. He was detained and later deported after Webb visited Burma in August and secured his release.
Burma recently launched a charm offensive in what some officials call an attempt to improve ties with the West. Over the past two weeks, The junta has released 119 political prisoners out of an estimated 2,000.
Since the late 1990s, as part of the sanctions, Burmese officials have been banned from traveling to the United States and the European Union except to attend meetings of international organizations such as the United Nations. Under the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, the White House needs to approve a waiver to allow Burmese officials attending the U.N. General Assembly to travel more than 25 miles out of New York.
By John Pomfret, Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, September 23, 2009
For the first time in nine years, the United States allowed Burma's foreign minister to come to Washington, a sign of softening U.S. policy toward the military junta that has run that Asian nation for nearly five decades.
Maj. Gen. Nyan Win quietly arrived in Washington on Friday night and left the next day after meetings with Burmese Embassy staffers, a U.S.-Asian business council and Sen. James Webb, the Virginia Democrat who has advocated closer ties to the junta, according to Kyaw Win, an embassy spokesman. The foreign minister also took in some sightseeing, visiting the White House, the Lincoln Memorial and the Smithsonian National Air and Space Museum. A State Department spokesman said Nyan Win did not meet with administration officials.
The main goal of the trip was to evaluate the Burmese Embassy, which needs repairs, Kyaw Win said. "The approval is a good sign though," he said. "We didn't get permission for many years."
Nyan Win's 24-hour sojourn appears to be part of a new policy by the Obama administration toward Burma, said officials and sources familiar with the trip. The policy encourages U.S. officials to engage the government of Burma, also known as Myanmar, on a higher level.
To that end, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton is scheduled to attend a meeting of the Group of Friends of Burma, established by U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, on Wednesday. In addition, Burma's prime minister, Gen. Thein Sein, will appear at the ongoing U.N. General Assembly, making him the most senior junta member to attend the annual gathering since the nation's second-in-command did so in 1995. He is expected to meet there with Kurt M. Campbell, assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, according to a source briefed by U.S. officials.
U.S. policy toward Burma has been under review for nine months; American officials met Friday to iron out the final details, and the results are expected to be announced soon.
U.S. officials and other sources said the Obama administration decided that economic sanctions first imposed on the junta in the 1990s will not be lifted but will not be tightened either. More humanitarian aid may be approved, too. Administration officials would not comment on the possible changes.
The United States had been considering bolder moves, including resuming military-to-military relations and counter-narcotics cooperation, according to a Senate source familiar with the administration's deliberations. But earlier this year the junta again arrested and convicted opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi on security charges, sentencing her to an additional 18 months of house arrest. Most international observers view the sentence as a way to keep the Nobel Peace Prize winner off the campaign trail during next year's elections. Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 of the past 20 years and the junta is committed to avoiding a repeat of 1990, when her party, the National League for Democracy, won a landslide victory.
The charges against Suu Kyi stemmed from an incident in May, in which an American, John W. Yettaw, swam to her lakeside home in Rangoon and stayed there for two days. Yettaw said that he had a vision that Suu Kyi was to be killed by terrorists and that he wanted to warn her. He was detained and later deported after Webb visited Burma in August and secured his release.
Burma recently launched a charm offensive in what some officials call an attempt to improve ties with the West. Over the past two weeks, The junta has released 119 political prisoners out of an estimated 2,000.
Since the late 1990s, as part of the sanctions, Burmese officials have been banned from traveling to the United States and the European Union except to attend meetings of international organizations such as the United Nations. Under the 2003 Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, the White House needs to approve a waiver to allow Burmese officials attending the U.N. General Assembly to travel more than 25 miles out of New York.
***************************************************************
The National - Myanmar amnesty denounced as ploy
Larry Jagan, Foreign Correspondent
Last Updated: September 22. 2009 8:04PM UAE
BANGKOK // Myanmar’s military rulers have released more than 7,000 prisoners in the lead-up to next year’s planned elections – the first in 20 years – but critics of the regime have condemned the move as part of a cynical attempt to reduce international pressure on the junta at the start of the UN General Assembly in New York this week.
“Every one of these prisoners is a person, and it is unacceptable that the junta uses them as chips to bargain with and play the international community,” said David Scott Mathieson, the Thailand-based Myanmar researcher for Human Rights Watch. “Even if a handful of political activists have been freed, others are still being arrested.”
Bo Kyi, the head of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma (AAPPB), said the releases were a showcase “to ease international pressure”.
The vast majority of the 7,114 released so far were described as petty criminals, but at least 126 are political prisoners, according to AAPPB. Around a further 200 activists expected to be released in the future are recognised political prisoners. Some of them were on the United Nation’s priority list of prisoners submitted to the junta’s leaders last year by the UN secretary general’s special envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari.
The announcement of the prisoner releases came on the eve of the anniversary of the current military rulers seizing power in a bloody coup on September 18, 1988. The announcement said they were being released on “humanitarian grounds” so they could participate in multiparty elections next year.
“There was no announcement of who the prisoners to be released were, so we have to wait until their families contact us to know whether any are our members,” said Nyan Win, the spokesman for the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by the detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. So far more than 40 NLD members have been freed, he said, among them three who were elected as members of parliament in 1990.
Six members of the 88 Generation Students, an opposition group spawned from the student movement of the late 1980s which was targeted in the 1988 coup, were among those released from jail. The six were sentenced to more than 60 years in jail for their alleged part in organising the Buddhist monk-led mass protests two years ago over rising food prices. Four monks arrested after the Saffron Revolt in 2007, four journalists, 13 students and a lawyer were also freed, according to AAPPB.
So far there has been no high-profile political prisoner freed but the renowned comedian and critic of the government known as Zarganar, arrested for handing out food and relief supplies to victims of the devastating cyclone Nargis which hit Burma at the beginning of May last year, is expected to be released in the next few days, according to family sources. He is reported to be planning to form a party to contest next year’s elections, and diplomats in Yangon believe that may be the reason behind his expected release.
The prisoner releases also come just days before Myanmar’s prime minister, Gen Thein Sein, attends the UN session. He will be the highest junta leader to attend the UN in New York for more than 15 years. Many analysts and activists believe these releases are intended to deflect criticism at the meeting and to show the international community that the military regime is co-operating with the UN.
After the UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon’s mission to Myanmar in July, when the country’s top general, Than Shwe, refused to allow him to meet Ms Suu Kyi, he promised to release a substantial number of political prisoners before the elections in 2010, in response to a UN request.
“Clearly, this is a gesture in response to Ban Ki-moon’s request, made on behalf of the international community, during his visit to Myanmar earlier this year,” said Benjamin Zawacki, the Thailand-based Myanmar researcher for Amnesty International. “And as such it is disingenuous and insultingly insufficient.
“These prisoners’ releases are simply too little, too late,” he added. “Too little, because releasing around 120 political prisoners represents less than five per cent of the more than 2,200 political prisoners who are still languishing in Myanmar’s jails.”
Diplomats in Yangon believe more political prisoners will be released in the coming months, but that they will be freed in dribs and drabs.
According to the junta’s road map to democracy, there should be a mass amnesty for political prisoners. This was agreed more than five years ago between the former prime minister, Gen Khin Nyunt – now under house arrest – and the UN’s Myanmar envoy at the time, Dato Razali Ismail. But few believe the regime will honour this promise, though a few more political prisoners may see the light of day.
“The junta cannot be serious about an amnesty or free and fair elections, if they do not release all political prisoners, including our leader, Aung San Suu Kyi,” said Zin Linn, a spokesman for the exiled opposition, based in Thailand. “They may free other activists, but the key opposition leaders will certainly be kept behind bars until after the election.”
Next year’s elections are dominating the agenda in Myanmar at the moment, according to diplomats and businessmen living there. “Ministers are unavailable for meetings at present because they are out campaigning – handing out money and largesse in the areas where they expect to stand for election,” said a European businessman, who recently visited the capital Naypitdaw.
But there are few signs from the regime on when exactly the election will be held and who will be allowed to run. The electoral law and the political party registration law are yet to be published, though according to senior government sources that will happen in the next few weeks.
Some critics believe the prisoner releases have another purpose, besides easing international pressure on the regime – freeing up prison space for crackdowns during the elections.
“The junta cannot allow the campaign to be free and fair,” said the Thailand based journalist and Myanmar Bertil Lintner.
“They are emptying the jails now to fill them up later – that’s what also happened in 1988, ahead of the mass pro-democracy protests, when thousands and thousands of activists were later locked up.”
Larry Jagan, Foreign Correspondent
Last Updated: September 22. 2009 8:04PM UAE
BANGKOK // Myanmar’s military rulers have released more than 7,000 prisoners in the lead-up to next year’s planned elections – the first in 20 years – but critics of the regime have condemned the move as part of a cynical attempt to reduce international pressure on the junta at the start of the UN General Assembly in New York this week.
“Every one of these prisoners is a person, and it is unacceptable that the junta uses them as chips to bargain with and play the international community,” said David Scott Mathieson, the Thailand-based Myanmar researcher for Human Rights Watch. “Even if a handful of political activists have been freed, others are still being arrested.”
Bo Kyi, the head of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners – Burma (AAPPB), said the releases were a showcase “to ease international pressure”.
The vast majority of the 7,114 released so far were described as petty criminals, but at least 126 are political prisoners, according to AAPPB. Around a further 200 activists expected to be released in the future are recognised political prisoners. Some of them were on the United Nation’s priority list of prisoners submitted to the junta’s leaders last year by the UN secretary general’s special envoy to Myanmar, Ibrahim Gambari.
The announcement of the prisoner releases came on the eve of the anniversary of the current military rulers seizing power in a bloody coup on September 18, 1988. The announcement said they were being released on “humanitarian grounds” so they could participate in multiparty elections next year.
“There was no announcement of who the prisoners to be released were, so we have to wait until their families contact us to know whether any are our members,” said Nyan Win, the spokesman for the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by the detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. So far more than 40 NLD members have been freed, he said, among them three who were elected as members of parliament in 1990.
Six members of the 88 Generation Students, an opposition group spawned from the student movement of the late 1980s which was targeted in the 1988 coup, were among those released from jail. The six were sentenced to more than 60 years in jail for their alleged part in organising the Buddhist monk-led mass protests two years ago over rising food prices. Four monks arrested after the Saffron Revolt in 2007, four journalists, 13 students and a lawyer were also freed, according to AAPPB.
So far there has been no high-profile political prisoner freed but the renowned comedian and critic of the government known as Zarganar, arrested for handing out food and relief supplies to victims of the devastating cyclone Nargis which hit Burma at the beginning of May last year, is expected to be released in the next few days, according to family sources. He is reported to be planning to form a party to contest next year’s elections, and diplomats in Yangon believe that may be the reason behind his expected release.
The prisoner releases also come just days before Myanmar’s prime minister, Gen Thein Sein, attends the UN session. He will be the highest junta leader to attend the UN in New York for more than 15 years. Many analysts and activists believe these releases are intended to deflect criticism at the meeting and to show the international community that the military regime is co-operating with the UN.
After the UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon’s mission to Myanmar in July, when the country’s top general, Than Shwe, refused to allow him to meet Ms Suu Kyi, he promised to release a substantial number of political prisoners before the elections in 2010, in response to a UN request.
“Clearly, this is a gesture in response to Ban Ki-moon’s request, made on behalf of the international community, during his visit to Myanmar earlier this year,” said Benjamin Zawacki, the Thailand-based Myanmar researcher for Amnesty International. “And as such it is disingenuous and insultingly insufficient.
“These prisoners’ releases are simply too little, too late,” he added. “Too little, because releasing around 120 political prisoners represents less than five per cent of the more than 2,200 political prisoners who are still languishing in Myanmar’s jails.”
Diplomats in Yangon believe more political prisoners will be released in the coming months, but that they will be freed in dribs and drabs.
According to the junta’s road map to democracy, there should be a mass amnesty for political prisoners. This was agreed more than five years ago between the former prime minister, Gen Khin Nyunt – now under house arrest – and the UN’s Myanmar envoy at the time, Dato Razali Ismail. But few believe the regime will honour this promise, though a few more political prisoners may see the light of day.
