US to push for change in Myanmar
By FOSTER KLUG, Associated Press Writer – Wed Jul 15, 3:56 pm ET
WASHINGTON (AP) – A senior U.S. official on Wednesday defended the United States' ability to push for democratic change in Myanmar, saying an unfinished Obama administration review of Myanmar policy has not hindered U.S. diplomacy with the military-run country.
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Scot Marciel told reporters that Myanmar's trial of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has slowed the policy review that began in February. The Myanmar charges could carry up to a five-year prison term for Suu Kyi.
But Marciel, who also serves as U.S. ambassador to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, said that Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton will "express our concerns quite clearly" about Myanmar at next week's meeting of foreign ministers from the 10-member ASEAN.
Myanmar, which has been ruled by military juntas since 1962, is a member of ASEAN. The country, also known as Burma, and its treatment of Suu Kyi are expected to be major topics of discussion at the Thailand meeting.
"We're not left empty handed or frozen, if you will, by the fact that the review is not completed," Marciel said. "We've been extremely active on Burma policy."
He described the United States' "fundamental policy" as an effort to encourage Myanmar's government — through public statements and private diplomacy — to talk with opposition leaders, release political prisoners and open up to the outside world. The policy review, he said, is meant to find ways the United States can more effectively push for change in Myanmar.
Not having the review finished, Marciel said, "doesn't mean that we're without diplomatic tools."
U.S. officials have repeatedly called for Suu Kyi's release. She faces charges that she violated the terms of her house arrest by harboring an uninvited American man who entered her residence. Expectations are that the 63-year-old Nobel laureate will be found guilty by a court known for handing out harsh sentences to political dissidents.
Clinton and other top Obama officials have indicated that past U.S. policy toward Myanmar has not produced results.
Kurt Campbell, the top U.S. diplomat for East Asia, gave a hint last month of a possible new direction in U.S. policy. He said that the United States was "prepared to reach out" to Myanmar. But, he said, the junta's trial of Suu Kyi was "deeply, deeply concerning, and it makes it very difficult to move forward."
The United States has traditionally relied on tough sanctions meant to force Myanmar's generals to respect human rights and release thousands of imprisoned political activists. Those sanctions are widely supported among both senior Democratic and Republican lawmakers in the United States.
Clinton, on a trip through Asia in February, said neither U.S. sanctions nor engagement by Myanmar's neighbors have persuaded the junta to embrace democracy or release Suu Kyi.
It has been 19 years since Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory at the ballot box but was prevented from taking office. She has been detained without trial for more than 13 of the past 19 years, including the last six.
Marciel said that, in addition to Myanmar, he expected ministers at the meetings in Thailand to discuss climate change, disaster relief, North Korea's nuclear programs, pandemic influenza and other issues.
Clinton, he said, is also to hold a meeting with the foreign ministers from Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand on health and environmental issues in the Mekong River region.
By FOSTER KLUG, Associated Press Writer – Wed Jul 15, 3:56 pm ET
WASHINGTON (AP) – A senior U.S. official on Wednesday defended the United States' ability to push for democratic change in Myanmar, saying an unfinished Obama administration review of Myanmar policy has not hindered U.S. diplomacy with the military-run country.
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Scot Marciel told reporters that Myanmar's trial of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has slowed the policy review that began in February. The Myanmar charges could carry up to a five-year prison term for Suu Kyi.
But Marciel, who also serves as U.S. ambassador to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, said that Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton will "express our concerns quite clearly" about Myanmar at next week's meeting of foreign ministers from the 10-member ASEAN.
Myanmar, which has been ruled by military juntas since 1962, is a member of ASEAN. The country, also known as Burma, and its treatment of Suu Kyi are expected to be major topics of discussion at the Thailand meeting.
"We're not left empty handed or frozen, if you will, by the fact that the review is not completed," Marciel said. "We've been extremely active on Burma policy."
He described the United States' "fundamental policy" as an effort to encourage Myanmar's government — through public statements and private diplomacy — to talk with opposition leaders, release political prisoners and open up to the outside world. The policy review, he said, is meant to find ways the United States can more effectively push for change in Myanmar.
Not having the review finished, Marciel said, "doesn't mean that we're without diplomatic tools."
U.S. officials have repeatedly called for Suu Kyi's release. She faces charges that she violated the terms of her house arrest by harboring an uninvited American man who entered her residence. Expectations are that the 63-year-old Nobel laureate will be found guilty by a court known for handing out harsh sentences to political dissidents.
Clinton and other top Obama officials have indicated that past U.S. policy toward Myanmar has not produced results.
Kurt Campbell, the top U.S. diplomat for East Asia, gave a hint last month of a possible new direction in U.S. policy. He said that the United States was "prepared to reach out" to Myanmar. But, he said, the junta's trial of Suu Kyi was "deeply, deeply concerning, and it makes it very difficult to move forward."
The United States has traditionally relied on tough sanctions meant to force Myanmar's generals to respect human rights and release thousands of imprisoned political activists. Those sanctions are widely supported among both senior Democratic and Republican lawmakers in the United States.
Clinton, on a trip through Asia in February, said neither U.S. sanctions nor engagement by Myanmar's neighbors have persuaded the junta to embrace democracy or release Suu Kyi.
It has been 19 years since Suu Kyi's party won a landslide victory at the ballot box but was prevented from taking office. She has been detained without trial for more than 13 of the past 19 years, including the last six.
Marciel said that, in addition to Myanmar, he expected ministers at the meetings in Thailand to discuss climate change, disaster relief, North Korea's nuclear programs, pandemic influenza and other issues.
Clinton, he said, is also to hold a meeting with the foreign ministers from Laos, Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand on health and environmental issues in the Mekong River region.
*****************************************************
Foreign investment in Myanmar soars
Six-fold increase in Myanmar's foreign investment reported, driven by China
Thursday July 16, 2009, 5:52 am EDT
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- Foreign investment in Myanmar swelled sixfold to almost $1 billion in the last fiscal year, most of it coming from China, according to government statistics seen Thursday.
A Ministry of National Planning and Development statistical survey showed that foreign investment jumped to $984.9 million in the fiscal year that ended in March 2009 from $172.7 million the previous year.
Neighboring China, with $855.9 million in the mining sector, accounted for 87 percent of total foreign investment. China signed an agreement with resource-rich Myanmar for nickel production in 2008.
The U.S. and European Union have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar in recent years to pressure the military government to improve its human rights record and to release detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Myanmar has attracted large investments in hydroelectric power, oil and gas since liberalizing its investment code in late 1988.
Other investment projects during the most recent fiscal year came from Russia and Vietnam with a combined $114 million in the oil and gas sector and Thailand with $15 million in the hotel and tourism industry, the report said.
There were no new investments in the manufacturing sector, fishing, transport and power sectors, according to the report.
Six-fold increase in Myanmar's foreign investment reported, driven by China
Thursday July 16, 2009, 5:52 am EDT
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- Foreign investment in Myanmar swelled sixfold to almost $1 billion in the last fiscal year, most of it coming from China, according to government statistics seen Thursday.
A Ministry of National Planning and Development statistical survey showed that foreign investment jumped to $984.9 million in the fiscal year that ended in March 2009 from $172.7 million the previous year.
Neighboring China, with $855.9 million in the mining sector, accounted for 87 percent of total foreign investment. China signed an agreement with resource-rich Myanmar for nickel production in 2008.
The U.S. and European Union have imposed economic sanctions on Myanmar in recent years to pressure the military government to improve its human rights record and to release detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Myanmar has attracted large investments in hydroelectric power, oil and gas since liberalizing its investment code in late 1988.
Other investment projects during the most recent fiscal year came from Russia and Vietnam with a combined $114 million in the oil and gas sector and Thailand with $15 million in the hotel and tourism industry, the report said.
There were no new investments in the manufacturing sector, fishing, transport and power sectors, according to the report.
*****************************************************
India silent on Myanmar, eyes natural wealth
By Elizabeth Roche – 13 hours ago
NEW DELHI (AFP) - Amid the international outcry over the trial of Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, neighbouring India has been conspicuous in its silence.
Once a staunch and vocal Aung San Suu Kyi supporter, India began engaging Myanmar's junta in the mid-1990s -- a shift that has seen security, energy and strategic priorities override concerns over democracy and human rights.
As well as needing Yangon's help to counter ethnic separatists operating along their remote common border, India is eyeing oil and gas fields in Myanmar and fears losing out to China in the race for strategic space in Asia.
"India is following a nuanced approach which is the right policy on Myanmar because New Delhi has to balance its larger strategic interests with support for democracy and human rights," said former foreign secretary Kanwal Sibal.
Western democracies don't see it that way.
Both the European Union and the United States have argued that India and China share a moral imperative to use their economic leverage with Myanmar to promote change in the country.
US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton is expected to raise the issue again when she visits India next week.
So far, New Delhi and Beijing have appeared unmoved by the pleas for diplomatic intervention.
"India no longer comments on the internal affairs of other countries and aims to maintain cordial relations so as to sustain economic engagement," said Marie Lall, associate Asia Programme fellow at London's Chatham House think-tank.
In 1993, India gave Aung San Suu Kyi a humanitarian award created in memory of its first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Since then it has rolled out the red carpet for a roster of visiting Myanmar generals including junta chief Than Shwe.
Besides cultivating political ties, New Delhi has made major investments in large-scale energy and infrastructure projects, partly, analysts say, to counter China's presence in Myanmar.
"India has always had concerns that China has been increasing its political and diplomatic influence in its periphery," said Uday Bhaskar, director of the New Delhi-based Maritime Foundation think-tank.
Both the Asian giants are particularly interested in Myanmar's oil and gas reserves as they seek energy sources to fuel their economic growth.
Indian officials reject the argument that New Delhi's cooperation with Myanmar -- despite the military regime's human rights record -- has tarnished its democratic credentials.
"The issue of human rights is a very convenient stick for the developed world to beat developing countries with when it suits them," an Indian government source told AFP.
"If you look at the human rights record of some developed nations, it is hardly better than those who they criticise," he said, adding that India had always pushed the issue of democratic reforms in "private" discussions with Myanmar's leadership.
Chatham House's Lall also pointed to some apparent double standards, noting that countries like the United States, Britain and France "have dealings with military governments and dictatorships the world over - and have had for decades".
"We deal with China -- a country which has a greater percentage of political prisoners than Myanmar. In that sense India is not acting any differently from the way western countries have been acting for decades," she said.
Lall also questioned the effectiveness of the sanctions championed by the West.
"The international sanctions regime has not brought about change," she said.
"The Myanmar regime will not listen to anyone regarding its internal affairs -- not even China. In fact isolation from the West is exactly what suits this regime best."
By Elizabeth Roche – 13 hours ago
NEW DELHI (AFP) - Amid the international outcry over the trial of Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, neighbouring India has been conspicuous in its silence.
Once a staunch and vocal Aung San Suu Kyi supporter, India began engaging Myanmar's junta in the mid-1990s -- a shift that has seen security, energy and strategic priorities override concerns over democracy and human rights.
As well as needing Yangon's help to counter ethnic separatists operating along their remote common border, India is eyeing oil and gas fields in Myanmar and fears losing out to China in the race for strategic space in Asia.
"India is following a nuanced approach which is the right policy on Myanmar because New Delhi has to balance its larger strategic interests with support for democracy and human rights," said former foreign secretary Kanwal Sibal.
Western democracies don't see it that way.
Both the European Union and the United States have argued that India and China share a moral imperative to use their economic leverage with Myanmar to promote change in the country.
US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton is expected to raise the issue again when she visits India next week.
So far, New Delhi and Beijing have appeared unmoved by the pleas for diplomatic intervention.
"India no longer comments on the internal affairs of other countries and aims to maintain cordial relations so as to sustain economic engagement," said Marie Lall, associate Asia Programme fellow at London's Chatham House think-tank.
In 1993, India gave Aung San Suu Kyi a humanitarian award created in memory of its first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Since then it has rolled out the red carpet for a roster of visiting Myanmar generals including junta chief Than Shwe.
Besides cultivating political ties, New Delhi has made major investments in large-scale energy and infrastructure projects, partly, analysts say, to counter China's presence in Myanmar.
"India has always had concerns that China has been increasing its political and diplomatic influence in its periphery," said Uday Bhaskar, director of the New Delhi-based Maritime Foundation think-tank.
Both the Asian giants are particularly interested in Myanmar's oil and gas reserves as they seek energy sources to fuel their economic growth.
Indian officials reject the argument that New Delhi's cooperation with Myanmar -- despite the military regime's human rights record -- has tarnished its democratic credentials.
"The issue of human rights is a very convenient stick for the developed world to beat developing countries with when it suits them," an Indian government source told AFP.
"If you look at the human rights record of some developed nations, it is hardly better than those who they criticise," he said, adding that India had always pushed the issue of democratic reforms in "private" discussions with Myanmar's leadership.
Chatham House's Lall also pointed to some apparent double standards, noting that countries like the United States, Britain and France "have dealings with military governments and dictatorships the world over - and have had for decades".
"We deal with China -- a country which has a greater percentage of political prisoners than Myanmar. In that sense India is not acting any differently from the way western countries have been acting for decades," she said.
Lall also questioned the effectiveness of the sanctions championed by the West.
"The international sanctions regime has not brought about change," she said.
"The Myanmar regime will not listen to anyone regarding its internal affairs -- not even China. In fact isolation from the West is exactly what suits this regime best."
*****************************************************
Bangladesh police force Rohingyas from makeshift camp: MSF
AFP - Wednesday, July 15
GENEVA (AFP) — Medical charity Doctors without Borders (MSF) on Wednesday condemned an "aggressive and abusive" attempt by Bangladeshi police to forcibly displace Rohingya refugees by destroying and looting their makeshift homes.
"The systematic use of intimidation, violence and forcible displacement against residents of the makeshift camp is absolutely unacceptable," MSF said in a statement.
The charity said that its staff had witnessed the incident at the makeshift Kutupalong camp in the southeastern district of Cox's Bazar, where police and local officials destroyed 259 homes, "looting people?s possessions in the process.
"This incident is another in a series of aggressive and abusive moves by the authorities against the makeshift camp dwellers," it added.
Thirty police and local officials on Tuesday moved material from the destroyed homes into a neighbouring UN refugee agency camp, according to the charity.
They also warned residents of the camp that they had just 48 hours to clear out before their homes were burnt down.
Thousands of people were already forced to move out in late June from the Kutupalong camp, some through acts of violence, said MSF, which added that it treated many women and children for injuries during this period.
"This vulnerable population has fled persecution and discrimination in Myanmar, only to be left unrecognised and unassisted in Bangladesh," said the group.
Buddhist-majority Myanmar denies the Bengali-speaking Rohingya Muslim minority citizenship and property rights, leading to their abuse and exploitation.
Some 28,000 Rohingyas live in two official refugee camps in southern Bangladesh where the United Nations provides medical care.
The UN estimates up to 300,000 Rohingyas live outside the camps, many of them blending in with the local community.
Bangladesh, which borders Myanmar, has not granted any Rohingyas refugee status since 1992.
AFP - Wednesday, July 15
GENEVA (AFP) — Medical charity Doctors without Borders (MSF) on Wednesday condemned an "aggressive and abusive" attempt by Bangladeshi police to forcibly displace Rohingya refugees by destroying and looting their makeshift homes.
"The systematic use of intimidation, violence and forcible displacement against residents of the makeshift camp is absolutely unacceptable," MSF said in a statement.
The charity said that its staff had witnessed the incident at the makeshift Kutupalong camp in the southeastern district of Cox's Bazar, where police and local officials destroyed 259 homes, "looting people?s possessions in the process.
"This incident is another in a series of aggressive and abusive moves by the authorities against the makeshift camp dwellers," it added.
Thirty police and local officials on Tuesday moved material from the destroyed homes into a neighbouring UN refugee agency camp, according to the charity.
They also warned residents of the camp that they had just 48 hours to clear out before their homes were burnt down.
Thousands of people were already forced to move out in late June from the Kutupalong camp, some through acts of violence, said MSF, which added that it treated many women and children for injuries during this period.
"This vulnerable population has fled persecution and discrimination in Myanmar, only to be left unrecognised and unassisted in Bangladesh," said the group.
Buddhist-majority Myanmar denies the Bengali-speaking Rohingya Muslim minority citizenship and property rights, leading to their abuse and exploitation.
Some 28,000 Rohingyas live in two official refugee camps in southern Bangladesh where the United Nations provides medical care.
The UN estimates up to 300,000 Rohingyas live outside the camps, many of them blending in with the local community.
Bangladesh, which borders Myanmar, has not granted any Rohingyas refugee status since 1992.
*****************************************************
BBC News - Meeting Burma's opposition
Wednesday, 15 July 2009 00:17 UK
As the trial of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi continues in Burma, a BBC correspondent assesses the mood of the country's opposition movement.
For the safety of those we spoke to, we cannot reveal their names or that of our correspondent.
To arrange an interview with the leader of the youth wing of Burma's National League of Democracy (NLD) was difficult.
It had taken a week to meet him, complicated by the fact that phone calls are routinely tapped and e-mails closely monitored by the military authorities.
But at last we were told to go a secret location.
There we waited, concerned - as an hour ticked by - that he was not coming, or perhaps had been arrested.
Finally there was a knock at the door. We shook hands and sat down together.
This was the man who could tell us if there were going to be any organised protests against the widely expected conviction of jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Election concerns
Ms Suu Kyi is on trial on charges of breaking the terms of her house arrest.
Burma's generals have detained her for 13 of the past 19 years, and she has been held in the notorious Insein jail near Rangoon for almost two months.
I asked the NLD activist why the government was delaying the conclusion of Ms Suu Kyi's trial.
"They cannot let her be free before the elections," was the response.
Everyone I asked said the same.
The Burmese military has pledged to hold elections early next year - the first since 1990, when the NLD won a landslide victory but the army refused to let them take power.
And now the ruling generals still do not wish Ms Suu Kyi - whom locals refer to with reverence as The Lady - to take part.
The opposition activist I was talking to was one of the leaders of pro-democracy protests in 1988, which followed then ruler General Ne Win's decision to suddenly devalue the currency, wiping out the savings of thousands of Burmese people.
These protests were met with a violent crackdown, in which human rights groups say at least 3,000 people were killed.
Soldiers sprayed automatic rifle fire into crowds of protesters, and other demonstrators were carried away in trucks and never seen again.
The NLD man I met also played a leading role in the protests in 2007, when a fuel price hike triggered anti-government demonstrations.
The protests spread from monks to students, and became an uprising - the most significant challenge to Burma's generals in almost two decades.
But again there was a crackdown. At least 10 people were confirmed dead in the military's response to the protests, and many thousands more - including many monks - were reportedly arrested.
Amnesty International estimates that over 2,100 people are still in jail as a result.
Fear of reprisals
The man I spoke was arrested after both protests, and has spent many years in prison - but he's still not given up.
"We are trying to make a 1988 and 2007 revolution. We are preparing for revolution," he said.
"But the people are scared of being shot by the army, and will not go out on to the streets."
"When the people start their demonstrations, there will be shouting - so people are scared and will not come out."
I asked him what his plans were, if Aung San Suu Kyi was found guilty.
"There will be a small protest outside the prison," he told me. "But we will stay underground. We will keep working, but we cannot do anything."
"One day we will call for a hunger strike outside Insein prison and the government will stop us, but we will keep on going...
"And we will also call for a hunger strike inside the prison. Even she [Aung San Suu Kyi] may go on hunger strike."
Army support?
But Burma is a country with a population of 49 million people, where many find it hard to feed their families, where those who rule do not seem to care - so a hunger strike will not bring change.
I had expected to be told that there were plans for mass protests.
A former newspaper editor explains why Aung San Suu Kyi's trial is so important
If the one group brave enough to go on the streets before was now afraid of what could happen, was there any hope for a free and democratic Burma?
"If the Burmese were united, that would change everything," he told me. "If the army's low ranks combined with the people, there would be change."
"But all the low ranks must join the people."
The government commands a combined armed force estimated to be nearly 400,000-strong.
And those in the military live a separate life from the people, so what made this man think that they would be prepared to join a protest?
"I have heard from the low ranks, who see those with the rank of major and above with nice cars and houses - they are unhappy. They want change.
"But whenever anyone speaks out or is thought to show dissent in the army, they are arrested."
It seemed that there was little hope of change, but the man remained optimistic: "I believe that I will see Aung San Suu Kyi free before I die," he said.
He stopped and looked at his hands. Then he slowly nodded and for a moment his eyes seemed to swell.
"I will sacrifice myself for the memory of my friends."
With that, he stood and left.
If Burmese people do take to the streets if Aung San Suu Kyi is found guilty, the man I met might well be leading them.
Wednesday, 15 July 2009 00:17 UK
As the trial of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi continues in Burma, a BBC correspondent assesses the mood of the country's opposition movement.
For the safety of those we spoke to, we cannot reveal their names or that of our correspondent.
To arrange an interview with the leader of the youth wing of Burma's National League of Democracy (NLD) was difficult.
It had taken a week to meet him, complicated by the fact that phone calls are routinely tapped and e-mails closely monitored by the military authorities.
But at last we were told to go a secret location.
There we waited, concerned - as an hour ticked by - that he was not coming, or perhaps had been arrested.
Finally there was a knock at the door. We shook hands and sat down together.
This was the man who could tell us if there were going to be any organised protests against the widely expected conviction of jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Election concerns
Ms Suu Kyi is on trial on charges of breaking the terms of her house arrest.
Burma's generals have detained her for 13 of the past 19 years, and she has been held in the notorious Insein jail near Rangoon for almost two months.
I asked the NLD activist why the government was delaying the conclusion of Ms Suu Kyi's trial.
"They cannot let her be free before the elections," was the response.
Everyone I asked said the same.
The Burmese military has pledged to hold elections early next year - the first since 1990, when the NLD won a landslide victory but the army refused to let them take power.
And now the ruling generals still do not wish Ms Suu Kyi - whom locals refer to with reverence as The Lady - to take part.
The opposition activist I was talking to was one of the leaders of pro-democracy protests in 1988, which followed then ruler General Ne Win's decision to suddenly devalue the currency, wiping out the savings of thousands of Burmese people.
These protests were met with a violent crackdown, in which human rights groups say at least 3,000 people were killed.
Soldiers sprayed automatic rifle fire into crowds of protesters, and other demonstrators were carried away in trucks and never seen again.
The NLD man I met also played a leading role in the protests in 2007, when a fuel price hike triggered anti-government demonstrations.
The protests spread from monks to students, and became an uprising - the most significant challenge to Burma's generals in almost two decades.
But again there was a crackdown. At least 10 people were confirmed dead in the military's response to the protests, and many thousands more - including many monks - were reportedly arrested.
Amnesty International estimates that over 2,100 people are still in jail as a result.
Fear of reprisals
The man I spoke was arrested after both protests, and has spent many years in prison - but he's still not given up.
"We are trying to make a 1988 and 2007 revolution. We are preparing for revolution," he said.
"But the people are scared of being shot by the army, and will not go out on to the streets."
"When the people start their demonstrations, there will be shouting - so people are scared and will not come out."
I asked him what his plans were, if Aung San Suu Kyi was found guilty.
"There will be a small protest outside the prison," he told me. "But we will stay underground. We will keep working, but we cannot do anything."
"One day we will call for a hunger strike outside Insein prison and the government will stop us, but we will keep on going...