“The junta cannot be serious about an amnesty or free and fair elections, if they do not release all political prisoners, including our leader, Aung San Suu Kyi,” said Zin Linn, a spokesman for the exiled opposition, based in Thailand. “They may free other activists, but the key opposition leaders will certainly be kept behind bars until after the election.”
Next year’s elections are dominating the agenda in Myanmar at the moment, according to diplomats and businessmen living there. “Ministers are unavailable for meetings at present because they are out campaigning – handing out money and largesse in the areas where they expect to stand for election,” said a European businessman, who recently visited the capital Naypitdaw.
But there are few signs from the regime on when exactly the election will be held and who will be allowed to run. The electoral law and the political party registration law are yet to be published, though according to senior government sources that will happen in the next few weeks.
Some critics believe the prisoner releases have another purpose, besides easing international pressure on the regime – freeing up prison space for crackdowns during the elections.
“The junta cannot allow the campaign to be free and fair,” said the Thailand based journalist and Myanmar Bertil Lintner.
“They are emptying the jails now to fill them up later – that’s what also happened in 1988, ahead of the mass pro-democracy protests, when thousands and thousands of activists were later locked up.”
***************************************************************
POLITICS-BURMA: Junta Up to Its Old Tricks, Plays with the West
By Larry Jagan
BANGKOK, Sep 23 (IPS) - Having released more than 7,000 prisoners in the last few days as part of the preparations for next year’s planned polls, Burma’s military rulers are up to their old tricks, according to Burmese activists and human rights groups.
Most of those released are petty criminals, although around 200 political prisoners are among the freed.
Many analysts believe these releases are intended to increase the credibility of next year’s multi-party elections – the first in 20 years. But activists accuse the junta of releasing political prisoners to deflect international pressure, especially at the United Nations, where the annual general assembly got underway this week. Burma usually comes under intense scrutiny during this meeting.
"Every one of these prisoners is a person, and it is unacceptable that the junta uses them as chips to bargain with and play the international community," said Thailand-based David Scott Mathieson, the Burma researcher for the Human Rights Watch, a U.S.-based independent organisation.
At least 127 political prisoners have been freed, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners - Burma (AAPPB) in Thailand, which closely monitors the situation inside the junta-ruled South-east Asian state.
So far more than 40 members of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, have been freed, three of whom were elected as members of parliament in 1990.
Six members of the 88 Generation Students group, who were sentenced to more than 60 years in jail for their alleged part in organising the Buddhist monk-led mass protests two years ago against rising food prices, were also among those released from jail. Four monks arrested after the Saffron Revolt in 2007, four journalists, 13 students and a lawyer were also freed, according to the AAPPB.
"These releases are a showcase to ease international pressure," Bo Kyi, the head of the AAPPB, told Inter Press Service. "We expect more than 200 to be released within the next few days."
The government’s announcement last week that exactly 7,114 prisoners were to be released on compassionate grounds came on the eve of the anniversary of the current military rulers ceasing power in a bloody coup on Sep. 18, 1988, and the start of the U.N. annual meeting, to be attended by the Burmese prime minister, General Thein Sein – the highest junta leader to attend the U.N. session in more than 15 years. It is usually the foreign minister and a large team of diplomats who defend the regime during these U.N. proceedings.
"The choice of 7,114 prisoners clearly smacks of the influence of astrologers," said Bertil Lintner, a writer and Burma specialist based in Thailand. The regime’s leaders are known to consult astrologers to establish the most auspicious dates and times for key events, and number like this.
Many analysts and activists believe this amnesty is intended to deflect criticism of Burma’s human rights’ record at the U.N. meeting and to show the international community that the military regime is cooperating with the U.N.
Some of the political prisoners that have been freed were on the U.N.’s priority list submitted to the junta’s leaders by the U.N. secretary general’s special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, earlier this year, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon also raised this issue with the top general Than Shwe during his failed mission to Burma in July, when the U.N. official was refused permission to meet detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
At the time, Ban was promised that a substantial number of political prisoners would be released before the elections in 2010.
"Clearly, this is a gesture in response to Ban Ki-moon’s request, made on behalf of the international community during his visit to Myanmar earlier this year," the Burma researcher for the Britain-based human rights group Amnesty International, Benjamin Zawacki, told IPS. "And as such it is disingenuous and insultingly insufficient." "These prisoner releases are simply too little, too late" he added. "Too little, because releasing around 120 political prisoners represents less than 5 percent of the more than 2,200 political prisoners who are still languishing in Myanmar’s jails."
"And too late, because at the current rate of release -- every 6 to 12 months -- it will be literally decades before the last of the political prisoners are released. By then, of course, the 2010 elections will have long since passed and many of the prisoners will have served their terms."
Diplomats in Rangoon – Burma’s former capital – believe more political prisoners will be released in the coming months, but that these will be freed in drips and drabs. The junta’s seven-stage roadmap to democracy includes a mass amnesty for political prisoners. This was agreed more than five years ago between the former prime minister, General Khin Nyunt – now under house arrest -- and the U.N. envoy at the time, Dato Razali Ismail, according to the former U.N. human rights rapporteur for Burma, Paulo Pinheiro.
Few believe that the regime will honour this promise, though a few more political prisoners may see the light of day. "Technically, there is still time before the elections for this (recent) mass release to be only the first step -- with many more to follow in quick succession – but all the signs and signals suggest this will not be the case," said Zawacki.
"If the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council, as the military regime is officially called) was serious about making the elections free and fair, they would release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi," said Zin Linn, a spokesman for the National Coalition Government for the Union of Burma, the democratically elected Burmese government currently in exile in Thailand. "They may free other activists, but the key opposition leaders will certainly be kept behind bars until after the election."
There is no doubt that the elections are dominating everything in Burma at the moment – even though the polling date is yet to be announced – according to diplomats and sources within the business community in Rangoon.
The mass release of prisoners may also be in preparation for a possible crackdown on the opposition during the elections. "The junta cannot afford to allow the campaign to be free and fair," said Lintner.
"They are emptying the jails now to fill them up later – that’s what also happened in 1988, ahead of the mass pro-democracy protests, when thousands and thousands of activists were later locked up," he said. "The SPDC is still playing games — cracking down and easing pressure when it suits them, and then re-asserting their power when they need to," said Zin Linn.
It is all part of the military rulers strategy to keep control and prevent social unrest, according to activists and human rights groups.
"Even if a handful of political activists have been free, others are still being arrested," said Mathieson. "The message is clear: any threat to the 2010 elections will be dealt with harshly."
By Larry Jagan
BANGKOK, Sep 23 (IPS) - Having released more than 7,000 prisoners in the last few days as part of the preparations for next year’s planned polls, Burma’s military rulers are up to their old tricks, according to Burmese activists and human rights groups.
Most of those released are petty criminals, although around 200 political prisoners are among the freed.
Many analysts believe these releases are intended to increase the credibility of next year’s multi-party elections – the first in 20 years. But activists accuse the junta of releasing political prisoners to deflect international pressure, especially at the United Nations, where the annual general assembly got underway this week. Burma usually comes under intense scrutiny during this meeting.
"Every one of these prisoners is a person, and it is unacceptable that the junta uses them as chips to bargain with and play the international community," said Thailand-based David Scott Mathieson, the Burma researcher for the Human Rights Watch, a U.S.-based independent organisation.
At least 127 political prisoners have been freed, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners - Burma (AAPPB) in Thailand, which closely monitors the situation inside the junta-ruled South-east Asian state.
So far more than 40 members of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, have been freed, three of whom were elected as members of parliament in 1990.
Six members of the 88 Generation Students group, who were sentenced to more than 60 years in jail for their alleged part in organising the Buddhist monk-led mass protests two years ago against rising food prices, were also among those released from jail. Four monks arrested after the Saffron Revolt in 2007, four journalists, 13 students and a lawyer were also freed, according to the AAPPB.
"These releases are a showcase to ease international pressure," Bo Kyi, the head of the AAPPB, told Inter Press Service. "We expect more than 200 to be released within the next few days."
The government’s announcement last week that exactly 7,114 prisoners were to be released on compassionate grounds came on the eve of the anniversary of the current military rulers ceasing power in a bloody coup on Sep. 18, 1988, and the start of the U.N. annual meeting, to be attended by the Burmese prime minister, General Thein Sein – the highest junta leader to attend the U.N. session in more than 15 years. It is usually the foreign minister and a large team of diplomats who defend the regime during these U.N. proceedings.
"The choice of 7,114 prisoners clearly smacks of the influence of astrologers," said Bertil Lintner, a writer and Burma specialist based in Thailand. The regime’s leaders are known to consult astrologers to establish the most auspicious dates and times for key events, and number like this.
Many analysts and activists believe this amnesty is intended to deflect criticism of Burma’s human rights’ record at the U.N. meeting and to show the international community that the military regime is cooperating with the U.N.
Some of the political prisoners that have been freed were on the U.N.’s priority list submitted to the junta’s leaders by the U.N. secretary general’s special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim Gambari, earlier this year, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon also raised this issue with the top general Than Shwe during his failed mission to Burma in July, when the U.N. official was refused permission to meet detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
At the time, Ban was promised that a substantial number of political prisoners would be released before the elections in 2010.
"Clearly, this is a gesture in response to Ban Ki-moon’s request, made on behalf of the international community during his visit to Myanmar earlier this year," the Burma researcher for the Britain-based human rights group Amnesty International, Benjamin Zawacki, told IPS. "And as such it is disingenuous and insultingly insufficient." "These prisoner releases are simply too little, too late" he added. "Too little, because releasing around 120 political prisoners represents less than 5 percent of the more than 2,200 political prisoners who are still languishing in Myanmar’s jails."
"And too late, because at the current rate of release -- every 6 to 12 months -- it will be literally decades before the last of the political prisoners are released. By then, of course, the 2010 elections will have long since passed and many of the prisoners will have served their terms."
Diplomats in Rangoon – Burma’s former capital – believe more political prisoners will be released in the coming months, but that these will be freed in drips and drabs. The junta’s seven-stage roadmap to democracy includes a mass amnesty for political prisoners. This was agreed more than five years ago between the former prime minister, General Khin Nyunt – now under house arrest -- and the U.N. envoy at the time, Dato Razali Ismail, according to the former U.N. human rights rapporteur for Burma, Paulo Pinheiro.
Few believe that the regime will honour this promise, though a few more political prisoners may see the light of day. "Technically, there is still time before the elections for this (recent) mass release to be only the first step -- with many more to follow in quick succession – but all the signs and signals suggest this will not be the case," said Zawacki.
"If the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council, as the military regime is officially called) was serious about making the elections free and fair, they would release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi," said Zin Linn, a spokesman for the National Coalition Government for the Union of Burma, the democratically elected Burmese government currently in exile in Thailand. "They may free other activists, but the key opposition leaders will certainly be kept behind bars until after the election."
There is no doubt that the elections are dominating everything in Burma at the moment – even though the polling date is yet to be announced – according to diplomats and sources within the business community in Rangoon.
The mass release of prisoners may also be in preparation for a possible crackdown on the opposition during the elections. "The junta cannot afford to allow the campaign to be free and fair," said Lintner.
"They are emptying the jails now to fill them up later – that’s what also happened in 1988, ahead of the mass pro-democracy protests, when thousands and thousands of activists were later locked up," he said. "The SPDC is still playing games — cracking down and easing pressure when it suits them, and then re-asserting their power when they need to," said Zin Linn.
It is all part of the military rulers strategy to keep control and prevent social unrest, according to activists and human rights groups.
"Even if a handful of political activists have been free, others are still being arrested," said Mathieson. "The message is clear: any threat to the 2010 elections will be dealt with harshly."
***************************************************************
Sep 24, 2009
Asia Times Online - Myanmar's monks under close watch
By Joel Chong
BANGKOK - "I'm being watched all the time. I am considered an organizer. Between noon and 2 pm, I am allowed to go out of the monastery. But then I'm followed," Buddhist monk U Manita said, referring to stepped up government repression of the Buddhist clergy in Myanmar. "We don't want this junta. And that's what everyone at my monastery thinks as well."