"And we will also call for a hunger strike inside the prison. Even she [Aung San Suu Kyi] may go on hunger strike."
Army support?
But Burma is a country with a population of 49 million people, where many find it hard to feed their families, where those who rule do not seem to care - so a hunger strike will not bring change.
I had expected to be told that there were plans for mass protests.
A former newspaper editor explains why Aung San Suu Kyi's trial is so important
If the one group brave enough to go on the streets before was now afraid of what could happen, was there any hope for a free and democratic Burma?
"If the Burmese were united, that would change everything," he told me. "If the army's low ranks combined with the people, there would be change."
"But all the low ranks must join the people."
The government commands a combined armed force estimated to be nearly 400,000-strong.
And those in the military live a separate life from the people, so what made this man think that they would be prepared to join a protest?
"I have heard from the low ranks, who see those with the rank of major and above with nice cars and houses - they are unhappy. They want change.
"But whenever anyone speaks out or is thought to show dissent in the army, they are arrested."
It seemed that there was little hope of change, but the man remained optimistic: "I believe that I will see Aung San Suu Kyi free before I die," he said.
He stopped and looked at his hands. Then he slowly nodded and for a moment his eyes seemed to swell.
"I will sacrifice myself for the memory of my friends."
With that, he stood and left.
If Burmese people do take to the streets if Aung San Suu Kyi is found guilty, the man I met might well be leading them.
*****************************************************
The Huffington Post - The Future of Burma Cannot Be Tied to Aung San Suu Kyi
Virginia M. Moncrieff, International Correspondent
Posted: July 15, 2009 10:39 PM
That old chestnut question "name six people you would love to have to dinner" usually holds no surprises. The guest list from many liberal, forward-thinking (and may I also point out -- male) types will include Aung San Suu Kyi. She is regarded as the epitome of elegance and sacrifice. The pinup girl for human rights causes.
And she is amazing.
This seemingly serene and fragile presence, who has been under house arrest for 13 of the past 19 years, has mesmerized us with her martyrdom and noble sacrifice.
But what is all this sacrifice for? What has her house arrest achieved?
It has achieved for Daw Suu (or The Lady as she is known inside Burma) a sometimes self-defeating near-secular saint status. Her position as a figure head who has sacrificed so much has made any chance of sensible debate about Burma almost hopeless. The slightest hint of criticism of her actions brings howls of protest and accusations. (By writing this article I know I will be shouted down). Her selflessness and her symbolism have rendered her beyond and above public criticism among many in the pro-democracy movement and in the greater outside human rights movement.
This is self defeating. No matter how great her sacrifice, the future of one country cannot revolve around the actions and ideas of one person. What has happened to this extraordinary woman is of course criminal. But there are 48 million other Burmese people and they cannot continue to be held captive while the international community listens to, and complies with Daw Suu's policies of sanctions.
Daw Suu's strategy is fundamentally flawed. By maintaining that the regime must be isolated and that Burma must be the target of stringent sanctions only helps the junta reverse further into mad "behind-the-wall" strategies; she is penalizing the very people she aims to assist. Many pro-democracy activists (both inside and outside the country) who strongly support Daw Suu as a figurehead believe she is wrong about sanctions but such is her position, they often decline to say so publicly. And such is her status, that no one in a better and more practical position to try and negotiate Burma moving forward will take the reins from her.
The main battle cry of the National League of Democracy is the restitution of the 1990 election results, when they were overwhelmingly elected. That bird has flown. Nearly 20 years later it is time to come up with some other arguments, definitive strategies, a move towards the negotiation table. Saying "no" to every offer from the junta is simply daft. (Daw Suu's flat out refusal -- without wide consultation -- to refuse the junta's civilian parliament offer was completely mystifying. Her rejection of negotiating anything gets Burma precisely nowhere).
Everything about Daw Suu's cause is just, but some new fresh thinking must be found, some shirking off the old "absolutely no negotiation" policies.
As her sham subversion trial nears its end (in a pretense of due process, "closing arguments" will be heard on July 24) there are few who hold out hope for a not guilty decision for Daw Suu. It would be extraordinary if the junta did a volte-face and miraculously decided that she had no case to answer. We need to free Aung San Suu Kyi. But free or not, we must start talking about the other 48 million Burmese.
Virginia M. Moncrieff, International Correspondent
Posted: July 15, 2009 10:39 PM
That old chestnut question "name six people you would love to have to dinner" usually holds no surprises. The guest list from many liberal, forward-thinking (and may I also point out -- male) types will include Aung San Suu Kyi. She is regarded as the epitome of elegance and sacrifice. The pinup girl for human rights causes.
And she is amazing.
This seemingly serene and fragile presence, who has been under house arrest for 13 of the past 19 years, has mesmerized us with her martyrdom and noble sacrifice.
But what is all this sacrifice for? What has her house arrest achieved?
It has achieved for Daw Suu (or The Lady as she is known inside Burma) a sometimes self-defeating near-secular saint status. Her position as a figure head who has sacrificed so much has made any chance of sensible debate about Burma almost hopeless. The slightest hint of criticism of her actions brings howls of protest and accusations. (By writing this article I know I will be shouted down). Her selflessness and her symbolism have rendered her beyond and above public criticism among many in the pro-democracy movement and in the greater outside human rights movement.
This is self defeating. No matter how great her sacrifice, the future of one country cannot revolve around the actions and ideas of one person. What has happened to this extraordinary woman is of course criminal. But there are 48 million other Burmese people and they cannot continue to be held captive while the international community listens to, and complies with Daw Suu's policies of sanctions.
Daw Suu's strategy is fundamentally flawed. By maintaining that the regime must be isolated and that Burma must be the target of stringent sanctions only helps the junta reverse further into mad "behind-the-wall" strategies; she is penalizing the very people she aims to assist. Many pro-democracy activists (both inside and outside the country) who strongly support Daw Suu as a figurehead believe she is wrong about sanctions but such is her position, they often decline to say so publicly. And such is her status, that no one in a better and more practical position to try and negotiate Burma moving forward will take the reins from her.
The main battle cry of the National League of Democracy is the restitution of the 1990 election results, when they were overwhelmingly elected. That bird has flown. Nearly 20 years later it is time to come up with some other arguments, definitive strategies, a move towards the negotiation table. Saying "no" to every offer from the junta is simply daft. (Daw Suu's flat out refusal -- without wide consultation -- to refuse the junta's civilian parliament offer was completely mystifying. Her rejection of negotiating anything gets Burma precisely nowhere).
Everything about Daw Suu's cause is just, but some new fresh thinking must be found, some shirking off the old "absolutely no negotiation" policies.
As her sham subversion trial nears its end (in a pretense of due process, "closing arguments" will be heard on July 24) there are few who hold out hope for a not guilty decision for Daw Suu. It would be extraordinary if the junta did a volte-face and miraculously decided that she had no case to answer. We need to free Aung San Suu Kyi. But free or not, we must start talking about the other 48 million Burmese.
*****************************************************
Wednesday, July 15,2009
City Pulse - The Burma connection
A Myanmar refugee from Malaysia sets up shop in Lansing
by Neal McNamara
In 1991, Ye Min Tun was arrested and placed in Insein prison near Yangon, formerly known as Rangoon, in Myanmar (formerly Burma). Up until his arrest, Tun had been active in a democratic movement in the country, which has been ruled by a military junta since 1962.
While in Insein, Tun was tortured and abused. He said he was interrogated for days on end about silly things like what his real name was. His captors demanded that he give up information about the weapons he was getting from Thailand, even though he had no connections to the country.
One day during an interrogation, after being in prison for four months, a prison guard pulled out a gun and shot him in the thigh.
“Suddenly, I heard the sound, and my leg was hot and in pain,” he recounts.
But that wasn’t all. His teeth were pulled and he was beaten and tied up with a pillow over his head and given little or no food.
“It was really like hell,” he said.
After being released from prison, he was asked by the junta to join them. Instead, he fled to China, then Thailand and finally to Malaysia. It was in that country, which is home to an estimated 500,000 refugees from Myanmar, that Tun began working on labor and migrant issues. He would find that Malaysia, one of the most industrialized nations in Southeast Asia, is a dangerous place for refugees.
It was because of his activism in Malaysia that Tun is now in Lansing. Working to end human trafficking and organize migrant laborers, he earned enemies among gangs and government officials. He began a quest to come to the U.S. in September and was placed here, of all places. He was plopped down into Lansing last month, and, from his apartment on Jolly Road (which he shares with a Thai refugee), he is trying to get the word out about the situation in Malaysia.
When Tun first reached Malaysia, he started working on migrant labor issues. Many migrants in Malaysia, he said, are forced to work menial jobs in factories or sweatshops. Tun carries with him a book of photos of workers with missing arms, fingers and feet, maimed by outdated machinery. One picture shows a man lying in a morgue who died while operating a rickety lorry.
“There’s no labor community (in Malaysia),” Tun says. “Lots of people get hurt by machinery.”
Tun was a member of the Burma Workers’ Right Protection Committee, a group that helps Myanmar workers gain rights in Malaysia. It was through his work with labor issues that Tun discovered a booming human trafficking market of migrants.
Malaysia does not recognize refugees. So, anyone caught in the country illegally is held in detention and then deported. Tun said that the government immigration officials drive deportees to the northern Thai/Malay border and there, Tun said, the deportees are sold to human traffickers.
Once in the hands of the traffickers, Tun said, the deportees can either buy their way back into Malaysia, or be forced into slavery by the traffickers to pay back the debt.
According to the 2009 U.S. State Department Trafficking in Human Persons report, Malaysia is one of the worst countries in the world for human trafficking — and backs up Tun’s claim that the government is implicit in the practice.
“There were a number of credible reports of Malaysian immigration authorities’ involvement in the trafficking of Burmese refugees from immigration detention centers to the Thai-Malaysian border. Several credible sources reported that immigration officials sold refugees for approximately $200 per person to traffickers operating along Thailand’s southern border,” the report states. “In turn, the traffickers demanded ransom — ranging from $300 for children to $575 for adults — in exchange for their freedom. Informed sources estimated 20 percent of the victims were unable to pay the ransom, and were sold for the purpose of labor and commercial sexual exploitation.”
Tun says that the Malaysian government has yet to respond to U.S. statement on the country’s human rights practices.
For now, Tun takes the bus to the Capital Area District Library to use the Internet to keep in touch with fellow activists in Myanmar and to contribute to a blog covering events in Malaysia (BWRPC.blogspot.com). He’s working on getting his life established in a new country, but one of his first thoughts upon arriving here was to get the word out about Burmese migrants in Malaysia.
“Luckily for me, a lot of people were kind,” Tun says of his emigration to the United States.
City Pulse - The Burma connection
A Myanmar refugee from Malaysia sets up shop in Lansing
by Neal McNamara
In 1991, Ye Min Tun was arrested and placed in Insein prison near Yangon, formerly known as Rangoon, in Myanmar (formerly Burma). Up until his arrest, Tun had been active in a democratic movement in the country, which has been ruled by a military junta since 1962.
While in Insein, Tun was tortured and abused. He said he was interrogated for days on end about silly things like what his real name was. His captors demanded that he give up information about the weapons he was getting from Thailand, even though he had no connections to the country.
One day during an interrogation, after being in prison for four months, a prison guard pulled out a gun and shot him in the thigh.
“Suddenly, I heard the sound, and my leg was hot and in pain,” he recounts.
But that wasn’t all. His teeth were pulled and he was beaten and tied up with a pillow over his head and given little or no food.
“It was really like hell,” he said.
After being released from prison, he was asked by the junta to join them. Instead, he fled to China, then Thailand and finally to Malaysia. It was in that country, which is home to an estimated 500,000 refugees from Myanmar, that Tun began working on labor and migrant issues. He would find that Malaysia, one of the most industrialized nations in Southeast Asia, is a dangerous place for refugees.