"Traditionally, we monks are not supposed to be politically active. The military has ruled our country for more than 40 years, and they don't care about the welfare of the people; they care only for themselves and their relatives, and how to remain in power forever. That was why the people rose up against them", said U Pannacara, a 27-year-old monk, referring to street protests in 2007.
These are just two of the many monks' voices heard in "The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Protests in Burma", a new report issued by the New York-based Human Rights Watch this week to coincide with the second anniversary of the monk-led "Saffron" revolution in Myanmar.
Two years ago this month, crimson robes flooded the streets of Yangon and Mandalay as thousands of Buddhist monks marched defiantly against Myanmar's military junta. In certain instances, bystanders formed human shields to protect the venerated monks from security force attacks.
The 2007 protests were sparked mainly by the ruling State Peace and Development Council's (SPDC) decision to remove fuel subsidies that sent prices of diesel and petrol, bus fares and other items soaring, adding to the already hard times from the previous year that saw prices of basic goods rise by 40%.
After protests that started in August 2007 were violently suppressed by security forces in September, more than 1,000 monks had been arrested and detained, according to the HRW. Hundreds of them were tortured in government custody, writes the report.
Myanmar's monks continue to be the subject of suspicion, restrictions and infiltration by a military wary of their organization, clout and moral authority in this mainly Buddhist country of 54 million people.
A total of 237 monks remain imprisoned across Myanmar's 43 prisons and 50 labor camps, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which assists political prisoners and their families in Myanmar. Many were arrested while protesting on the streets or during violent night-time raids on monasteries across the country.
"It was quite a pivotal moment in modern [Myanmar] history when the monks started marching on the streets," David Mathieson, HRW's Myanmar consultant, said at the report's launch at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand.
"Buddhist monks in [Myanmar] are not just one of the key institutions in the country. They are in some senses a barometer of social ideals. They take to the streets, they become public actors, when things get so bad that they can't stay silent."
In a country where monks are widely revered and wield huge influence, the history of the Buddhist clergy, or Sangha, in Myanmar has been marked by revolutionary and radical movements that catalyzed various events of national importance, such as Myanmar's struggle for independence from the British and anti-military protests in the 1970s and 1980s. "They are probably the most powerful institution after the military in the country," Mathieson said.
There are about 400,000 monks in 45,000 registered monasteries across Myanmar, according to HRW. Bertil Lintner, the author of the HRW report and a Myanmar expert, said that "exactly how many [monks] went home [after the September 2007 protests], we don't know". He added, "Many of the monks fled and they disrobed themselves to disguise the fact that they were monks on the run." Dressed in plain civilian clothes, a number were reported to have escaped either by fleeing east toward the Thai border or west toward India.
While compiling the HRW report, Lintner, who has three decades of experience reporting on Myanmar, interviewed monks near the Thai border who had managed to escape from prison. One monk he interviewed escaped by riding a bus to the border.
"At the checkpoint before the border he jumped out and pretended to be a busboy, tearing tickets and changing gears. The bus driver was fully aware of what was going on but he played along. They don't check the drivers' and the busboys' [identification] and he managed to get through, and he finally crossed the border and lived there."
The junta has in recent days tightened its watch over the Buddhist clergy. Exiled Burmese media reported that on August 22, the Sangha League issued a statement saying it was working with 14 other political groups to plan a third boycott against the military, similar to the one launched during the 2007 uprising.
Meanwhile, the junta is known to have planted monks in monasteries to gather information about their sentiments and plans. "They want to show that 'look, we are here and keeping an eye on you','' added Lintner. "The monasteries are heavily infiltrated by informants."
Since the 2007 protests, government attempts to officially register monks have also intensified. "There's just more and more background checks on whether the monks have any affiliations or ties with political organizations," said Mathieson. "That is by its nature an intimidating process, basically warning monks not to get involved in any kind of political activities."
Sermons of abbots and senior monks are also coming under more scrutiny, and monks returning to Myanmar from overseas are sometimes arrested and interrogated, he added. Monasteries have also been warned not to be so visible and many have been shut down in different parts of the country, according to Lintner.
Only three of the 7,114 prisoners released as part of a mass amnesty last week were Buddhist monks, according to AAPP's Bo Kyi. Only 122 of those released were considered to be political prisoners, exiled Burmese organizations claimed.
Monks released from detention often find their situations changed. "Some monks find it very difficult to return to their monastery as some of the monasteries are reluctant to accept those who have been released from prison," Bo Kyi told Inter Press Service. "They have to find out themselves where they can stay."
Last week's amnesty announcement was notably made before Myanmar Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein's trip to New York to attend the United Nations General Assembly meeting, which he is expected to address on September 28. While it's still unclear if Myanmar's monks intend to take new action against the military regime, analysts say that dissent continues to simmer below the surface as the government prepares for elections in 2010.
"The monks can never be the leaders of a political-social movement, [but] they can be the catalyst ... They showed that very clearly in September [2007] when they showed up at [detained pro-democracy leader] Aung San Suu Kyi's house and showed her 'we're here, but you are the leader'," said Lintner. "It doesn't matter what the military do to the monks. They are still monks in their hearts, and they will continue being that."
Asia Times Online - Myanmar's monks under close watch
By Joel Chong
BANGKOK - "I'm being watched all the time. I am considered an organizer. Between noon and 2 pm, I am allowed to go out of the monastery. But then I'm followed," Buddhist monk U Manita said, referring to stepped up government repression of the Buddhist clergy in Myanmar. "We don't want this junta. And that's what everyone at my monastery thinks as well."
"Traditionally, we monks are not supposed to be politically active. The military has ruled our country for more than 40 years, and they don't care about the welfare of the people; they care only for themselves and their relatives, and how to remain in power forever. That was why the people rose up against them", said U Pannacara, a 27-year-old monk, referring to street protests in 2007.
These are just two of the many monks' voices heard in "The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Protests in Burma", a new report issued by the New York-based Human Rights Watch this week to coincide with the second anniversary of the monk-led "Saffron" revolution in Myanmar.
Two years ago this month, crimson robes flooded the streets of Yangon and Mandalay as thousands of Buddhist monks marched defiantly against Myanmar's military junta. In certain instances, bystanders formed human shields to protect the venerated monks from security force attacks.
The 2007 protests were sparked mainly by the ruling State Peace and Development Council's (SPDC) decision to remove fuel subsidies that sent prices of diesel and petrol, bus fares and other items soaring, adding to the already hard times from the previous year that saw prices of basic goods rise by 40%.
After protests that started in August 2007 were violently suppressed by security forces in September, more than 1,000 monks had been arrested and detained, according to the HRW. Hundreds of them were tortured in government custody, writes the report.
Myanmar's monks continue to be the subject of suspicion, restrictions and infiltration by a military wary of their organization, clout and moral authority in this mainly Buddhist country of 54 million people.
A total of 237 monks remain imprisoned across Myanmar's 43 prisons and 50 labor camps, according to the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), which assists political prisoners and their families in Myanmar. Many were arrested while protesting on the streets or during violent night-time raids on monasteries across the country.
"It was quite a pivotal moment in modern [Myanmar] history when the monks started marching on the streets," David Mathieson, HRW's Myanmar consultant, said at the report's launch at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand.
"Buddhist monks in [Myanmar] are not just one of the key institutions in the country. They are in some senses a barometer of social ideals. They take to the streets, they become public actors, when things get so bad that they can't stay silent."
In a country where monks are widely revered and wield huge influence, the history of the Buddhist clergy, or Sangha, in Myanmar has been marked by revolutionary and radical movements that catalyzed various events of national importance, such as Myanmar's struggle for independence from the British and anti-military protests in the 1970s and 1980s. "They are probably the most powerful institution after the military in the country," Mathieson said.
There are about 400,000 monks in 45,000 registered monasteries across Myanmar, according to HRW. Bertil Lintner, the author of the HRW report and a Myanmar expert, said that "exactly how many [monks] went home [after the September 2007 protests], we don't know". He added, "Many of the monks fled and they disrobed themselves to disguise the fact that they were monks on the run." Dressed in plain civilian clothes, a number were reported to have escaped either by fleeing east toward the Thai border or west toward India.
While compiling the HRW report, Lintner, who has three decades of experience reporting on Myanmar, interviewed monks near the Thai border who had managed to escape from prison. One monk he interviewed escaped by riding a bus to the border.
"At the checkpoint before the border he jumped out and pretended to be a busboy, tearing tickets and changing gears. The bus driver was fully aware of what was going on but he played along. They don't check the drivers' and the busboys' [identification] and he managed to get through, and he finally crossed the border and lived there."
The junta has in recent days tightened its watch over the Buddhist clergy. Exiled Burmese media reported that on August 22, the Sangha League issued a statement saying it was working with 14 other political groups to plan a third boycott against the military, similar to the one launched during the 2007 uprising.
Meanwhile, the junta is known to have planted monks in monasteries to gather information about their sentiments and plans. "They want to show that 'look, we are here and keeping an eye on you','' added Lintner. "The monasteries are heavily infiltrated by informants."
Since the 2007 protests, government attempts to officially register monks have also intensified. "There's just more and more background checks on whether the monks have any affiliations or ties with political organizations," said Mathieson. "That is by its nature an intimidating process, basically warning monks not to get involved in any kind of political activities."
Sermons of abbots and senior monks are also coming under more scrutiny, and monks returning to Myanmar from overseas are sometimes arrested and interrogated, he added. Monasteries have also been warned not to be so visible and many have been shut down in different parts of the country, according to Lintner.
Only three of the 7,114 prisoners released as part of a mass amnesty last week were Buddhist monks, according to AAPP's Bo Kyi. Only 122 of those released were considered to be political prisoners, exiled Burmese organizations claimed.
Monks released from detention often find their situations changed. "Some monks find it very difficult to return to their monastery as some of the monasteries are reluctant to accept those who have been released from prison," Bo Kyi told Inter Press Service. "They have to find out themselves where they can stay."
Last week's amnesty announcement was notably made before Myanmar Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein's trip to New York to attend the United Nations General Assembly meeting, which he is expected to address on September 28. While it's still unclear if Myanmar's monks intend to take new action against the military regime, analysts say that dissent continues to simmer below the surface as the government prepares for elections in 2010.
"The monks can never be the leaders of a political-social movement, [but] they can be the catalyst ... They showed that very clearly in September [2007] when they showed up at [detained pro-democracy leader] Aung San Suu Kyi's house and showed her 'we're here, but you are the leader'," said Lintner. "It doesn't matter what the military do to the monks. They are still monks in their hearts, and they will continue being that."
***************************************************************
ISRIA - UN - Secretary-General's Report to the United Nations - "Now Is Our Time"
Mr. President, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Mr. President, let me express my heartfelt congratulations on your assumption of the presidency. I wish you every success and assure you of my full support.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen:
We gather each and every September in a solemn rite. We come to reaffirm our founding Charter ? our faith in fundamental principles of peace, justice, human rights and equal opportunity for all. We assess the state of the world, engage on the key issues of the day, lay out our vision for the way ahead.
This year the opening of the General Debate of the 64th session of the General Assembly asks us to rise to an exceptional moment. Amid many crises -- food, energy, recession and pandemic flu, hitting all at once -- the world looks to us for answers.
If ever there were a time to act in a spirit of renewed multilateralism -- a moment to create a United Nations of genuine collective action -- it is now.
Excellencies,
Distinguished Delegates,
Now is our time. A time to put the “united” back into the United Nations. United in purpose. United in action.
First ? let us make this a year that we, united nations, rise to the greatest challenge we face as a human family: the threat of catastrophic climate change. Yesterday, 100 heads of state and government set out the next steps toward Copenhagen. They recognized the need for an agreement all nations can embrace, in line with their capabilities -- consistent with what science requires -- grounded in “green jobs” and “green growth,” the lifeline of the 21st century. Our road to Copenhagen requires us to bridge our differences. I firmly believe we can.
Second ? let this be the year that nations united to free our world of nuclear weapons. For too long, this great cause has lain dormant. That is why, last October, I proposed a 5-point plan for putting disarmament back on the global agenda. And now, the international climate is changing. The Russian Federation and the United States have pledged to cut their nuclear arsenals. This coming May, at the United Nations Review Conference on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, we have an opportunity to push for real progress.