It was because of his activism in Malaysia that Tun is now in Lansing. Working to end human trafficking and organize migrant laborers, he earned enemies among gangs and government officials. He began a quest to come to the U.S. in September and was placed here, of all places. He was plopped down into Lansing last month, and, from his apartment on Jolly Road (which he shares with a Thai refugee), he is trying to get the word out about the situation in Malaysia.
When Tun first reached Malaysia, he started working on migrant labor issues. Many migrants in Malaysia, he said, are forced to work menial jobs in factories or sweatshops. Tun carries with him a book of photos of workers with missing arms, fingers and feet, maimed by outdated machinery. One picture shows a man lying in a morgue who died while operating a rickety lorry.
“There’s no labor community (in Malaysia),” Tun says. “Lots of people get hurt by machinery.”
Tun was a member of the Burma Workers’ Right Protection Committee, a group that helps Myanmar workers gain rights in Malaysia. It was through his work with labor issues that Tun discovered a booming human trafficking market of migrants.
Malaysia does not recognize refugees. So, anyone caught in the country illegally is held in detention and then deported. Tun said that the government immigration officials drive deportees to the northern Thai/Malay border and there, Tun said, the deportees are sold to human traffickers.
Once in the hands of the traffickers, Tun said, the deportees can either buy their way back into Malaysia, or be forced into slavery by the traffickers to pay back the debt.
According to the 2009 U.S. State Department Trafficking in Human Persons report, Malaysia is one of the worst countries in the world for human trafficking — and backs up Tun’s claim that the government is implicit in the practice.
“There were a number of credible reports of Malaysian immigration authorities’ involvement in the trafficking of Burmese refugees from immigration detention centers to the Thai-Malaysian border. Several credible sources reported that immigration officials sold refugees for approximately $200 per person to traffickers operating along Thailand’s southern border,” the report states. “In turn, the traffickers demanded ransom — ranging from $300 for children to $575 for adults — in exchange for their freedom. Informed sources estimated 20 percent of the victims were unable to pay the ransom, and were sold for the purpose of labor and commercial sexual exploitation.”
Tun says that the Malaysian government has yet to respond to U.S. statement on the country’s human rights practices.
For now, Tun takes the bus to the Capital Area District Library to use the Internet to keep in touch with fellow activists in Myanmar and to contribute to a blog covering events in Malaysia (BWRPC.blogspot.com). He’s working on getting his life established in a new country, but one of his first thoughts upon arriving here was to get the word out about Burmese migrants in Malaysia.
“Luckily for me, a lot of people were kind,” Tun says of his emigration to the United States.
*****************************************************
July 16, 2009 17:05 PM
UN Asks Malaysia To Play Role In Myanmar's Democratisation
From Mokhtar Hussein
SHARM EL-SHEIKH (Egypt), July 16 (Bernama) -- The United Nations (UN) has asked Malaysia and other Asean countries to use their influence to help fellow member Myanmar resolve its internal problems for it to return to democracy, Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said here.
He said the request was made by UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon at a meeting they had on the sidelines of the 15th summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in this resort city.
Najib said Ban felt that there have been positive developments in Myanmar whereby the country's leaders were seen to be receptive to the process of democratisation.
"But Ban is still doubtful as to whether the Myanmar leadership will actually take the country forward to become a democratic nation," he told Malaysian journalists.
Ban visited Myanmar recently but failed to secure any assurance from the country's leaders on the release of Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi who is under detention.
Besides Ban, Najib also held bilateral meetings with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and North Korean leader Kim Yong Nam.
On his meeting with Manmohan Singh, Najib said the Indian prime minister invited Malaysian companies to participate in the project to construct 7,500km of roads in that country given their excellent performance in the past.
He said Manmohan Singh said he might visit Malaysia next year and expressed the hope that Najib would visit India.
On the meeting with Arroyo, Najib said Malaysia expressed its preparedness to play a more active role in helping to find a solution to the peace process in the southern Philippines.
He said the first thing to do would be to stop the conflict in the area and then initiate talks.
Najib is scheduled to hold talks with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and several other NAM heads of government on the final day today of the summit.
UN Asks Malaysia To Play Role In Myanmar's Democratisation
From Mokhtar Hussein
SHARM EL-SHEIKH (Egypt), July 16 (Bernama) -- The United Nations (UN) has asked Malaysia and other Asean countries to use their influence to help fellow member Myanmar resolve its internal problems for it to return to democracy, Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak said here.
He said the request was made by UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon at a meeting they had on the sidelines of the 15th summit of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in this resort city.
Najib said Ban felt that there have been positive developments in Myanmar whereby the country's leaders were seen to be receptive to the process of democratisation.
"But Ban is still doubtful as to whether the Myanmar leadership will actually take the country forward to become a democratic nation," he told Malaysian journalists.
Ban visited Myanmar recently but failed to secure any assurance from the country's leaders on the release of Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi who is under detention.
Besides Ban, Najib also held bilateral meetings with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and North Korean leader Kim Yong Nam.
On his meeting with Manmohan Singh, Najib said the Indian prime minister invited Malaysian companies to participate in the project to construct 7,500km of roads in that country given their excellent performance in the past.
He said Manmohan Singh said he might visit Malaysia next year and expressed the hope that Najib would visit India.
On the meeting with Arroyo, Najib said Malaysia expressed its preparedness to play a more active role in helping to find a solution to the peace process in the southern Philippines.
He said the first thing to do would be to stop the conflict in the area and then initiate talks.
Najib is scheduled to hold talks with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and several other NAM heads of government on the final day today of the summit.
*****************************************************
The Jakarta Post - Myanmar reports major heroin seizure
The Associated Press , Yangon | Thu, 07/16/2009 12:11 PM
Anti-drugs police in northeastern Myanmar seized 1,676 pounds (762 kilograms) of heroin near the Thai border, one of the largest ever seizures of the narcotic in the country, a state-run newspaper said Thursday.
The police also confiscated 340,000 methamphetamine tablets in the July 10 seizure made from a six-wheel truck at a checkpoint in the border town of Tachilek, about 550 kilometers (340 miles) northeast of Yangon, Myanmar's largest city.
The Myanmar Ahlin newspaper said the truck had traveled from Mong Hsat in southern Shan state, about 67 kilometers north of Tachilek. Authorities arrested three people on the truck, it said.
It was not clear why the drug bust was reported nearly a week after it took place. The newspaper said it was one of the biggest single seizures of heroin ever recorded in Myanmar.
Myanmar, also known as Burma, produced an estimated 410 tons of opium in 2008, enough to make around 40 tons of heroin, according to United Nations figures. The military-run country is the world's second largest producer after Afghanistan, which accounts for 90 percent of world output.
Myanmar is also a major source of methamphetamine. Much of it is trafficked to neighboring Thailand where abuse of the drug is rampant.
The Associated Press , Yangon | Thu, 07/16/2009 12:11 PM
Anti-drugs police in northeastern Myanmar seized 1,676 pounds (762 kilograms) of heroin near the Thai border, one of the largest ever seizures of the narcotic in the country, a state-run newspaper said Thursday.
The police also confiscated 340,000 methamphetamine tablets in the July 10 seizure made from a six-wheel truck at a checkpoint in the border town of Tachilek, about 550 kilometers (340 miles) northeast of Yangon, Myanmar's largest city.
The Myanmar Ahlin newspaper said the truck had traveled from Mong Hsat in southern Shan state, about 67 kilometers north of Tachilek. Authorities arrested three people on the truck, it said.
It was not clear why the drug bust was reported nearly a week after it took place. The newspaper said it was one of the biggest single seizures of heroin ever recorded in Myanmar.
Myanmar, also known as Burma, produced an estimated 410 tons of opium in 2008, enough to make around 40 tons of heroin, according to United Nations figures. The military-run country is the world's second largest producer after Afghanistan, which accounts for 90 percent of world output.
Myanmar is also a major source of methamphetamine. Much of it is trafficked to neighboring Thailand where abuse of the drug is rampant.
*****************************************************
DailyIndia - NGO spreading AIDS awareness in Indo-Myanmar border
From Asian News International (ANI)
Moreh (Manipur), July 16: A voluntary organisation in Moreh town of Manipur has recently set up an AIDS awareness centre to educate people about the spread of the deadly virus.
Dedicated Peoples Union under Project Orchid (a foreign voluntary organisation) has been working round the clock in their relentless awareness campaigns on AIDS. They are helping people shed their inhibitions in use of condoms to prevent transmission of the disease.
Moreh is a commercial centre bordering with Myanmar.
The NGO aims to educate people, especially the youth, women, tribal class and the worker class to motivate them to use condoms, avoid drug abuse.
"Because of the coming up of this centre there has been a big change in the area. Earlier we couldn't spread much awareness on HIV but now things have changed. This is a border area and a lot of activities happen here. We then try to bring awareness among people like distributing syringes," said Khangenbam Markar Singh, Project, Manager, Dedicated Peoples Union.
The beneficiaries of the programmes include intravenous drug users, people living with HIV/AIDS and their families, widows of AIDS sufferers, sex workers and their clients, migrant labourers and also young people in general.
"We are getting a lot of benefits with the coming of this NGO. Whenever we get sick we are provided medicines from here," Thanboyi, a youth.ndia has around 3.1 million men, women and children living with the human immuno-deficiency virus, commonly known as HIV.
The highest HIV prevalence rates are found in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu Karnataka Manipur and Nagaland. By L.C.K Singh(ANI)
From Asian News International (ANI)
Moreh (Manipur), July 16: A voluntary organisation in Moreh town of Manipur has recently set up an AIDS awareness centre to educate people about the spread of the deadly virus.
Dedicated Peoples Union under Project Orchid (a foreign voluntary organisation) has been working round the clock in their relentless awareness campaigns on AIDS. They are helping people shed their inhibitions in use of condoms to prevent transmission of the disease.
Moreh is a commercial centre bordering with Myanmar.
The NGO aims to educate people, especially the youth, women, tribal class and the worker class to motivate them to use condoms, avoid drug abuse.
"Because of the coming up of this centre there has been a big change in the area. Earlier we couldn't spread much awareness on HIV but now things have changed. This is a border area and a lot of activities happen here. We then try to bring awareness among people like distributing syringes," said Khangenbam Markar Singh, Project, Manager, Dedicated Peoples Union.
The beneficiaries of the programmes include intravenous drug users, people living with HIV/AIDS and their families, widows of AIDS sufferers, sex workers and their clients, migrant labourers and also young people in general.
"We are getting a lot of benefits with the coming of this NGO. Whenever we get sick we are provided medicines from here," Thanboyi, a youth.ndia has around 3.1 million men, women and children living with the human immuno-deficiency virus, commonly known as HIV.
The highest HIV prevalence rates are found in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu Karnataka Manipur and Nagaland. By L.C.K Singh(ANI)
*****************************************************
The New Straits Times - letters: MYANMAR: Spare a thought for jailed U Gambira
JO ANNE LEWIS, Amnesty International 150, Napanee, Ontario,Canada
2009/07/16
AS Myanmar prepares to celebrate Martyr's Day on July 19, we would like to ask New Straits Times readers to think about the political prisoners in that country. The poor treatment of these individuals reflects negatively on the region's reputation. We urge the Myanmar government to reconsider this practice of jailing people for the political views they hold.
One such prisoner is 30-year-old U Gambira, a monk arrested in 2007 for expressing his concerns over government policy.
In response to his peaceful protest, the government of Myanmar sentenced U Gambira to 68 years in prison. This extreme sentence is very difficult for the international community to understand.
Also, many prisoners have been transferred to prisons in remote areas, making it difficult for families to visit. U Gambira was recently moved to Kalay prison in the Sagaing division. We are concerned about his poor health.
On Martyr's Day we will be thinking about U Gambira. We would like to encourage the Myanmar government to release him as soon as possible. Such actions would help restore the reputation of Myanmar in the eyes of its international critics.