Tomorrow's historic Security Council summit ? chaired by the President of the United States, with us for the first time ? offers a fresh start. With action now, we can get the ratifications to bring the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty into force. Together, let us make this the year we agreed to banish the bomb.
Third ? in our fight against world poverty, let this be the year we focus on those left behind. Some speak of “green shoots of recovery,” but we see red flags of warning. Our recent report, “Voices of the Vulnerable,” highlights a new crisis. The near-poor are becoming the new poor. An estimated 100 million people could fall below the poverty line this year. Markets may be bouncing back, but incomes and jobs are not.
People are angry. They believe the global economy is stacked against them. That is why we have put forward a Global Jobs Pact for balanced and sustainable growth. That is why we are creating a new Global Impact Vulnerability Alert System, giving us real-time data and analysis on the socio-economic picture around the world. We need to know who is being hurt, and where, so we can best respond.
That is also why, next year at this time, we will convene a special summit on the Millennium Development Goals. With only five years to go, we must mount a final push toward 2015. Rightly, we put women and children at the fore. UNICEF reports a 28 percent decline in child mortality over the past two decades. We can hope for similar progress on maternal health and mortality.
The prevention of sexual violence against women must be a top priority. Let us agree: these acts are an abomination. Leaders of every nation are personally accountable when such crimes are committed within their borders. When women die in childbirth, when they are raped as a weapon of war and have nowhere to turn, we of the United Nations cannot look the other way. And that is why, just recently, you agreed to create a single agency to address women's issues. We have never been more empowered to empower women.
Excellencies,
This Assembly also reaffirmed the responsibility to protect. In our modern era, no nation, large or small, can violate the human rights of its citizens with impunity. Where conflicts arise, justice and accountability should follow.
That is why the work of the International Criminal Court is so vital. We look to the review conference in Kampala, next May, as an opportunity to strengthen its mandate.
We can achieve none of our noble goals without peace, security and justice. In Darfur, that means consolidating recent progress and delivering on our mandate. We will be 90 percent deployed by year's end. Yet we still lack critical assets, particularly transport and helicopters. Meanwhile, we must continue to work, urgently, for the broader stability of Sudan and the region and shore up the comprehensive peace with South Sudan.
Somalia continues to demand attention whether to support African peacekeepers and the government or international anti-piracy efforts.
We will continue to press for resettlement, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka. We welcome the government's commitment to allow all displaced persons to return to their homes by the end of January ? as reaffirmed last week to my envoy.
We will work hard for freedom and democracy in Myanmar. The release of some political prisoners last week falls short of what is needed. We call on Myanmar's friends and neighbors to do more, much more, in the best interests of Myanmar and its people. If next year's elections are to be accepted as credible and inclusive, all political prisoners must be released -- including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
We worked to stop the bloodshed in Gaza. Yet people continue to suffer. Issues of justice and accountability need to be addressed. We must revive negotiations toward a two-state solution and a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. We support President Obama's efforts for a resumption of peace talks and will work with the Quartet to that end.
In Afghanistan, we face a difficult environment. Recent elections revealed serious defects. Yet we should not forget the progress made -- progress we can build on. We are committed to seeing the Afghans through their long night. We will stay with them. We pledge to stand, as well, with the people of Pakistan.
We have made significant progress in Timor Leste, Haiti, Sierra Leone and Nepal. We see quiet progress in Iraq -- and fresh opportunities in Cyprus. Now is the time to take stock and move forward.
Excellencies, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me close by inviting you to look around you. By the end of this General Assembly, our Secretariat building will be empty. Our staff will have dispersed across the city. Our United Nations will be completely renovated. Our common ambition is to make this outward renovation the symbol of our inward renewal.
That is why we have placed such emphasis on building a stronger United Nations for a better world. We have made progress in Delivering as One UN. We have made strides in getting “peace-building” right, so that societies emerging from war do not slide back into conflict. We have sharpened our tools of mediation and diplomacy so that we can stop crises from escalating into broader and more costly tragedies. We created the Department of Field Support, and we are developing the “New Horizons” strategy to make peacekeeping more agile and effective.
In this, we need the strong support of Member States, just as we do to secure the safety of our brave staff serving in dangerous places, too many of whom have lost their lives in the causes we all serve.
Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
This year, I have traveled from the ice rim of the Arctic to the steppes of Mongolia. I have seen, first-hand, the effects of climate change on our planet and its people.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, I met an 18-year-old girl raped by soldiers. Her hope for a new life is the United Nations.
At summits from Trinidad and Tobago, London to L'Aquila, I have spoken out on one point above all others.
We of the United Nations are the voice of the voiceless, the defenders of the defenseless.
If we are to offer genuine hope to the hopeless, if we are to truly turn the corner to economic recovery, then we must do so for all nations and for all people. So much is possible if we work together. Together, we are here to take risks, to assume the burden of responsibility, to rise to an exceptional moment, to make history. This year, of all years, asks no less.
Because we are the United Nations. We are the best hope for humankind. And now is our time.
Thank you very much for your leadership and commitment. Thank you.
Mr. President, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Mr. President, let me express my heartfelt congratulations on your assumption of the presidency. I wish you every success and assure you of my full support.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen:
We gather each and every September in a solemn rite. We come to reaffirm our founding Charter ? our faith in fundamental principles of peace, justice, human rights and equal opportunity for all. We assess the state of the world, engage on the key issues of the day, lay out our vision for the way ahead.
This year the opening of the General Debate of the 64th session of the General Assembly asks us to rise to an exceptional moment. Amid many crises -- food, energy, recession and pandemic flu, hitting all at once -- the world looks to us for answers.
If ever there were a time to act in a spirit of renewed multilateralism -- a moment to create a United Nations of genuine collective action -- it is now.
Excellencies,
Distinguished Delegates,
Now is our time. A time to put the “united” back into the United Nations. United in purpose. United in action.
First ? let us make this a year that we, united nations, rise to the greatest challenge we face as a human family: the threat of catastrophic climate change. Yesterday, 100 heads of state and government set out the next steps toward Copenhagen. They recognized the need for an agreement all nations can embrace, in line with their capabilities -- consistent with what science requires -- grounded in “green jobs” and “green growth,” the lifeline of the 21st century. Our road to Copenhagen requires us to bridge our differences. I firmly believe we can.
Second ? let this be the year that nations united to free our world of nuclear weapons. For too long, this great cause has lain dormant. That is why, last October, I proposed a 5-point plan for putting disarmament back on the global agenda. And now, the international climate is changing. The Russian Federation and the United States have pledged to cut their nuclear arsenals. This coming May, at the United Nations Review Conference on the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, we have an opportunity to push for real progress.
Tomorrow's historic Security Council summit ? chaired by the President of the United States, with us for the first time ? offers a fresh start. With action now, we can get the ratifications to bring the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty into force. Together, let us make this the year we agreed to banish the bomb.
Third ? in our fight against world poverty, let this be the year we focus on those left behind. Some speak of “green shoots of recovery,” but we see red flags of warning. Our recent report, “Voices of the Vulnerable,” highlights a new crisis. The near-poor are becoming the new poor. An estimated 100 million people could fall below the poverty line this year. Markets may be bouncing back, but incomes and jobs are not.
People are angry. They believe the global economy is stacked against them. That is why we have put forward a Global Jobs Pact for balanced and sustainable growth. That is why we are creating a new Global Impact Vulnerability Alert System, giving us real-time data and analysis on the socio-economic picture around the world. We need to know who is being hurt, and where, so we can best respond.
That is also why, next year at this time, we will convene a special summit on the Millennium Development Goals. With only five years to go, we must mount a final push toward 2015. Rightly, we put women and children at the fore. UNICEF reports a 28 percent decline in child mortality over the past two decades. We can hope for similar progress on maternal health and mortality.
The prevention of sexual violence against women must be a top priority. Let us agree: these acts are an abomination. Leaders of every nation are personally accountable when such crimes are committed within their borders. When women die in childbirth, when they are raped as a weapon of war and have nowhere to turn, we of the United Nations cannot look the other way. And that is why, just recently, you agreed to create a single agency to address women's issues. We have never been more empowered to empower women.
Excellencies,
This Assembly also reaffirmed the responsibility to protect. In our modern era, no nation, large or small, can violate the human rights of its citizens with impunity. Where conflicts arise, justice and accountability should follow.
That is why the work of the International Criminal Court is so vital. We look to the review conference in Kampala, next May, as an opportunity to strengthen its mandate.
We can achieve none of our noble goals without peace, security and justice. In Darfur, that means consolidating recent progress and delivering on our mandate. We will be 90 percent deployed by year's end. Yet we still lack critical assets, particularly transport and helicopters. Meanwhile, we must continue to work, urgently, for the broader stability of Sudan and the region and shore up the comprehensive peace with South Sudan.
Somalia continues to demand attention whether to support African peacekeepers and the government or international anti-piracy efforts.
We will continue to press for resettlement, reconciliation and accountability in Sri Lanka. We welcome the government's commitment to allow all displaced persons to return to their homes by the end of January ? as reaffirmed last week to my envoy.
We will work hard for freedom and democracy in Myanmar. The release of some political prisoners last week falls short of what is needed. We call on Myanmar's friends and neighbors to do more, much more, in the best interests of Myanmar and its people. If next year's elections are to be accepted as credible and inclusive, all political prisoners must be released -- including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
We worked to stop the bloodshed in Gaza. Yet people continue to suffer. Issues of justice and accountability need to be addressed. We must revive negotiations toward a two-state solution and a comprehensive peace in the Middle East. We support President Obama's efforts for a resumption of peace talks and will work with the Quartet to that end.
In Afghanistan, we face a difficult environment. Recent elections revealed serious defects. Yet we should not forget the progress made -- progress we can build on. We are committed to seeing the Afghans through their long night. We will stay with them. We pledge to stand, as well, with the people of Pakistan.
We have made significant progress in Timor Leste, Haiti, Sierra Leone and Nepal. We see quiet progress in Iraq -- and fresh opportunities in Cyprus. Now is the time to take stock and move forward.
Excellencies, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me close by inviting you to look around you. By the end of this General Assembly, our Secretariat building will be empty. Our staff will have dispersed across the city. Our United Nations will be completely renovated. Our common ambition is to make this outward renovation the symbol of our inward renewal.
That is why we have placed such emphasis on building a stronger United Nations for a better world. We have made progress in Delivering as One UN. We have made strides in getting “peace-building” right, so that societies emerging from war do not slide back into conflict. We have sharpened our tools of mediation and diplomacy so that we can stop crises from escalating into broader and more costly tragedies. We created the Department of Field Support, and we are developing the “New Horizons” strategy to make peacekeeping more agile and effective.
In this, we need the strong support of Member States, just as we do to secure the safety of our brave staff serving in dangerous places, too many of whom have lost their lives in the causes we all serve.
Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen,
This year, I have traveled from the ice rim of the Arctic to the steppes of Mongolia. I have seen, first-hand, the effects of climate change on our planet and its people.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, I met an 18-year-old girl raped by soldiers. Her hope for a new life is the United Nations.
At summits from Trinidad and Tobago, London to L'Aquila, I have spoken out on one point above all others.
We of the United Nations are the voice of the voiceless, the defenders of the defenseless.
If we are to offer genuine hope to the hopeless, if we are to truly turn the corner to economic recovery, then we must do so for all nations and for all people. So much is possible if we work together. Together, we are here to take risks, to assume the burden of responsibility, to rise to an exceptional moment, to make history. This year, of all years, asks no less.
Because we are the United Nations. We are the best hope for humankind. And now is our time.
Thank you very much for your leadership and commitment. Thank you.
***************************************************************
The New Straits Times - Army couple, Myanmar man charged with kidnap
2009/09/23
By Adib Povera
SUNGAI PETANI: Two soldiers and a Myanmar national were charged at the magistrate's court yesterday with kidnapping a construction worker for a RM24,000 ransom.
Corporal Shanker Krishnan and his wife Corporal Lalitha Paramasivan, both 28, from Kem Lapangan Terbang here, and Soa Than Myint, 17, were alleged to have kidnapped Myanmar national Aung Naing Oo, 30, behind the Court Complex at Bandar Amanjaya here, about 8pm on Sept 2. No plea was recorded.