JO ANNE LEWIS, Amnesty International 150, Napanee, Ontario,Canada
2009/07/16
AS Myanmar prepares to celebrate Martyr's Day on July 19, we would like to ask New Straits Times readers to think about the political prisoners in that country. The poor treatment of these individuals reflects negatively on the region's reputation. We urge the Myanmar government to reconsider this practice of jailing people for the political views they hold.
One such prisoner is 30-year-old U Gambira, a monk arrested in 2007 for expressing his concerns over government policy.
In response to his peaceful protest, the government of Myanmar sentenced U Gambira to 68 years in prison. This extreme sentence is very difficult for the international community to understand.
Also, many prisoners have been transferred to prisons in remote areas, making it difficult for families to visit. U Gambira was recently moved to Kalay prison in the Sagaing division. We are concerned about his poor health.
On Martyr's Day we will be thinking about U Gambira. We would like to encourage the Myanmar government to release him as soon as possible. Such actions would help restore the reputation of Myanmar in the eyes of its international critics.
*****************************************************
The Seoul Times - Raising Support for Democracy in Burma
By Nava Thakuria
Special Correspondent
It was an intense and intriguing session, where a group of conscious people got together and discussed about the present socio-political turmoil in Burma (Myanmar) and also the probable ways, by which the people from Northeast India can extend support for the cause of democracy in the neighbouring country.
The meeting on ‘India’s Policy on Burma: A Northeastern Perspective,’ was organized jointly by Burma Centre Delhi and Journalists’ Forum Assam at Guwahati Press Club on July 4, where Dr. Tint Swe, exile member of parliament, National Coalition Government of Union of Burma, joined as a main speaker.
Addressing the gathering, Dr. Tint Swe, an exile Member of Parliament, National Coalition Government of Union of Burma, argued that New Delhi should play a major role in democratization of Burma. The elected Parliamentarian (in 1990 general election of Burma), who has been living in India for more than a decade, did not forget to mention about the help and cooperation from Indian people in general and the Northeastern in particular in their endeavor.
“India being the largest democracy in the globe should review its policy on Burma and make it as pro-democratic movement,” insisted Dr. Tint Swe adding, “New Delhi should also review its Look East Policy, as the military dictators of Burma will never support the initiative to be successful.”
It may be mentioned that New Delhi maintains a sustained strategic relationship with the ruling State Peace and Development Council, under which a series of agreements and memorandums of understanding were signed. More over, the government of India remains silent on the issue of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s re-arrest and trail, even though the great Lady was hounoured with Jawaharlal Nehru Peace Prize and Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose award.
The daughter of Aung San, the father of modern Burma, Suu Kyi was also awarded with the Nobel Peace Prize.
However, contrary to New Delhi’s policy on Burma, the civil society and advocacy groups of Northeast continue supporting the pro-democratic movement in the land of dictators. If the Union government is willing to engage the Burmese junta for various strategic and trade relationship, the student-youth-journalist and also political party workers of the region maintain their demands to snap all ties with the junta of Nay Pyi Taw (the new capital of Burma after Rangoon). They are also in unanimous in various public meetings
taking places in the region that the pro-democracy Burmese icon Suu Kyi must be released and allowed her to continue the political activities.
Mentionable that Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for nearly 13 years out of 19 years stay in her country. More recently, Suu Kyi was shifted to the Insein prison of Rangoon, where she has been tried at a special court with the charge of violating rules under her house arrest. Suu Kyi is recognized as one of the world's most renowned freedom fighters and the General Than Shwe led regime understood to try its best to prevent her (with her party National League for Democracy) participating in the forthcoming general election during 2010.
Earlier in an official message to the organizers from Houston, Rajen Barua of Friends of Assam and Seven Sisters argued that the people of Northeast ‘as a neighbour of Burma need to keep in touch with the people of Burma and especially the enlightened Burmese who are living outside their country.’
“We in the Northeast have more important roles to play. After all, we are very much concerned about the hardship that Suu Kyi is going through. We also urge the government of China, Russia and other countries with strong ties with Burma, to pressurize the military rulers for immediate release of Suu Kyi, so that she can freely move in Burma for advancement of democratic values and human rights,” the message, which was read out by Jayanta Barman in the Guwahati meeting, added.
Meanwhile, in another message, the All Assam Students’ Union and the North East Students’ Organization leader Dr Samujjal Kumar Bhattacharya expressed their support to the pro-democracy movement in Burma and demanded release of Suu Kyi.
The meeting urged New Delhi to stop forthwith sales of all arms to the military rulers of Burma, who use the weapons to suppress the ever-growing movement for democracy in the country. It also demanded immediate release of over 2000 political prisoners in Burma including Suu Kyi. In another resolution, the participants argued that India should have a non-discriminatory refugee policy as early as possible.
The speakers including Dr Alana Golmei, M. Kim, Htun Htun from Burma Centre Delhi and journalists Rupam Baruah, Hiten Mahanta, Biman Hazarika, RK Goswami with others were of the opinion that trade relations between India and Burma should not be at the cost of the democratic movement in that country. Mentionable that, both the neighboring countries did business to the tune of nearly US $ 900 million in the 2007-08 fiscal year.
The major outcome of the meeting was the proposal to form a regional forum to pursue democracy in Burma. The proposed ‘Northeast India Forum for Democracy in Burma’ is supposed to provide space for the people of Northeast and Burma to join hands with an aim to continue the campaign against the military junta.
Similarly, few days back, hundreds of Mizo and Burmese activists organized a demonstration at Aizawl with the primary demand for an early release of Suu Kyi. Initiated by Mizoram Committee for Democracy in Burma, the programme on June 25 also included the decision to send a memorandum to the Indian President Pratibha Devisingh Patil and the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, through the State government of Mizoram-bordering Chin State of Burma-with an appeal to pursue with the Burmese government for the release of Suu Kyi and also restoration of democracy in Burma.
Mizoram gives shelter to over 50,000 Chin people from Burma. Most of them are economic migrants, who crossed the Indo-Burma border for a better future in India. Many of them are also activists, who fled their country to escape the repression of the junta. Amazingly, the Chin and Mizo people share similar historical, cultural and religious backgrounds. But time to time, the State witnesses resentment against those unwelcome guests from Burma.
Representatives from the ruling Mizoram Pradesh Congress Committee, Mizo National Front (the main opposition party of Mizoram), Zoram Nationalist Party, Bharatiya Janata Party, Miozram Peoples Conference with Mizo Zirlai Pawl, Mizo Students' Union, Mizo Hmeichhe Insuihkhawm
Pawl, Mizo Women Association, Human Rights & Law Network, People Union for Civil Liberties etc joined the programme.
Earlier more than hundred Indian MPs, including those from Northeast, called on the Union government to intervene for the release of Suu Kyi and for the restoration of democracy in Burma. The lawmakers under the banner Indian Parliamentarian Forum for Democracy in Burma submitted a petition on 10 June to the Indian Prime Minister urging him to take personal interest to resolve the issue amicably.
By Nava Thakuria
Special Correspondent
It was an intense and intriguing session, where a group of conscious people got together and discussed about the present socio-political turmoil in Burma (Myanmar) and also the probable ways, by which the people from Northeast India can extend support for the cause of democracy in the neighbouring country.
The meeting on ‘India’s Policy on Burma: A Northeastern Perspective,’ was organized jointly by Burma Centre Delhi and Journalists’ Forum Assam at Guwahati Press Club on July 4, where Dr. Tint Swe, exile member of parliament, National Coalition Government of Union of Burma, joined as a main speaker.
Addressing the gathering, Dr. Tint Swe, an exile Member of Parliament, National Coalition Government of Union of Burma, argued that New Delhi should play a major role in democratization of Burma. The elected Parliamentarian (in 1990 general election of Burma), who has been living in India for more than a decade, did not forget to mention about the help and cooperation from Indian people in general and the Northeastern in particular in their endeavor.
“India being the largest democracy in the globe should review its policy on Burma and make it as pro-democratic movement,” insisted Dr. Tint Swe adding, “New Delhi should also review its Look East Policy, as the military dictators of Burma will never support the initiative to be successful.”
It may be mentioned that New Delhi maintains a sustained strategic relationship with the ruling State Peace and Development Council, under which a series of agreements and memorandums of understanding were signed. More over, the government of India remains silent on the issue of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s re-arrest and trail, even though the great Lady was hounoured with Jawaharlal Nehru Peace Prize and Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose award.
The daughter of Aung San, the father of modern Burma, Suu Kyi was also awarded with the Nobel Peace Prize.
However, contrary to New Delhi’s policy on Burma, the civil society and advocacy groups of Northeast continue supporting the pro-democratic movement in the land of dictators. If the Union government is willing to engage the Burmese junta for various strategic and trade relationship, the student-youth-journalist and also political party workers of the region maintain their demands to snap all ties with the junta of Nay Pyi Taw (the new capital of Burma after Rangoon). They are also in unanimous in various public meetings
taking places in the region that the pro-democracy Burmese icon Suu Kyi must be released and allowed her to continue the political activities.
Mentionable that Suu Kyi has been under house arrest for nearly 13 years out of 19 years stay in her country. More recently, Suu Kyi was shifted to the Insein prison of Rangoon, where she has been tried at a special court with the charge of violating rules under her house arrest. Suu Kyi is recognized as one of the world's most renowned freedom fighters and the General Than Shwe led regime understood to try its best to prevent her (with her party National League for Democracy) participating in the forthcoming general election during 2010.
Earlier in an official message to the organizers from Houston, Rajen Barua of Friends of Assam and Seven Sisters argued that the people of Northeast ‘as a neighbour of Burma need to keep in touch with the people of Burma and especially the enlightened Burmese who are living outside their country.’
“We in the Northeast have more important roles to play. After all, we are very much concerned about the hardship that Suu Kyi is going through. We also urge the government of China, Russia and other countries with strong ties with Burma, to pressurize the military rulers for immediate release of Suu Kyi, so that she can freely move in Burma for advancement of democratic values and human rights,” the message, which was read out by Jayanta Barman in the Guwahati meeting, added.
Meanwhile, in another message, the All Assam Students’ Union and the North East Students’ Organization leader Dr Samujjal Kumar Bhattacharya expressed their support to the pro-democracy movement in Burma and demanded release of Suu Kyi.
The meeting urged New Delhi to stop forthwith sales of all arms to the military rulers of Burma, who use the weapons to suppress the ever-growing movement for democracy in the country. It also demanded immediate release of over 2000 political prisoners in Burma including Suu Kyi. In another resolution, the participants argued that India should have a non-discriminatory refugee policy as early as possible.
The speakers including Dr Alana Golmei, M. Kim, Htun Htun from Burma Centre Delhi and journalists Rupam Baruah, Hiten Mahanta, Biman Hazarika, RK Goswami with others were of the opinion that trade relations between India and Burma should not be at the cost of the democratic movement in that country. Mentionable that, both the neighboring countries did business to the tune of nearly US $ 900 million in the 2007-08 fiscal year.
The major outcome of the meeting was the proposal to form a regional forum to pursue democracy in Burma. The proposed ‘Northeast India Forum for Democracy in Burma’ is supposed to provide space for the people of Northeast and Burma to join hands with an aim to continue the campaign against the military junta.
Similarly, few days back, hundreds of Mizo and Burmese activists organized a demonstration at Aizawl with the primary demand for an early release of Suu Kyi. Initiated by Mizoram Committee for Democracy in Burma, the programme on June 25 also included the decision to send a memorandum to the Indian President Pratibha Devisingh Patil and the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, through the State government of Mizoram-bordering Chin State of Burma-with an appeal to pursue with the Burmese government for the release of Suu Kyi and also restoration of democracy in Burma.
Mizoram gives shelter to over 50,000 Chin people from Burma. Most of them are economic migrants, who crossed the Indo-Burma border for a better future in India. Many of them are also activists, who fled their country to escape the repression of the junta. Amazingly, the Chin and Mizo people share similar historical, cultural and religious backgrounds. But time to time, the State witnesses resentment against those unwelcome guests from Burma.
Representatives from the ruling Mizoram Pradesh Congress Committee, Mizo National Front (the main opposition party of Mizoram), Zoram Nationalist Party, Bharatiya Janata Party, Miozram Peoples Conference with Mizo Zirlai Pawl, Mizo Students' Union, Mizo Hmeichhe Insuihkhawm
Pawl, Mizo Women Association, Human Rights & Law Network, People Union for Civil Liberties etc joined the programme.
Earlier more than hundred Indian MPs, including those from Northeast, called on the Union government to intervene for the release of Suu Kyi and for the restoration of democracy in Burma. The lawmakers under the banner Indian Parliamentarian Forum for Democracy in Burma submitted a petition on 10 June to the Indian Prime Minister urging him to take personal interest to resolve the issue amicably.
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The Irrawaddy - Will Shwe Mann Become Mr President?
Thursday, July 16, 2009
Snr-Gen Than Shwe has reportedly endorsed Burma's No 3 ranking general, joint chief-of-staff Gen Thura Shwe Mann, to become Burma's new president.
The move came during a recent cabinet meeting in Naypyidaw, according to sources.
"You are going to be president," Than Shwe reportedly told his subordinate.
According to sources close to the military elite, Shwe Mann, 61, will be nominated by the representatives of the military in the future Senate and House, to be formed after the planned 2010 elections.
The military will receive 25 percent of the seats at the village, township, state, regional and district levels in the new governing body, according to the 2008 Constitution.
There will be three nominees for the presidency—one from the military contingent, one from the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Assembly or Senate) and one from the members of the Pyithu Hluttaw (People's Assembly or House). The Senate and the House will then vote to choose the president.
Shwe Mann, a protégé of Than Shwe, has a reputation of being down to earth and a good listener, but he has yet to show his teeth with regard to a broad range of social, economic and political issues. His vision of Burma’s future is unknown.
Perhaps wisely, Shwe Mann has not shown any clear political or social views since he is still under the influence of two senior generals: Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. In fact, Shwe Mann and his wife are close to Than Shwe’s family on a personal basis, such as flying together to Singapore for shopping trips, sources said.
"To deal with issues of national politics and the macro-economy, Shwe Mann would not dare make any final decisions without Than Shwe and Maung Aye," a source said.
"Recently, he was officially invited to visit China. But in order to signify it was a very important visit, Napyidaw assigned No 2, Maung Aye, instead of him to go there."
Recently, Shwe Mann was the subject of extensive news coverage which focused on his secret mission to North Korea in November, which was leaked to The Irrawaddy. Since then he has had a low profile in Burma’s official press except for photo-opts of meeting with state guests such as UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Singapore senior minister Goh Chok Tong.
Meanwhile, Shwe Mann oversees regular meetings on political and security affairs with high-ranking military officials in Rangoon and Naypyidaw.
According to the Constitution, one of the duties of the new president will be to head the National Defense and Security Council, which has the power to declare a state of emergency and nullify the Constitution.
Sources said that Shwe Mann will issue a state order that Than Shwe, Maung Aye and the remaining members of the ruling junta all be named patrons or advisers to the National Defense and Security Council after the 2010 election.
Speculation is rife that the junta leaders and their close associates are deeply involved in preparations for the 2010 election and beyond.
Thursday, July 16, 2009
Snr-Gen Than Shwe has reportedly endorsed Burma's No 3 ranking general, joint chief-of-staff Gen Thura Shwe Mann, to become Burma's new president.
The move came during a recent cabinet meeting in Naypyidaw, according to sources.
"You are going to be president," Than Shwe reportedly told his subordinate.
According to sources close to the military elite, Shwe Mann, 61, will be nominated by the representatives of the military in the future Senate and House, to be formed after the planned 2010 elections.
The military will receive 25 percent of the seats at the village, township, state, regional and district levels in the new governing body, according to the 2008 Constitution.
There will be three nominees for the presidency—one from the military contingent, one from the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Assembly or Senate) and one from the members of the Pyithu Hluttaw (People's Assembly or House). The Senate and the House will then vote to choose the president.
Shwe Mann, a protégé of Than Shwe, has a reputation of being down to earth and a good listener, but he has yet to show his teeth with regard to a broad range of social, economic and political issues. His vision of Burma’s future is unknown.
Perhaps wisely, Shwe Mann has not shown any clear political or social views since he is still under the influence of two senior generals: Snr-Gen Than Shwe and Vice Snr-Gen Maung Aye. In fact, Shwe Mann and his wife are close to Than Shwe’s family on a personal basis, such as flying together to Singapore for shopping trips, sources said.
"To deal with issues of national politics and the macro-economy, Shwe Mann would not dare make any final decisions without Than Shwe and Maung Aye," a source said.
"Recently, he was officially invited to visit China. But in order to signify it was a very important visit, Napyidaw assigned No 2, Maung Aye, instead of him to go there."
Recently, Shwe Mann was the subject of extensive news coverage which focused on his secret mission to North Korea in November, which was leaked to The Irrawaddy. Since then he has had a low profile in Burma’s official press except for photo-opts of meeting with state guests such as UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Singapore senior minister Goh Chok Tong.
Meanwhile, Shwe Mann oversees regular meetings on political and security affairs with high-ranking military officials in Rangoon and Naypyidaw.
According to the Constitution, one of the duties of the new president will be to head the National Defense and Security Council, which has the power to declare a state of emergency and nullify the Constitution.
Sources said that Shwe Mann will issue a state order that Than Shwe, Maung Aye and the remaining members of the ruling junta all be named patrons or advisers to the National Defense and Security Council after the 2010 election.
Speculation is rife that the junta leaders and their close associates are deeply involved in preparations for the 2010 election and beyond.
*****************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Clinton to Discuss Burma at Asean Meeting
By LALIT K JHA, Thursday, July 16, 2009
WASHINGTON — Burma will come up as a major issue of discussion when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton meets her Asean counterparts in Thailand on Friday, according to a state department official.
Scot Marciel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs,
said that Clinton, during her meetings with Asean foreign ministers, would bring up the issue of Burma.
“I don't want to try to predict exactly what she's going to say. I'm confident that she will raise Burma and express our concerns quite clearly,” he said.
While Clinton will meet with several of her Asean member counterparts, there is no planned meeting with the Burmese foreign minister, said the spokesperson.
“They will probably…they could be in the same meeting when she meets with her Asean foreign minister counterparts. But there's no bilateral meeting scheduled,” he said.
The 42th Asean Ministerial Meeting, Post Ministerial Conferences (PMC) and 16th Asean Regional Forum will be held in the southern province of Phuket from Friday to Wednesday.
The US policy review on Burma has “slowed down” because of the trial of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said a state department spokesperson.
“As you know, the policy review has been underway since she announced it in February. It's been slowed, I guess I would say, because of the new developments, specifically the Burmese arrest and prosecution of Aung San Suu Kyi, and that ongoing trial is certainly factoring into our policy review,” he said.
Briefing reporters on the upcoming trip to Thailand, Marciel said that the basic principles and goals of the US Burma policy remain the same.
“The fact that we haven't completed this policy review doesn't mean that we're without diplomatic tools or fundamental policy. The fundamental policy remains the same, which is to do whatever we can to try to encourage progress in Burma,” he said.
“By progress, I mean the beginning of a dialogue between the government and the opposition and the ethnic minority groups, release of political prisoners and improved governance and, we would hope, more of an opening to the international community,” he said.
“So those fundamental principles, if you will, haven't changed. The policy review is really looking at what can we do that might help us better achieve those goals, and that's still very much under review.
“The policy review is sort of trying to figure out the details, or how can we be more effective. But we are not left empty-handed or frozen, if you will, by the fact that the review's not completed,” Marciel said.
Ten foreign ministers of Asean member countries and dialogue partners such as China, Japan, Republic of Korea, India, Australia, New Zealand and the US have confirmed their participation.
More than 1,200 delegates from 26 countries and related organizations will attend a total of 32 Asean-related meetings during the conference.
By LALIT K JHA, Thursday, July 16, 2009
WASHINGTON — Burma will come up as a major issue of discussion when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton meets her Asean counterparts in Thailand on Friday, according to a state department official.
Scot Marciel, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs,
said that Clinton, during her meetings with Asean foreign ministers, would bring up the issue of Burma.
“I don't want to try to predict exactly what she's going to say. I'm confident that she will raise Burma and express our concerns quite clearly,” he said.
While Clinton will meet with several of her Asean member counterparts, there is no planned meeting with the Burmese foreign minister, said the spokesperson.
“They will probably…they could be in the same meeting when she meets with her Asean foreign minister counterparts. But there's no bilateral meeting scheduled,” he said.
The 42th Asean Ministerial Meeting, Post Ministerial Conferences (PMC) and 16th Asean Regional Forum will be held in the southern province of Phuket from Friday to Wednesday.
The US policy review on Burma has “slowed down” because of the trial of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, said a state department spokesperson.
“As you know, the policy review has been underway since she announced it in February. It's been slowed, I guess I would say, because of the new developments, specifically the Burmese arrest and prosecution of Aung San Suu Kyi, and that ongoing trial is certainly factoring into our policy review,” he said.
Briefing reporters on the upcoming trip to Thailand, Marciel said that the basic principles and goals of the US Burma policy remain the same.
“The fact that we haven't completed this policy review doesn't mean that we're without diplomatic tools or fundamental policy. The fundamental policy remains the same, which is to do whatever we can to try to encourage progress in Burma,” he said.
“By progress, I mean the beginning of a dialogue between the government and the opposition and the ethnic minority groups, release of political prisoners and improved governance and, we would hope, more of an opening to the international community,” he said.
“So those fundamental principles, if you will, haven't changed. The policy review is really looking at what can we do that might help us better achieve those goals, and that's still very much under review.
“The policy review is sort of trying to figure out the details, or how can we be more effective. But we are not left empty-handed or frozen, if you will, by the fact that the review's not completed,” Marciel said.
Ten foreign ministers of Asean member countries and dialogue partners such as China, Japan, Republic of Korea, India, Australia, New Zealand and the US have confirmed their participation.
More than 1,200 delegates from 26 countries and related organizations will attend a total of 32 Asean-related meetings during the conference.
*****************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Constitutional Crisis over the Border Guard Force
By SAW YAN NAING, Thursday, July 16, 2009
After the Burmese regime ordered the ethnic ceasefire groups to serve as border guard forces in recent months, the tension between the junta and its ceasefire militia groups has been growing.
Many interpreted the ethnic ceasefire groups’ refusal to accept the proposal as a rejection of the debatable constitution that was approved in the so-called referendum held a few days after Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May 2008.
Clause 338 in chapter VII, “Defence Services,” of the new constitution states that all the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the defense services. It also states that the defense services, known as "Tatmadaw" in Burmese, is the main armed force for the defense of the union.
The junta’s recent move to transform the troops of ceasefire groups into border guard forces before the upcoming 2010 election is believed to be in accordance with the constitutional provision that armed forces must be under the command of the Tatmadaw.
Most ceasefire groups have disagreed with the order, preferring to maintain their current military status.
The border guard force plan calls for each battalion of the border guard force to consist of 326 soldiers including 18 officers. Thirty Burmese staff officers with significant roles in the command structure will be posted to each battalion.
Each battalion will have three major-ranked commanders. Of the three majors per battalion, the major in charge of administration will be drawn from the Burmese armed forces.
Each battalion would also have one general staff officer and one quartermaster, both drawn from the Burmese army with the rank of captain. Twenty-seven soldiers in the ranks, such as company sergeant majors, sergeant clerks and nurses, would be drawn from Tatmadaw forces.