Chief Inspector Fakarulrazi Ismail prosecuted while the three accused were unrepresented.
Senior court registrar Ahmad Tajuddin Zain fixed Oct 25 for mention.
Meanwhile, state CID chief Assistant Commissioner Mohd Zakaria Ahmad said police had recovered part of the ransom.
Speaking at a press conference at Kuala Muda district police headquarters here, Zakaria said Aung Naing was found in a vacant house with his hands and legs tied.
Zakaria said police were also looking for Batmanathan Gunasegaran, 27, and his wife Dhelika Menam Suthanam, 25, to assist in investigations.
Anyone who knows their whereabouts can contact Kuala Muda district police investigation officer Assistant Superintendent Tay Boon Keong at 04-4299222.
2009/09/23
By Adib Povera
SUNGAI PETANI: Two soldiers and a Myanmar national were charged at the magistrate's court yesterday with kidnapping a construction worker for a RM24,000 ransom.
Corporal Shanker Krishnan and his wife Corporal Lalitha Paramasivan, both 28, from Kem Lapangan Terbang here, and Soa Than Myint, 17, were alleged to have kidnapped Myanmar national Aung Naing Oo, 30, behind the Court Complex at Bandar Amanjaya here, about 8pm on Sept 2. No plea was recorded.
Chief Inspector Fakarulrazi Ismail prosecuted while the three accused were unrepresented.
Senior court registrar Ahmad Tajuddin Zain fixed Oct 25 for mention.
Meanwhile, state CID chief Assistant Commissioner Mohd Zakaria Ahmad said police had recovered part of the ransom.
Speaking at a press conference at Kuala Muda district police headquarters here, Zakaria said Aung Naing was found in a vacant house with his hands and legs tied.
Zakaria said police were also looking for Batmanathan Gunasegaran, 27, and his wife Dhelika Menam Suthanam, 25, to assist in investigations.
Anyone who knows their whereabouts can contact Kuala Muda district police investigation officer Assistant Superintendent Tay Boon Keong at 04-4299222.
***************************************************************
Chinese embassy donates cash, daily necessities to orphanage in Yangon
www.chinaview.cn 2009-09-23 19:44:37
YANGON, Sept. 23 (Xinhua) -- A women team of the Chinese embassy in Myanmar, led by wife of the ambassador Qiu Weiwei, visited an orphanage in the outskirts of Yangon Wednesday and donated cash and to the institution for the welfare of the teachers and students there.
The donated aid materials, presented to the orphanage in Taukkyan, included food, beverage, daily necessities and toys.
Speaking at the donation ceremony, official of the Myanmar Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement U Sein Win thanked the Chinese embassy for the charity move which reflected the deep "Paukphaw" (fraternal) friendship between Myanmar and China.
Head of the orphanage Daw Tin Tin Aye said the orphanage has admitted 62 pre-school-age children who are being brought up under the care of 25 staff.
While visiting the orphanage, the Chinese embassy women team had cordial exchange with the orphans who extended a rousing welcome to the Chinese guests with songs and dances.
www.chinaview.cn 2009-09-23 19:44:37
YANGON, Sept. 23 (Xinhua) -- A women team of the Chinese embassy in Myanmar, led by wife of the ambassador Qiu Weiwei, visited an orphanage in the outskirts of Yangon Wednesday and donated cash and to the institution for the welfare of the teachers and students there.
The donated aid materials, presented to the orphanage in Taukkyan, included food, beverage, daily necessities and toys.
Speaking at the donation ceremony, official of the Myanmar Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement U Sein Win thanked the Chinese embassy for the charity move which reflected the deep "Paukphaw" (fraternal) friendship between Myanmar and China.
Head of the orphanage Daw Tin Tin Aye said the orphanage has admitted 62 pre-school-age children who are being brought up under the care of 25 staff.
While visiting the orphanage, the Chinese embassy women team had cordial exchange with the orphans who extended a rousing welcome to the Chinese guests with songs and dances.
***************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - US, Burma Look for Win-win Situation: Analysts
By SAW YAN NAING, Wednesday, September 23, 2009
The United States finally sent a green light to Burmese Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein and Foreign Minister Nyan Win to fly to New York to take part in the UN General Assembly, the first time in 14 years.
As part of its sanction policy, the US banned Burmese officials from traveling to the US except to attend meetings of international organizations such as the United Nations.
However, on his current trip, Nyan Win was allowed to visit the Burmese embassy in Washington where he met with US Sen. Jim Webb. He is now in New York to attend the general session at the UN General Assembly from Sept. 23-26 and 28-30.
Gen Thein Sein will also join the UN General Assembly session. He is also expected to meet with Kurt M. Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, according to a report in the Washington Post.
The Burmese generals’ travel to the U.S comes at a moment when the U.S government is reviewing its foreign policy on Burma. The results are expected to be announced soon.
Some Burmese observers believe the U.S and Burma may upgrade their diplomatic relationship in a compromise for common interests.
Thakin Chan Tun, a veteran Burmese politician and a former Burmese ambassador to China, said Burma wants to establish a better relationship with the US.
By allowing the Burmese ministers to fly to US, the U.S government may also be trying to influence the regime to release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said Chan Tun.
A Rangoon-based Arakanese politician, Aye Thar Aung, who is secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy, said US policy on Burma hasn’t achieve real results in pressing the Burmese regime to change its policies, and the timing is right for a new policy on Burma.
He said, however, that he doesn’t think the US policy on Burma will change immediately.
“If there is no significant political improvement in Burma, the policy on Burma won’t change,” said Aye Thar Aung.
Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese observer in Chiang Mai, called the moves a good scenario for a better bilateral relationship between the US and Burma.
“Instead of criticizing each other like enemies, at least the tension between the two nations will be decreased,” said Aung Naing Oo.
Although powerful nations such as China and Russia support Burma, the Burmese generals would like to have a relationship with the nation that has imposed economic sanctions, said Aung Naing Oo.
Win Tin, a senior leader of National League for Democracy, however, said the Burmese ministers will use the trip to distract the international community while its army continues to use its divide-and-rule tactic to destroy the political opposition and ethnic armed groups.
“Even if the US wants to practice constructive engagement with the Burmese regime, targeted sanctions on Burma are still needed,” said Win Tin.
By SAW YAN NAING, Wednesday, September 23, 2009
The United States finally sent a green light to Burmese Prime Minister Gen Thein Sein and Foreign Minister Nyan Win to fly to New York to take part in the UN General Assembly, the first time in 14 years.
As part of its sanction policy, the US banned Burmese officials from traveling to the US except to attend meetings of international organizations such as the United Nations.
However, on his current trip, Nyan Win was allowed to visit the Burmese embassy in Washington where he met with US Sen. Jim Webb. He is now in New York to attend the general session at the UN General Assembly from Sept. 23-26 and 28-30.
Gen Thein Sein will also join the UN General Assembly session. He is also expected to meet with Kurt M. Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, according to a report in the Washington Post.
The Burmese generals’ travel to the U.S comes at a moment when the U.S government is reviewing its foreign policy on Burma. The results are expected to be announced soon.
Some Burmese observers believe the U.S and Burma may upgrade their diplomatic relationship in a compromise for common interests.
Thakin Chan Tun, a veteran Burmese politician and a former Burmese ambassador to China, said Burma wants to establish a better relationship with the US.
By allowing the Burmese ministers to fly to US, the U.S government may also be trying to influence the regime to release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said Chan Tun.
A Rangoon-based Arakanese politician, Aye Thar Aung, who is secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy, said US policy on Burma hasn’t achieve real results in pressing the Burmese regime to change its policies, and the timing is right for a new policy on Burma.
He said, however, that he doesn’t think the US policy on Burma will change immediately.
“If there is no significant political improvement in Burma, the policy on Burma won’t change,” said Aye Thar Aung.
Aung Naing Oo, a Burmese observer in Chiang Mai, called the moves a good scenario for a better bilateral relationship between the US and Burma.
“Instead of criticizing each other like enemies, at least the tension between the two nations will be decreased,” said Aung Naing Oo.
Although powerful nations such as China and Russia support Burma, the Burmese generals would like to have a relationship with the nation that has imposed economic sanctions, said Aung Naing Oo.
Win Tin, a senior leader of National League for Democracy, however, said the Burmese ministers will use the trip to distract the international community while its army continues to use its divide-and-rule tactic to destroy the political opposition and ethnic armed groups.
“Even if the US wants to practice constructive engagement with the Burmese regime, targeted sanctions on Burma are still needed,” said Win Tin.
***************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Than Shwe’s Grandson: Geek, Playboy or Gangster?
By WAI MOE, Wednesday, September 23, 2009
In a country like Burma where free speech and political opinions are so muzzled, it’s no surprise people love gossip and scandal. Dozens of popular magazines and Web sites are dedicated to the fashions, flings and romances of pop stars and actresses.
But one subject is echoing around the teashops and offices of Rangoon these days—the numerous tales of Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s favorite grandson, Nay Shwe Thway Aung, nicknamed “Pho La Pyae,” and his public tantrums and shady dealings.
The junta chief’s grandson is renowned in the former capital as a spoilt brat who aspires to be a gangster and a playboy. Aged 18 and a student of Yangon [Rangoon] Technological University, Nay Shwe Thway Aung is brash, loud and outrageously snobbish. Despite his skinny build and computer geek appearance, he has nursed ambitions of being a football player and was romantically linked to two well-known Burmese models.
Several months ago, persistent but unconfirmed rumors suggested that Nay Shwe Thway Aung, an alleged drug abuser, and his friends kidnapped Wut Hmone Shwe Yee, a famous model and actress, and held her in his house for several days.
Now, rumors are circulating that a café in Rangoon named “Seven Corners” has been closed down because of a conflict between Nay Shwe Thway Aung and its owners. It is alleged that Than Shwe’s grandson and his friends smashed up the café, then he ordered a military officer to close down the business.
Speculation as to whether Nay Shwe Thway Aung’s outburst was due to a business conflict or a personal dispute has deepened because the owners of the Seven Corners Café turn out to be Capt Naing Lin Oo, who is the son of Junta Secretary 1 Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo; and Aung Soe Tha, the son of Minister of National Planning and Economic Development Soe Tha.
During the alleged assault in the café, Nay Shwe Thway Aung is alleged to have shouted at the owners: “It’s a disgrace that sons of government ministers are doing business in a state-owned building,” referring to the café’s location within university grounds.
The remark may have been made in haste or in sarcastic jest; for it is well-known to Rangoon residents that, a few months ago, Nay Shwe Thway Aung bought a plot within the compound of the University of Yangon on Inya Road, which he is presently converting into a discotheque.
According to local bloggers, Than Shwe’s grandchild’s wrath was allegedly exacerbated when Tin Aung Myint Oo refused to grant an import license to an import-export company that he is involved with.
The first of two main questions currently being asked around the teashops in the city is: “Does this grievance between Than Shwe’s grandson and the sons of two leading regime ministers represent a deeper divide within the junta hierarchy?”
It is no secret that almost every family member of Burma’s ruling generals is awarded lucrative business concessions. For example, one of Than Shwe’s sons, Tun Naing Shwe, is the director of J-Donuts, the Burmese version of US franchise Dunkin’ Donuts.
“Conflicts within the families of the ruling generals have been going on for years,” said a source close to the military elite circle. “Now, the senior-general’s grandson is in the middle of it.”
“The children of the Burmese generals are raised to believe they are VIPs,” a journalist in Rangoon said. “They consider themselves to be ‘lions,’ in that they do not want to share their cave with anyone else.”
According to sources in Rangoon, a gang of unruly teenagers calling themselves “sin zway” (“Elephant Tusk”) has recently formed in the city. Than Shwe’s grandson is alleged to be involved in the gang.
When people in Burma gossip about Than Shwe’s grandson, they are invariable drawn to comparisons with the notorious grandsons of late dictator Ne Win—Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win—who reportedly founded an armed gang they called “Scorpion” that was allegedly involved in crime, murder, violence, drugs and other mafia-style activities during the 1990s and early 2000s.
In a famous incident, Scorpion gang members on motorbikes pulled up to junta No 2 Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye in a main street in Rangoon, and made gunfire gestures with their hands. Later, Maung Aye ordered a ban on motorcycles in the city, except for official use. That ban still stands to this day.
When Ne Win’s family were arrested for plotting a coup d’état in 2002, Ne Win’s son-in-law and three grandsons were sentenced to death for treason. They still languish in prison.
The second question being whispered around the teashops today is: “Will history repeat itself?”
By WAI MOE, Wednesday, September 23, 2009
In a country like Burma where free speech and political opinions are so muzzled, it’s no surprise people love gossip and scandal. Dozens of popular magazines and Web sites are dedicated to the fashions, flings and romances of pop stars and actresses.
But one subject is echoing around the teashops and offices of Rangoon these days—the numerous tales of Snr-Gen Than Shwe’s favorite grandson, Nay Shwe Thway Aung, nicknamed “Pho La Pyae,” and his public tantrums and shady dealings.
The junta chief’s grandson is renowned in the former capital as a spoilt brat who aspires to be a gangster and a playboy. Aged 18 and a student of Yangon [Rangoon] Technological University, Nay Shwe Thway Aung is brash, loud and outrageously snobbish. Despite his skinny build and computer geek appearance, he has nursed ambitions of being a football player and was romantically linked to two well-known Burmese models.
Several months ago, persistent but unconfirmed rumors suggested that Nay Shwe Thway Aung, an alleged drug abuser, and his friends kidnapped Wut Hmone Shwe Yee, a famous model and actress, and held her in his house for several days.
Now, rumors are circulating that a café in Rangoon named “Seven Corners” has been closed down because of a conflict between Nay Shwe Thway Aung and its owners. It is alleged that Than Shwe’s grandson and his friends smashed up the café, then he ordered a military officer to close down the business.
Speculation as to whether Nay Shwe Thway Aung’s outburst was due to a business conflict or a personal dispute has deepened because the owners of the Seven Corners Café turn out to be Capt Naing Lin Oo, who is the son of Junta Secretary 1 Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo; and Aung Soe Tha, the son of Minister of National Planning and Economic Development Soe Tha.
During the alleged assault in the café, Nay Shwe Thway Aung is alleged to have shouted at the owners: “It’s a disgrace that sons of government ministers are doing business in a state-owned building,” referring to the café’s location within university grounds.
The remark may have been made in haste or in sarcastic jest; for it is well-known to Rangoon residents that, a few months ago, Nay Shwe Thway Aung bought a plot within the compound of the University of Yangon on Inya Road, which he is presently converting into a discotheque.
According to local bloggers, Than Shwe’s grandchild’s wrath was allegedly exacerbated when Tin Aung Myint Oo refused to grant an import license to an import-export company that he is involved with.
The first of two main questions currently being asked around the teashops in the city is: “Does this grievance between Than Shwe’s grandson and the sons of two leading regime ministers represent a deeper divide within the junta hierarchy?”
It is no secret that almost every family member of Burma’s ruling generals is awarded lucrative business concessions. For example, one of Than Shwe’s sons, Tun Naing Shwe, is the director of J-Donuts, the Burmese version of US franchise Dunkin’ Donuts.
“Conflicts within the families of the ruling generals have been going on for years,” said a source close to the military elite circle. “Now, the senior-general’s grandson is in the middle of it.”
“The children of the Burmese generals are raised to believe they are VIPs,” a journalist in Rangoon said. “They consider themselves to be ‘lions,’ in that they do not want to share their cave with anyone else.”
According to sources in Rangoon, a gang of unruly teenagers calling themselves “sin zway” (“Elephant Tusk”) has recently formed in the city. Than Shwe’s grandson is alleged to be involved in the gang.
When people in Burma gossip about Than Shwe’s grandson, they are invariable drawn to comparisons with the notorious grandsons of late dictator Ne Win—Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win—who reportedly founded an armed gang they called “Scorpion” that was allegedly involved in crime, murder, violence, drugs and other mafia-style activities during the 1990s and early 2000s.
In a famous incident, Scorpion gang members on motorbikes pulled up to junta No 2 Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye in a main street in Rangoon, and made gunfire gestures with their hands. Later, Maung Aye ordered a ban on motorcycles in the city, except for official use. That ban still stands to this day.
When Ne Win’s family were arrested for plotting a coup d’état in 2002, Ne Win’s son-in-law and three grandsons were sentenced to death for treason. They still languish in prison.
The second question being whispered around the teashops today is: “Will history repeat itself?”
***************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Arakan Youth Arrested
By LAWI WENG, Wednesday, September 23, 2009
Sixteen ethnic Arakan youth in Rangoon and Arakan State's capital, Sittwe, were arrested by Burmese authorities recently, according to sources in Bangladesh.
Khaing Mrat Kyaw, an editor at the Dhaka-based Narinjara News agency, said the 16 youth were arrested at different locations. Seven were arrested in Rangoon, and others were arrested in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State.
“Special police from Rangoon came to Sittwe to arrest the youths,” he said.
The Burmese authorities have reportedly accused them of links to an exiled Arakan political movement, the All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC), which is based in Mae Sot on the Thai-Burmese border, sources said.
The Irrawaddy on Wednesday contacted the AASYC but the organization refused to comment on the arrests.
Aye Thar Aung, Rangoon-based Arakanese politician who is the secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament, said, “By arresting young people, the junta is suppressing their potential for growth. The military authority sometime accuses them of involvement in bombs or illegal activities without evidence. I am worried about the fairness in those cases.”
The arrests followed the junta’s amnesty of 7,114 prisoners this week, including 128 political prisoners.
About a dozen democracy activists were also arrested recently in Mandalay Division. Many observers believe the continued arrest of activists is an attempt to discourage demonstrations on the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolution in September.
By LAWI WENG, Wednesday, September 23, 2009
Sixteen ethnic Arakan youth in Rangoon and Arakan State's capital, Sittwe, were arrested by Burmese authorities recently, according to sources in Bangladesh.
Khaing Mrat Kyaw, an editor at the Dhaka-based Narinjara News agency, said the 16 youth were arrested at different locations. Seven were arrested in Rangoon, and others were arrested in Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State.
“Special police from Rangoon came to Sittwe to arrest the youths,” he said.
The Burmese authorities have reportedly accused them of links to an exiled Arakan political movement, the All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC), which is based in Mae Sot on the Thai-Burmese border, sources said.
The Irrawaddy on Wednesday contacted the AASYC but the organization refused to comment on the arrests.
Aye Thar Aung, Rangoon-based Arakanese politician who is the secretary of the Committee Representing the People’s Parliament, said, “By arresting young people, the junta is suppressing their potential for growth. The military authority sometime accuses them of involvement in bombs or illegal activities without evidence. I am worried about the fairness in those cases.”
The arrests followed the junta’s amnesty of 7,114 prisoners this week, including 128 political prisoners.
About a dozen democracy activists were also arrested recently in Mandalay Division. Many observers believe the continued arrest of activists is an attempt to discourage demonstrations on the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolution in September.
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Mizzima News - Webb discusses US-Burma relations with Nyan Win
by Mungpi
Wednesday, 23 September 2009 22:17
New Delhi (Mizzima) – US Senator James Webb, known to be a strong advocate of engagement with the Burmese military junta, met visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win on Saturday and discussed taking forward US-Burma relationship.
Webb’s office on Wednesday told Mizzima that the Senator from Virginia met Nyan Win, who visited Washington from New York, where he is attending the 64th United Nations General Assembly.
“Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win was in Washington last weekend, and he met Senator Webb on Saturday. The two discussed how to further U.S- Burma relations,” Webb’s office told Mizzima in an email message.
The Burmese Foreign Minister was visiting the Burmese Embassy in Washington, where he met Webb. Prime Minister Thein Sein is also scheduled to arrive in New York on September 27.
It will be the first time in 14 years that a high-ranking Burmese official will attend the UNGA, after the Vice-Senior General Maung Aye attended in 1995.
Webb, who in August visited Burma during his tour of five Asian-countries, is also all set to chair a congressional hearing on US policy towards the military-ruled South East Asian nation next week.
The hearing, titled ‘U.S. Policy Toward Burma: Its Impact and Effectiveness’, is “tentatively scheduled for September 30, but it’s not yet confirmed,” the office said. But in a statement posted on the office website, the hearing will be held on October 1, 10 a.m. (local time).
The hearing, according to the statement, will examine Burma’s current economic and political situation and discuss how the country’s long history of internal turmoil and ethnic conflicts has affected the development of democracy, his office said.
“Senator Webb intends the comprehensive hearing to evaluate the effectiveness of U.S. policy towards Burma,” the statement said.
Webb, a Democrat from Virginia, chairs the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs.
The hearing will also review the current policy of the U.S.-imposed economic sanctions and discuss on what the US should do in promoting democratic reforms in Burma.
The committee will also “hear testimony on how to frame a new direction for U.S.-Burma relations,” Webb’s office said.
Webb, who met the Burmese junta supremo Senior General Than Shwe and detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during his visit, has openly condemned the US policy of sanctions and advocated greater engagement with the ruling regime.
The US along with the European Union, have imposed strong economic and financial sanctions against the Burmese regime for its appalling human rights record and failure to implement democratic reforms in the country.
But with President Obama coming into office, the US has stated that its earlier policy on the Southeast Asian nation has failed to bring behavioural change in the regime and announced a review of the policy, which according to the state department would soon be complete.
Webb’s engagement approach, however, has not been well accepted by the Burmese opposition movement including members of Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s party – the National League for Democracy.
In a recent article in the Washington Post, Win Tin, a veteran politician and central executive member of the NLD wrote that Webb’s “efforts have been damaging to our democracy movement and focus on the wrong issue – potential for an “election” that Webb wants us to consider participating in next year as part of a long-term political strategy.”
Win Tin, the former Editor of Hantharwaddy newspaper, who served 19 years in prison for his beliefs, said, “The showcase election planned by the military regime makes a mockery of the freedom sought by our people and would make military dictatorship permanent.”
by Mungpi
Wednesday, 23 September 2009 22:17
New Delhi (Mizzima) – US Senator James Webb, known to be a strong advocate of engagement with the Burmese military junta, met visiting Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win on Saturday and discussed taking forward US-Burma relationship.
Webb’s office on Wednesday told Mizzima that the Senator from Virginia met Nyan Win, who visited Washington from New York, where he is attending the 64th United Nations General Assembly.
“Burmese Foreign Minister Nyan Win was in Washington last weekend, and he met Senator Webb on Saturday. The two discussed how to further U.S- Burma relations,” Webb’s office told Mizzima in an email message.
The Burmese Foreign Minister was visiting the Burmese Embassy in Washington, where he met Webb. Prime Minister Thein Sein is also scheduled to arrive in New York on September 27.
It will be the first time in 14 years that a high-ranking Burmese official will attend the UNGA, after the Vice-Senior General Maung Aye attended in 1995.
Webb, who in August visited Burma during his tour of five Asian-countries, is also all set to chair a congressional hearing on US policy towards the military-ruled South East Asian nation next week.
The hearing, titled ‘U.S. Policy Toward Burma: Its Impact and Effectiveness’, is “tentatively scheduled for September 30, but it’s not yet confirmed,” the office said. But in a statement posted on the office website, the hearing will be held on October 1, 10 a.m. (local time).
The hearing, according to the statement, will examine Burma’s current economic and political situation and discuss how the country’s long history of internal turmoil and ethnic conflicts has affected the development of democracy, his office said.
“Senator Webb intends the comprehensive hearing to evaluate the effectiveness of U.S. policy towards Burma,” the statement said.
Webb, a Democrat from Virginia, chairs the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs.
The hearing will also review the current policy of the U.S.-imposed economic sanctions and discuss on what the US should do in promoting democratic reforms in Burma.
The committee will also “hear testimony on how to frame a new direction for U.S.-Burma relations,” Webb’s office said.
Webb, who met the Burmese junta supremo Senior General Than Shwe and detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi during his visit, has openly condemned the US policy of sanctions and advocated greater engagement with the ruling regime.
The US along with the European Union, have imposed strong economic and financial sanctions against the Burmese regime for its appalling human rights record and failure to implement democratic reforms in the country.