Burmese observers said that this would allow the Burmese regime to monopolize the military wings of the ethnic ceasefire groups, giving them greater control in managing border security after the general election in 2010.
So far only the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army has accepted and signed the agreement with the Burmese regime to serve as a border guard force.
Seventeen insurgent groups have signed ceasefire agreements with the ruling generals since 1989, according to official Burmese reports.
The most powerful ceasefire group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), totally rejected the order, while other ceasefire groups such as the Kachin Independence Army, and the Mon New State Party, also disagreed.
They fear that they will fall under control of the Burmese army if they transfer their troops into units of the border guard force.
In May, the leaders of the UWSA—which has some 20,000 troops—replied personally to Burmese Military Affairs Security Chief Lt-Gen Ye Myint, saying that they could not accept the order and that the UWSA would maintain its current ceasefire status.
The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)—which controls about 4,000 troops—also disagreed with the order to form a border guard force under joint-command with the Burmese army.
Speaking with The Irrawaddy in June, Lahkyen La Ja, the general-secretary of the KIO said its armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), would only take up a border guard role when there was political change in Burma.
The KIO told the Burmese government that the KIA would prefer to form a state security force in Kachin State, northern Burma, instead.
Due to the disagreement, the Burmese regime is likely looking for alternative options in their attempts to persuade the ceasefire groups to accept the new constitution and subsequent 2010 elections.
After rejecting the order, the New Mon State Party leaders were asked by Maj-Gen Thet Naing Win, the Southeast Regional Commander in Moulmein, on June 7 to consider serving as a paramilitary group instead of being border guards.
The Burmese regime has been asserting more pressure on the ceasefire groups to transfer their troops to border guard force battalions, sending Burmese officials to ceasefire groups to persuade them to join the campaign.
They have been unsuccessful so far.
Some analysts say the regime may have no option but to launch military action against ceasefire groups that refuse to reassign their troops to border guard force battalions. Others, however, are doubtful.
Htay Aung, a Burmese military analyst in exile, said, "The patience of Burmese military commanders is wearing thin because of the stand taken by ceasefire groups."
Meanwhile Rangoon-based ethnic leaders and Burmese politicians said the draft constitution is biased, as it was written by delegations hand-picked by the junta, and it lacked the participation of the ethnic leaders and the parliamentary representatives elected in 1990.
Thawng Kho Thang, a senior member of the Rangoon-based United Nationalities League for Democracy, said that the Burmese regime needed more time for the Burmese citizens to learn about the 194-page constitution. Numerous citizens are still unclear whether to support the constitution or oppose it.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese analyst on the Sino-Burmese border, said the Burmese military regime is unwilling to amend its constitution. However, it is also not prepared to launch military activities against the ceasefire groups that have disagreed with the order, he said
“This crisis regarding the constitution is not a minor one, especially as without NLD involvement in the process, it will become more serious,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw.
He also said that the Burmese junta might compromise with the ethnic ceasefire groups over the border guard force order, as the ceasefire groups also want to maintain their current ceasefire status.
If the Burmese regime compromises with the ceasefire groups over the border guard force order, would this lead to a review of the constitution?
By SAW YAN NAING, Thursday, July 16, 2009
After the Burmese regime ordered the ethnic ceasefire groups to serve as border guard forces in recent months, the tension between the junta and its ceasefire militia groups has been growing.
Many interpreted the ethnic ceasefire groups’ refusal to accept the proposal as a rejection of the debatable constitution that was approved in the so-called referendum held a few days after Cyclone Nargis struck Burma in May 2008.
Clause 338 in chapter VII, “Defence Services,” of the new constitution states that all the armed forces in the union shall be under the command of the defense services. It also states that the defense services, known as "Tatmadaw" in Burmese, is the main armed force for the defense of the union.
The junta’s recent move to transform the troops of ceasefire groups into border guard forces before the upcoming 2010 election is believed to be in accordance with the constitutional provision that armed forces must be under the command of the Tatmadaw.
Most ceasefire groups have disagreed with the order, preferring to maintain their current military status.
The border guard force plan calls for each battalion of the border guard force to consist of 326 soldiers including 18 officers. Thirty Burmese staff officers with significant roles in the command structure will be posted to each battalion.
Each battalion will have three major-ranked commanders. Of the three majors per battalion, the major in charge of administration will be drawn from the Burmese armed forces.
Each battalion would also have one general staff officer and one quartermaster, both drawn from the Burmese army with the rank of captain. Twenty-seven soldiers in the ranks, such as company sergeant majors, sergeant clerks and nurses, would be drawn from Tatmadaw forces.
Burmese observers said that this would allow the Burmese regime to monopolize the military wings of the ethnic ceasefire groups, giving them greater control in managing border security after the general election in 2010.
So far only the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army has accepted and signed the agreement with the Burmese regime to serve as a border guard force.
Seventeen insurgent groups have signed ceasefire agreements with the ruling generals since 1989, according to official Burmese reports.
The most powerful ceasefire group, the United Wa State Army (UWSA), totally rejected the order, while other ceasefire groups such as the Kachin Independence Army, and the Mon New State Party, also disagreed.
They fear that they will fall under control of the Burmese army if they transfer their troops into units of the border guard force.
In May, the leaders of the UWSA—which has some 20,000 troops—replied personally to Burmese Military Affairs Security Chief Lt-Gen Ye Myint, saying that they could not accept the order and that the UWSA would maintain its current ceasefire status.
The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO)—which controls about 4,000 troops—also disagreed with the order to form a border guard force under joint-command with the Burmese army.
Speaking with The Irrawaddy in June, Lahkyen La Ja, the general-secretary of the KIO said its armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), would only take up a border guard role when there was political change in Burma.
The KIO told the Burmese government that the KIA would prefer to form a state security force in Kachin State, northern Burma, instead.
Due to the disagreement, the Burmese regime is likely looking for alternative options in their attempts to persuade the ceasefire groups to accept the new constitution and subsequent 2010 elections.
After rejecting the order, the New Mon State Party leaders were asked by Maj-Gen Thet Naing Win, the Southeast Regional Commander in Moulmein, on June 7 to consider serving as a paramilitary group instead of being border guards.
The Burmese regime has been asserting more pressure on the ceasefire groups to transfer their troops to border guard force battalions, sending Burmese officials to ceasefire groups to persuade them to join the campaign.
They have been unsuccessful so far.
Some analysts say the regime may have no option but to launch military action against ceasefire groups that refuse to reassign their troops to border guard force battalions. Others, however, are doubtful.
Htay Aung, a Burmese military analyst in exile, said, "The patience of Burmese military commanders is wearing thin because of the stand taken by ceasefire groups."
Meanwhile Rangoon-based ethnic leaders and Burmese politicians said the draft constitution is biased, as it was written by delegations hand-picked by the junta, and it lacked the participation of the ethnic leaders and the parliamentary representatives elected in 1990.
Thawng Kho Thang, a senior member of the Rangoon-based United Nationalities League for Democracy, said that the Burmese regime needed more time for the Burmese citizens to learn about the 194-page constitution. Numerous citizens are still unclear whether to support the constitution or oppose it.
Aung Kyaw Zaw, a Burmese analyst on the Sino-Burmese border, said the Burmese military regime is unwilling to amend its constitution. However, it is also not prepared to launch military activities against the ceasefire groups that have disagreed with the order, he said
“This crisis regarding the constitution is not a minor one, especially as without NLD involvement in the process, it will become more serious,” said Aung Kyaw Zaw.
He also said that the Burmese junta might compromise with the ethnic ceasefire groups over the border guard force order, as the ceasefire groups also want to maintain their current ceasefire status.
If the Burmese regime compromises with the ceasefire groups over the border guard force order, would this lead to a review of the constitution?
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The Irrawaddy - Army Officers Held Over Publication of Sensitive Material
By SAW YAN NAING, Thursday, July 16, 2009
Ten high-ranking Burmese army officers have reportedly been arrested on suspicion of divulging to Western and exiled media news of a secret visit to North Korea by the junta’s No 3, Gen Shwe Mann, and photographs and video footage of tunnel construction in and around Naypyidaw.
The suspects, all holding the rank of lieutenant-colonel, will be court-martialed and face the death penalty if convicted, according to one of several sources, a former intelligence officer with close contacts to the seat of power in Naypyidaw.
Some suspected of complicity had gone into hiding, the source said.
In recent weeks, several photographs of Shwe Mann visiting the North Korean capital Pyongyang in November 2008 were carried by several media outlets, including the BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera, the Democratic Voice of Burma, and The Irrawaddy.
Photographs and video footages of a tunnel construction site in Burma were also carried by the media organizations.
Official sources said members of the suspects’ families also feared the consequences of the crackdown.
The Bangkok-based English language daily newspaper The Nation reported at the weekend that several senior Burmese officials had been sacked in recent weeks after publication of photographs of secret tunnels in Burma built by North Korean experts from 2003 to 2006.
In their investigations into the leaks, Burmese intelligence officials reportedly interviewed associates of former intelligence chief, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, who was toppled in 2004.
The Nation reported that the authorities had also arrested several journalists thought to have had access to the sensitive material.
During his seven-day visit to Pyongyang, Shwe Mann signed a memorandum of understanding at the defense ministry with North Korea’s Chief of General Staff, Gen Kim Kyok-sik, to formalize military cooperation between the two countries.
Shwe Mann and his followers was also taken on a tour of construction sites where secret tunnels were being built into the mountains to house jet aircraft, missiles, tanks and nuclear and chemical weapons in Pyongyang and Myohyang.
By SAW YAN NAING, Thursday, July 16, 2009
Ten high-ranking Burmese army officers have reportedly been arrested on suspicion of divulging to Western and exiled media news of a secret visit to North Korea by the junta’s No 3, Gen Shwe Mann, and photographs and video footage of tunnel construction in and around Naypyidaw.
The suspects, all holding the rank of lieutenant-colonel, will be court-martialed and face the death penalty if convicted, according to one of several sources, a former intelligence officer with close contacts to the seat of power in Naypyidaw.
Some suspected of complicity had gone into hiding, the source said.
In recent weeks, several photographs of Shwe Mann visiting the North Korean capital Pyongyang in November 2008 were carried by several media outlets, including the BBC, CNN, Al Jazeera, the Democratic Voice of Burma, and The Irrawaddy.
Photographs and video footages of a tunnel construction site in Burma were also carried by the media organizations.
Official sources said members of the suspects’ families also feared the consequences of the crackdown.
The Bangkok-based English language daily newspaper The Nation reported at the weekend that several senior Burmese officials had been sacked in recent weeks after publication of photographs of secret tunnels in Burma built by North Korean experts from 2003 to 2006.
In their investigations into the leaks, Burmese intelligence officials reportedly interviewed associates of former intelligence chief, Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt, who was toppled in 2004.
The Nation reported that the authorities had also arrested several journalists thought to have had access to the sensitive material.
During his seven-day visit to Pyongyang, Shwe Mann signed a memorandum of understanding at the defense ministry with North Korea’s Chief of General Staff, Gen Kim Kyok-sik, to formalize military cooperation between the two countries.
Shwe Mann and his followers was also taken on a tour of construction sites where secret tunnels were being built into the mountains to house jet aircraft, missiles, tanks and nuclear and chemical weapons in Pyongyang and Myohyang.
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Mizzima News - Junta’s amnesty to ease international pressure: Critics
by Salai Pi Pi
Thursday, 16 July 2009 22:02
New Delhi (Mizzima) – The amnesty to prisoners announced by the Burmese military junta is yet another tactic to ease mounting international pressure over the trial of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, critics said.
Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s (AI) Burma Researcher on Thursday said the Burmese regime’s announcement proposing to grant amnesty to prisoners may be yet another attempt to divert international attention and blunt criticism.
“I think it is trying to deflect criticism from the ongoing trial of Aung San Suu Kyi as much as possible. I think they were surprised by the international reaction to the trial,” Zawacki said.