But with President Obama coming into office, the US has stated that its earlier policy on the Southeast Asian nation has failed to bring behavioural change in the regime and announced a review of the policy, which according to the state department would soon be complete.
Webb’s engagement approach, however, has not been well accepted by the Burmese opposition movement including members of Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s party – the National League for Democracy.
In a recent article in the Washington Post, Win Tin, a veteran politician and central executive member of the NLD wrote that Webb’s “efforts have been damaging to our democracy movement and focus on the wrong issue – potential for an “election” that Webb wants us to consider participating in next year as part of a long-term political strategy.”
Win Tin, the former Editor of Hantharwaddy newspaper, who served 19 years in prison for his beliefs, said, “The showcase election planned by the military regime makes a mockery of the freedom sought by our people and would make military dictatorship permanent.”
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Mizzima News - Shwe Ohn invites political parties to unite for strong opposition
Wednesday, 23 September 2009 21:16
New Delhi (Mizzima) – The Union Democratic Alliance Organization has invited all ethnic political parties to join hands with them to form a strong opposition in the forthcoming 2010 general elections although they do no hope to win and form the government.
UDAO’s organizing committee member veteran politician Shwe Ohn told Mizzima that they invited the ethnic parties to join them for cooperation and coordination among themselves for the sake of democracy being ushered in Burma.
“We don’t expect to form the government. We just intend to win 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament and start a gradual reform movement as an opposition force. Otherwise we will not be a formidable force in Parliament,” he said.
A statement by the UDAO on September 17, welcomed the setting up of the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP) and the New Mon Party and urged other ethnic nationalities to float political parties and join them in an alliance.
“Our organization is comprised of all ethnic nationalities including Shan, Burman, Kachin and Karen. We believe it will be better if all of us can cooperate. So we urged the KSPP and the Mon Party to join us because in our opinion it’s better to work collectively rather than individually,” Shwe Ohn said.
The KSPP and the Mon Party responded to the invitation saying that it is premature to join them. The UDAO maintains it extended the invitation to join them in contesting the 2010 general elections for the benefit of a Union State.
“We see the invitation as a good thing in principle. We’d like to join them because joining hands with all is best for all of us. But we have to consider the practicality and viability of the invitation. It is premature to talk of an alliance as the election law and political parties law have not yet been enacted and announced,” KSPP organizing committee member Dr. Tuja told Mizzima.
Moreover the KSPP is not meant for the whole country but only to represent Kachin State, he added.
The New Mon Party organizing committee was formed for contesting the 2010 general elections. Its organizing committee member Dr. Nai Banya Aung Moe said, “In the theory of party politics, we should join with all if it is beneficial. But we cannot say anything at the moment as the party is yet to be registered”.
UDAO was formed with an 8-member organizing committee on January 26 this year and now the number has touched 16.
The party is based on the Union Democracy policy and it has two main parts, the core group and the alliance group. Anyone can be a core group member regardless of their race and creed if they join the party as an individual. If a party joins the UDAO, it will be part of the alliance.
The core group will be established as a party later and will be an ally of the UDAO and there will be no leading party in it. The Central Executive Committee will be selected from the CEC members of member organizations based on their performance and merit.
The UDAO also extended similar invitations to the National League for Democracy (NLD) to join them in early January this year but it is leant that no response has yet been received.
(Reported by Salai Han Thar San)
Wednesday, 23 September 2009 21:16
New Delhi (Mizzima) – The Union Democratic Alliance Organization has invited all ethnic political parties to join hands with them to form a strong opposition in the forthcoming 2010 general elections although they do no hope to win and form the government.
UDAO’s organizing committee member veteran politician Shwe Ohn told Mizzima that they invited the ethnic parties to join them for cooperation and coordination among themselves for the sake of democracy being ushered in Burma.
“We don’t expect to form the government. We just intend to win 25 per cent of the seats in Parliament and start a gradual reform movement as an opposition force. Otherwise we will not be a formidable force in Parliament,” he said.
A statement by the UDAO on September 17, welcomed the setting up of the Kachin State Progressive Party (KSPP) and the New Mon Party and urged other ethnic nationalities to float political parties and join them in an alliance.
“Our organization is comprised of all ethnic nationalities including Shan, Burman, Kachin and Karen. We believe it will be better if all of us can cooperate. So we urged the KSPP and the Mon Party to join us because in our opinion it’s better to work collectively rather than individually,” Shwe Ohn said.
The KSPP and the Mon Party responded to the invitation saying that it is premature to join them. The UDAO maintains it extended the invitation to join them in contesting the 2010 general elections for the benefit of a Union State.
“We see the invitation as a good thing in principle. We’d like to join them because joining hands with all is best for all of us. But we have to consider the practicality and viability of the invitation. It is premature to talk of an alliance as the election law and political parties law have not yet been enacted and announced,” KSPP organizing committee member Dr. Tuja told Mizzima.
Moreover the KSPP is not meant for the whole country but only to represent Kachin State, he added.
The New Mon Party organizing committee was formed for contesting the 2010 general elections. Its organizing committee member Dr. Nai Banya Aung Moe said, “In the theory of party politics, we should join with all if it is beneficial. But we cannot say anything at the moment as the party is yet to be registered”.
UDAO was formed with an 8-member organizing committee on January 26 this year and now the number has touched 16.
The party is based on the Union Democracy policy and it has two main parts, the core group and the alliance group. Anyone can be a core group member regardless of their race and creed if they join the party as an individual. If a party joins the UDAO, it will be part of the alliance.
The core group will be established as a party later and will be an ally of the UDAO and there will be no leading party in it. The Central Executive Committee will be selected from the CEC members of member organizations based on their performance and merit.
The UDAO also extended similar invitations to the National League for Democracy (NLD) to join them in early January this year but it is leant that no response has yet been received.
(Reported by Salai Han Thar San)
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Mizzima News - Secret disaster management training creates panic
Tuesday, 22 September 2009 22:51
New Delhi (Mizzima) – In the aftermath of the deadly Cyclone Nargis that devastated Burma’s coastal regions in May 2008, the army generals ruling the country are ensuring they do not face a catastrophe of the same magnitude without preparation.
The generals in Naypyitaw have instructed imparting of a training programme on disaster management for high ranking officials, including those of the Meteorology and Hydrology Department (MHD) last week.
The training, cloaked in secrecy even from lower ranking staff of the department, was revealed, when a mock Tsunami alarm, issued by the Director of the MHD, was leaked to the people.
The dummy statement, apparently used for training purposes, which had no practical value, stated on September 14, that a powerful earthquake with an intensity of 9.5 on the Richter scale was recorded about 950 miles south of Kaba Aye Seismological Department Observatory at 14:30 hours.
It further warned that the quake was likely to produce a Tsunami resulting in up to 10 feet high tidal waves in the coastal region. It warned the people to move at least one-and-a-half mile inland from the coast.
“After two to five hours of a strong earthquake, the 10 feet high sea waves could hit the coastal region,” the statement said.
While it is not clear how the training was conducted, the mock notice reveals that the government was imparting training for high-level officials on natural disaster preparedness.
Despite the secrecy, the dummy notice, a copy of which is in Mizzima’s possession, was leaked to the public, creating panic among residents in Rangoon, sources said.
Though there has been no official announcement of any Tsunami or news reports on it, people in Rangoon said they believed the rumours because there was no such announcement before Cyclone Nargis lashed the country, the source said.
Days before Cyclone Nargis lashed Burma’s coastal region, the Burmese Meteorological and Hydrology Department, which was warned by India and the US, officially informed of the scale of the cyclone, to the government and to the state-run televisions, which after softening the tenor read out a normal weather forecast.
Though it was written on the dummy statement - ‘only for training purpose’ - residents in Rangoon panicked as they believed it, afraid that another cyclone would catch them unawares, the source said.
Cyclone Nargis, which was the worst disaster in modern Burma, left at least 140,000 dead or missing and devastated over 2.4 million people’s lives.
More than 16 months since the cyclone, locals are still struggling to rebuild their lives with the help of domestic volunteers and NGOs, International NGOs, the government and the United Nations.
Tuesday, 22 September 2009 22:51
New Delhi (Mizzima) – In the aftermath of the deadly Cyclone Nargis that devastated Burma’s coastal regions in May 2008, the army generals ruling the country are ensuring they do not face a catastrophe of the same magnitude without preparation.
The generals in Naypyitaw have instructed imparting of a training programme on disaster management for high ranking officials, including those of the Meteorology and Hydrology Department (MHD) last week.
The training, cloaked in secrecy even from lower ranking staff of the department, was revealed, when a mock Tsunami alarm, issued by the Director of the MHD, was leaked to the people.
The dummy statement, apparently used for training purposes, which had no practical value, stated on September 14, that a powerful earthquake with an intensity of 9.5 on the Richter scale was recorded about 950 miles south of Kaba Aye Seismological Department Observatory at 14:30 hours.
It further warned that the quake was likely to produce a Tsunami resulting in up to 10 feet high tidal waves in the coastal region. It warned the people to move at least one-and-a-half mile inland from the coast.
“After two to five hours of a strong earthquake, the 10 feet high sea waves could hit the coastal region,” the statement said.
While it is not clear how the training was conducted, the mock notice reveals that the government was imparting training for high-level officials on natural disaster preparedness.
Despite the secrecy, the dummy notice, a copy of which is in Mizzima’s possession, was leaked to the public, creating panic among residents in Rangoon, sources said.
Though there has been no official announcement of any Tsunami or news reports on it, people in Rangoon said they believed the rumours because there was no such announcement before Cyclone Nargis lashed the country, the source said.
Days before Cyclone Nargis lashed Burma’s coastal region, the Burmese Meteorological and Hydrology Department, which was warned by India and the US, officially informed of the scale of the cyclone, to the government and to the state-run televisions, which after softening the tenor read out a normal weather forecast.
Though it was written on the dummy statement - ‘only for training purpose’ - residents in Rangoon panicked as they believed it, afraid that another cyclone would catch them unawares, the source said.
Cyclone Nargis, which was the worst disaster in modern Burma, left at least 140,000 dead or missing and devastated over 2.4 million people’s lives.
More than 16 months since the cyclone, locals are still struggling to rebuild their lives with the help of domestic volunteers and NGOs, International NGOs, the government and the United Nations.
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Mizzima News - Commentary: Lame amnesty, creating prison space for dissidents
by Brian McCartan
Wednesday, 23 September 2009 11:18
Bangkok, Thailand (Mizzima) - A more sinister motive than currying favour with the international community on the eve of the opening of the UN General Assembly may be behind Burma’s mass prisoner amnesty last week. The generals could be aiming to make space in the prisons for more detainees in the run up to next year’s elections.
The suggestion was made yesterday by Burma expert, Bertil Lintner, at a press conference at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand for the release of a Human Rights Watch report detailing the situation of Burma’s monkhood since the suppression of the 2007 Saffron Revolution. Mr. Lintner questioned the timing of the release and said it was because the generals “need space in the prisons.”
A total of six prisoner amnesties have occurred since November 2004 resulting in the release of 45,732 prisoners, although only 1.3% of them were political prisoners according to AAPP-B. Three of those amnesties have occurred since the crushing of the Saffron Revolution in September 2007. In November 2007, 8,585 prisoners were released supposedly to mark the end of the constitution drafting National Convention, only 20 were political detainees. In September 2008, 9,002 inmates were released, of which only nine were political, including U Win Tin, a leading figure in the NLD. In February 2009, another 6,313 prisoners were released, 31 of whom were political prisoners. The junta claimed during that amnesty that the release was to allow the detainees “to participate in fair elections to be held in 2010.”
During that same time period, according to Human Rights Watch and AAPP-B, the number of arrests of individuals for political offences has more than doubled. More than 2,250 Burmese were believed to be locked up in prisons and labour camps across the country for political offences prior to last week’s amnesty. Hundreds of other opponents of the regime have gone underground or fled into exile abroad since 2007.
This most recent amnesty may be aimed at putting a shine on the junta’s image immediately before the commencement of the UN General Assembly in New York this week. The event will be attended by Foreign Minister Nyan Win, and perhaps more importantly, Prime Minister General Thein Sein, the most senior member of the regime to attend since 1995. It may also have been timed to coincide with an announcement by the Obama administration of a new Burma policy.
The international good will gained, and the extra space saved by the release of so many prisoners, could give the regime the leeway it needs to continue, and possibly step up, repression against opponents of its election plans. Past reprieves have seen the junta praised by the UN and governments while arrests which quietly continued or were even stepped up in the wake of the amnesties went seemingly without notice.
The junta is extremely wary of the type of campaigning that occurred prior to the last general elections in 1990, which it lost to the NLD. A period of extended election campaigning would give opposition parties an opportunity to voice their grievances against the regime and its new 2008 constitution. Lessons from past junta actions make it almost inconceivable that the regime would allow this to happen and would surely take steps to make sure any “trouble makers” were safely out of the way beforehand.
Opposition groups have already labeled the current prisoner release a sham noting the small number of political prisoners actually released. Bo Kyi, chairman of the Thailand-based Assistance Association of Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP-B), called the recent release a ploy “to ease international pressure” at yesterday’s press conference. In a press release issued by the group yesterday, they noted that only 128 of the prisoners were actually arrested on political charges.
AAPP-B Secretary Tate Naing said, “Important political figures like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Shan National League for Democracy leader U Khun Tun Oo, 88 Generation Student leader Min Ko Naing and other prominent activists are still in prison, because the regime perceived them as a threat to its absolute power.” In addition to Suu Kyi, the NLD’s vice-chairman, Tin Oo, and her personal secretary U Win Htein remain under arrest.
Many in the opposition community and among Burma watchers believe last month’s verdict against Suu Kyi extending her house arrest was designed to make sure she would not be able to participate in next year’s elections. Any one of the currently imprisoned leaders could become a focal point for anti-government sentiment which could result in what the general
by Brian McCartan
Wednesday, 23 September 2009 11:18
Bangkok, Thailand (Mizzima) - A more sinister motive than currying favour with the international community on the eve of the opening of the UN General Assembly may be behind Burma’s mass prisoner amnesty last week. The generals could be aiming to make space in the prisons for more detainees in the run up to next year’s elections.
The suggestion was made yesterday by Burma expert, Bertil Lintner, at a press conference at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Thailand for the release of a Human Rights Watch report detailing the situation of Burma’s monkhood since the suppression of the 2007 Saffron Revolution. Mr. Lintner questioned the timing of the release and said it was because the generals “need space in the prisons.”
A total of six prisoner amnesties have occurred since November 2004 resulting in the release of 45,732 prisoners, although only 1.3% of them were political prisoners according to AAPP-B. Three of those amnesties have occurred since the crushing of the Saffron Revolution in September 2007. In November 2007, 8,585 prisoners were released supposedly to mark the end of the constitution drafting National Convention, only 20 were political detainees. In September 2008, 9,002 inmates were released, of which only nine were political, including U Win Tin, a leading figure in the NLD. In February 2009, another 6,313 prisoners were released, 31 of whom were political prisoners. The junta claimed during that amnesty that the release was to allow the detainees “to participate in fair elections to be held in 2010.”
During that same time period, according to Human Rights Watch and AAPP-B, the number of arrests of individuals for political offences has more than doubled. More than 2,250 Burmese were believed to be locked up in prisons and labour camps across the country for political offences prior to last week’s amnesty. Hundreds of other opponents of the regime have gone underground or fled into exile abroad since 2007.
This most recent amnesty may be aimed at putting a shine on the junta’s image immediately before the commencement of the UN General Assembly in New York this week. The event will be attended by Foreign Minister Nyan Win, and perhaps more importantly, Prime Minister General Thein Sein, the most senior member of the regime to attend since 1995. It may also have been timed to coincide with an announcement by the Obama administration of a new Burma policy.
The international good will gained, and the extra space saved by the release of so many prisoners, could give the regime the leeway it needs to continue, and possibly step up, repression against opponents of its election plans. Past reprieves have seen the junta praised by the UN and governments while arrests which quietly continued or were even stepped up in the wake of the amnesties went seemingly without notice.
The junta is extremely wary of the type of campaigning that occurred prior to the last general elections in 1990, which it lost to the NLD. A period of extended election campaigning would give opposition parties an opportunity to voice their grievances against the regime and its new 2008 constitution. Lessons from past junta actions make it almost inconceivable that the regime would allow this to happen and would surely take steps to make sure any “trouble makers” were safely out of the way beforehand.
Opposition groups have already labeled the current prisoner release a sham noting the small number of political prisoners actually released. Bo Kyi, chairman of the Thailand-based Assistance Association of Political Prisoners-Burma (AAPP-B), called the recent release a ploy “to ease international pressure” at yesterday’s press conference. In a press release issued by the group yesterday, they noted that only 128 of the prisoners were actually arrested on political charges.
AAPP-B Secretary Tate Naing said, “Important political figures like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Shan National League for Democracy leader U Khun Tun Oo, 88 Generation Student leader Min Ko Naing and other prominent activists are still in prison, because the regime perceived them as a threat to its absolute power.” In addition to Suu Kyi, the NLD’s vice-chairman, Tin Oo, and her personal secretary U Win Htein remain under arrest.
Many in the opposition community and among Burma watchers believe last month’s verdict against Suu Kyi extending her house arrest was designed to make sure she would not be able to participate in next year’s elections. Any one of the currently imprisoned leaders could become a focal point for anti-government sentiment which could result in what the general
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Child soldier sentenced for deserting
Sept 23, 2009 (DVB)–The family of two underage children forcibly recruited into the Burmese army last year have filed a complaint to a UN body after both were punished for escaping their depot, with one now in prison.
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) received the complaint on Monday from the family of Zaw Naing Win and Than Htun Oo, cousins from southern Burma’s Bago division.
The complaint details the case of the two boys who were both 16-years-old when they were abducted at a train station in June 2008 and sent to a Rangoon army unit.
Burmese law states that children under the age of 18-years-old cannot serve in the army, while international law says that those younger than 18 can only join voluntarily.
Daw Nyo, the mother of Zaw Naing Win, said the two were taken to a soldier recruitment centre and forcibly enlisted into the Burmese navy’s Central Naval Stores Depot.
After six months of training with the navy, the two were allowed 10 days breaks each, during which they returned home.
“My son said he couldn’t bear the strict rules and pressure from the army and he didn’t go back to them,” Daw Nyo said.
After refusing to return Zaw Naing Win to battalion officials who arrived at the house, the family was asked to pay 200,000 kyat ($US2,000) by a local deputy police chief. Police arrested Zaw Naing Win after the family failed to pay.
While Zaw Naing Win was punished with 15 strokes of the cane, Than Htun Oo was given a six-month sentence in Rangoon’s Hlawga prison.
The family filed the complaint with assistance from Bago human rights and legal advocacy group, Guiding Star.
The head of Guiding Star, Aye Myint, said the army has a responsibility for recruiting child soldiers.
“This is a form of domestic human trafficking…the [army] should release these children,” he said.
The ILO’s liaison office in Rangoon was unavailable for comments.
Recruitment of child soldiers in Burma is common, with reports regular surfacing of abduction of children into the army.
A UN team was last month sent to Burma to pressure the ruling junta and armed ethnic groups to end use of child soldiers.
Reporting by Naw Noreen
Sept 23, 2009 (DVB)–The family of two underage children forcibly recruited into the Burmese army last year have filed a complaint to a UN body after both were punished for escaping their depot, with one now in prison.
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) received the complaint on Monday from the family of Zaw Naing Win and Than Htun Oo, cousins from southern Burma’s Bago division.
The complaint details the case of the two boys who were both 16-years-old when they were abducted at a train station in June 2008 and sent to a Rangoon army unit.
Burmese law states that children under the age of 18-years-old cannot serve in the army, while international law says that those younger than 18 can only join voluntarily.
Daw Nyo, the mother of Zaw Naing Win, said the two were taken to a soldier recruitment centre and forcibly enlisted into the Burmese navy’s Central Naval Stores Depot.
After six months of training with the navy, the two were allowed 10 days breaks each, during which they returned home.
“My son said he couldn’t bear the strict rules and pressure from the army and he didn’t go back to them,” Daw Nyo said.
After refusing to return Zaw Naing Win to battalion officials who arrived at the house, the family was asked to pay 200,000 kyat ($US2,000) by a local deputy police chief. Police arrested Zaw Naing Win after the family failed to pay.
While Zaw Naing Win was punished with 15 strokes of the cane, Than Htun Oo was given a six-month sentence in Rangoon’s Hlawga prison.
The family filed the complaint with assistance from Bago human rights and legal advocacy group, Guiding Star.
The head of Guiding Star, Aye Myint, said the army has a responsibility for recruiting child soldiers.
“This is a form of domestic human trafficking…the [army] should release these children,” he said.
The ILO’s liaison office in Rangoon was unavailable for comments.
Recruitment of child soldiers in Burma is common, with reports regular surfacing of abduction of children into the army.
A UN team was last month sent to Burma to pressure the ruling junta and armed ethnic groups to end use of child soldiers.
Reporting by Naw Noreen
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Media restricted in pre-election coverage
Sept 23, 2009 (DVB)–The Burmese government has reportedly clamped down on media coverage in the run-up to next year’s elections, according to industry workers who were barred from running news about an election forum.
Around 60 people attended a discussion forum in Rangoon held by the newly-formed Democratic Party, said to be close to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party.
According to party leader Thu Wei, journalists from several weekly journals later said that they were not allowed to publish material on the forum.
“[Authorities] told them that reporting of such news has not yet been permitted but the permission would come soon,” he said.
“Until now, there haven’t been any election laws passed yet, and we still don’t know when it will be held or whether it’s still going to happen [in 2010] or not.”
He said that the meeting for the formation of the group took place under the guise of a wedding anniversary of Thu Wei and his wife, while party discussions are often billed as merit-making events.
Media restrictions in Burma are amongst the most draconian in the world, with journalists deemed guilty of dissent often handed lengthy prison sentences. All published material must first be passed through the government’s Censor Board.
Plans for elections next year have drawn criticism, with the 2008 redrafted constitution appearing to guarantee continuation of military rule.
The NLD, whose detained leader Aung San Suu Kyi is not allowed to run for office, are yet to announce whether they will participate.
Senior Burmese government officials, including prime minister Thein Sein, are in New York this week to attend the United Nations General Assembly, the first time a senior-level Burmese delegation has participated in 14 years.
Thu Wei said that the United States embassy in Rangoon had been “attentive” to the situation faced by opposition groups in Burma.
“They have been learning about our motives… I think they are just studying the situation and waiting to see if there is any sign of change [in Burma],” he said.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
Sept 23, 2009 (DVB)–The Burmese government has reportedly clamped down on media coverage in the run-up to next year’s elections, according to industry workers who were barred from running news about an election forum.
Around 60 people attended a discussion forum in Rangoon held by the newly-formed Democratic Party, said to be close to the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party.
According to party leader Thu Wei, journalists from several weekly journals later said that they were not allowed to publish material on the forum.
“[Authorities] told them that reporting of such news has not yet been permitted but the permission would come soon,” he said.
“Until now, there haven’t been any election laws passed yet, and we still don’t know when it will be held or whether it’s still going to happen [in 2010] or not.”
He said that the meeting for the formation of the group took place under the guise of a wedding anniversary of Thu Wei and his wife, while party discussions are often billed as merit-making events.
Media restrictions in Burma are amongst the most draconian in the world, with journalists deemed guilty of dissent often handed lengthy prison sentences. All published material must first be passed through the government’s Censor Board.
Plans for elections next year have drawn criticism, with the 2008 redrafted constitution appearing to guarantee continuation of military rule.
The NLD, whose detained leader Aung San Suu Kyi is not allowed to run for office, are yet to announce whether they will participate.
Senior Burmese government officials, including prime minister Thein Sein, are in New York this week to attend the United Nations General Assembly, the first time a senior-level Burmese delegation has participated in 14 years.
Thu Wei said that the United States embassy in Rangoon had been “attentive” to the situation faced by opposition groups in Burma.
“They have been learning about our motives… I think they are just studying the situation and waiting to see if there is any sign of change [in Burma],” he said.
Reporting by Htet Aung Kyaw
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