Zawacki’s comment came after the Burmese Government’s Ambassador to the United Nations Than Swe told the Security Council on Monday that his government is thinking of granting amnesty to prisoners to allow them to contest the election in 2010.
“At the request of the Secretary-General, the Myanmar [Burma] Government is proceeding to grant amnesty to prisoners on humanitarian grounds and with a view to enabling them to participate in the 2010 general elections,” Than Swe told the Security Council.
He also assured the Council that the 2010 general elections would be free, fair and credible.
Than Swe made the announcement in response to UN General Secretary Ban Ki-moon’s briefing to the Security Council on his two-day visit to Burma, which the World Body Chief had termed as “deeply disappointing” as the ruling junta refused to allow him a meeting with detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ban, in his briefing said, unless political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi are released Burma’s 2010 general election would lack credibility.
Meanwhile, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners - Burma (AAPP-B), a Thailand based activists group, in its press release on Thursday called on Ban Ki-moon and members of the UN Security Council not to fall for yet another hollow promise by the Burmese junta.
“If they truly want to show the world that they are serious about democratic reforms, the first step is to officially recognize political prisoners, and the fact that they have been arrested on political grounds,” said Bo Kyi, Joint-Secretary of AAPP.
“But words are not enough. We need to see practical implementation of a concrete time-frame for the rapid release of all Burma's political prisoners," he added.
According to AAPP, at present there are 2,160 political prisoners in Burma's detention centres, labour camps and jails.
Zawacki said if the regime releases all 2,100 political prisoners including, Aung San Suu Kyi, that will be a positive step towards political reconciliation where the government had claimed to allow inclusive participation in the 2010 election.
“Even if political prisoners are released, they were originally imprisoned under a law which will not allow them to contest the election,” he said.
“First of all they need to be released and given permission to participate in the election as the first step,” he added.
Meanwhile, Nyo Ohn Myint, in-charge of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National League for Democracy (NLD-LA) in exile said, the junta, which has been reluctant to release political prisoners, is announcing amnesty to prisoners as a step to legitimize its seven-step roadmap to its so-called disciplined democracy.
The forthcoming election will be the fifth-step of the road map.
“It is a move to legitimize the regime’s seven-step road map as it would like to complete the road map as soon as possible,” Nyo Ohn Myint said.
Zawacki said, before giving any credit to the military regime, it is necessary to wait and see how many political prisoners will be among those released.
“More important is whether or not any of the political prisoners will be released, as you know, 2100 and more political prisoners are behind bars in Burma,” he added.
by Salai Pi Pi
Thursday, 16 July 2009 22:02
New Delhi (Mizzima) – The amnesty to prisoners announced by the Burmese military junta is yet another tactic to ease mounting international pressure over the trial of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, critics said.
Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s (AI) Burma Researcher on Thursday said the Burmese regime’s announcement proposing to grant amnesty to prisoners may be yet another attempt to divert international attention and blunt criticism.
“I think it is trying to deflect criticism from the ongoing trial of Aung San Suu Kyi as much as possible. I think they were surprised by the international reaction to the trial,” Zawacki said.
Zawacki’s comment came after the Burmese Government’s Ambassador to the United Nations Than Swe told the Security Council on Monday that his government is thinking of granting amnesty to prisoners to allow them to contest the election in 2010.
“At the request of the Secretary-General, the Myanmar [Burma] Government is proceeding to grant amnesty to prisoners on humanitarian grounds and with a view to enabling them to participate in the 2010 general elections,” Than Swe told the Security Council.
He also assured the Council that the 2010 general elections would be free, fair and credible.
Than Swe made the announcement in response to UN General Secretary Ban Ki-moon’s briefing to the Security Council on his two-day visit to Burma, which the World Body Chief had termed as “deeply disappointing” as the ruling junta refused to allow him a meeting with detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ban, in his briefing said, unless political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi are released Burma’s 2010 general election would lack credibility.
Meanwhile, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners - Burma (AAPP-B), a Thailand based activists group, in its press release on Thursday called on Ban Ki-moon and members of the UN Security Council not to fall for yet another hollow promise by the Burmese junta.
“If they truly want to show the world that they are serious about democratic reforms, the first step is to officially recognize political prisoners, and the fact that they have been arrested on political grounds,” said Bo Kyi, Joint-Secretary of AAPP.
“But words are not enough. We need to see practical implementation of a concrete time-frame for the rapid release of all Burma's political prisoners," he added.
According to AAPP, at present there are 2,160 political prisoners in Burma's detention centres, labour camps and jails.
Zawacki said if the regime releases all 2,100 political prisoners including, Aung San Suu Kyi, that will be a positive step towards political reconciliation where the government had claimed to allow inclusive participation in the 2010 election.
“Even if political prisoners are released, they were originally imprisoned under a law which will not allow them to contest the election,” he said.
“First of all they need to be released and given permission to participate in the election as the first step,” he added.
Meanwhile, Nyo Ohn Myint, in-charge of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the National League for Democracy (NLD-LA) in exile said, the junta, which has been reluctant to release political prisoners, is announcing amnesty to prisoners as a step to legitimize its seven-step roadmap to its so-called disciplined democracy.
The forthcoming election will be the fifth-step of the road map.
“It is a move to legitimize the regime’s seven-step road map as it would like to complete the road map as soon as possible,” Nyo Ohn Myint said.
Zawacki said, before giving any credit to the military regime, it is necessary to wait and see how many political prisoners will be among those released.
“More important is whether or not any of the political prisoners will be released, as you know, 2100 and more political prisoners are behind bars in Burma,” he added.
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DVB News - Prisoner amnesties only offer false hope
Alex Ellgee
July 16, 2009 (DVB)–As Burma’s UN ambassador finished his brief interjection to the Security Council earlier this week, news headlines leapt on the pledge that Burma was due to release political prisoners in lieu of the 2010 elections.
The news sent a glimmer of hope across the world that Burma’s ruling generals had finally given in to international pressure. World leaders have said that an amnesty for the country’s 2,100 political activists currently behind bars is the only way to gain legitimacy before next year. Had Ban Ki-moon’s quiet diplomacy really stirred the hard-line generals into rethinking their old ways?
It is evident that the Burmese government fears the UN – Senior General Than Shwe is notoriously fearful of being brought to the International Criminal Court - yet it is unlikely that the junta leader would derail even slightly from his ‘roadmap to democracy’.
Releasing political prisoners is too much of a threat to the government’s planned election, which observers say is set to cement the continuation of military rule in Burma. The dissidents that remain behind bars are democracy fighters and leaders who could once again inspire the nation to reject the government’s sham elections and take to the streets in revolt.
The government’s indifference to the suffering of its opposition is palpable. Over 130 political prisoners in Burma urgently require medical treatment. Denied access to doctors, many are in life threatening conditions and forced to languish in prisons far from their families. It was only last month that the 140th political prisoner died in prison as a result of denied access to proper medical treatment. Salai Hla Moe was a prominent National League for Democracy (NLD) member and sometime security officer for Aung San Suu Kyi. His family was not informed about his death until their end of month visit when they learnt that he had been denied a traditional Christian burial.
Since November last year, 230 political prisoners have been transferred to remote prisons, unable to receive necessary medical treatment from their families. The objective is to silence them through both isolation, and more worryingly, death. If the government is serious about allowing prisoners to participate in the elections then these potential political leaders need to receive proper medical treatment immediately.
Perhaps most tellingly, the ambassador did not use the phrase ‘political prisoners’ during his speech. Burma has always denied that it holds political prisoners, instead that its only detainees are common criminals. Opposition groups and critics of the government are therefore dubious about whether any political prisoners will be released. The NLD spokesperson Nyan Win suggested that “the amnesty is not in response to Ban Ki-moon’s suggestions” and is “irrelevant to what was recommended”.
If it does turn out that political prisoners are released it is equally unclear as to what level they will be able to participate in the elections, especially so given that the election laws are yet to be announced. Free and fair elections require freedom to form political parties, but “participation”, in the words of the ambassador, could merely imply power to vote.
Over the last five years, four prisoner amnesties have released around 37,900 prisoners - only 120 of them have been political prisoners. The latest, in February this year following a visit by UN human rights envoy to Burma Tomas Ojea Quintana, saw the release of 6,313 prisoners, again supposedly on “humanitarian grounds” so that prisoners could participate in the 2010 elections. However, only 31 political prisoners were released, most of whom were already coming to the end of their sentences.
Prisoner amnesties have always coincided with increasing international pressure on the regime, and this time is no different. Ban Ki-moon expressed “deep disappointment” with his trip to Burma earlier this month, and suggestions have been made that China’s confidence in its neighbour is waning. Fear of Security Council action, which would see Burma enduring the same UN resolutions that North Korea has accumulated over the years, may have caused it to attempt mild appeasement. Indeed, following his statement, Than Swe told the meeting that “no Security Council action is needed”.
If the current political stalemate in Burma endures, there is no chance that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released in time for the 2010 elections. She is the junta’s most feared political leader and they know that her freedom could be the end of the constitution. Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma, stated that “The release of Aung San Suu Kyi would be the first step to show the world that [the SPDC] is serious about releasing all political prisoners.”
History shows, however, that amnesties are nothing more than a currency used by the generals to buy time and deflect international pressure. Yet one lesson can be learned from this – it is in the Security Council that Burma’s stubbornness starts to waver. The world should stop buying into false promises, and instead hit them when they are vulnerable. But for the time being, the longer the UN lets the generals play their mind games, the more political leaders will be allowed to die in Burma’s prisons.
Alex Ellgee
July 16, 2009 (DVB)–As Burma’s UN ambassador finished his brief interjection to the Security Council earlier this week, news headlines leapt on the pledge that Burma was due to release political prisoners in lieu of the 2010 elections.
The news sent a glimmer of hope across the world that Burma’s ruling generals had finally given in to international pressure. World leaders have said that an amnesty for the country’s 2,100 political activists currently behind bars is the only way to gain legitimacy before next year. Had Ban Ki-moon’s quiet diplomacy really stirred the hard-line generals into rethinking their old ways?
It is evident that the Burmese government fears the UN – Senior General Than Shwe is notoriously fearful of being brought to the International Criminal Court - yet it is unlikely that the junta leader would derail even slightly from his ‘roadmap to democracy’.
Releasing political prisoners is too much of a threat to the government’s planned election, which observers say is set to cement the continuation of military rule in Burma. The dissidents that remain behind bars are democracy fighters and leaders who could once again inspire the nation to reject the government’s sham elections and take to the streets in revolt.
The government’s indifference to the suffering of its opposition is palpable. Over 130 political prisoners in Burma urgently require medical treatment. Denied access to doctors, many are in life threatening conditions and forced to languish in prisons far from their families. It was only last month that the 140th political prisoner died in prison as a result of denied access to proper medical treatment. Salai Hla Moe was a prominent National League for Democracy (NLD) member and sometime security officer for Aung San Suu Kyi. His family was not informed about his death until their end of month visit when they learnt that he had been denied a traditional Christian burial.
Since November last year, 230 political prisoners have been transferred to remote prisons, unable to receive necessary medical treatment from their families. The objective is to silence them through both isolation, and more worryingly, death. If the government is serious about allowing prisoners to participate in the elections then these potential political leaders need to receive proper medical treatment immediately.
Perhaps most tellingly, the ambassador did not use the phrase ‘political prisoners’ during his speech. Burma has always denied that it holds political prisoners, instead that its only detainees are common criminals. Opposition groups and critics of the government are therefore dubious about whether any political prisoners will be released. The NLD spokesperson Nyan Win suggested that “the amnesty is not in response to Ban Ki-moon’s suggestions” and is “irrelevant to what was recommended”.
If it does turn out that political prisoners are released it is equally unclear as to what level they will be able to participate in the elections, especially so given that the election laws are yet to be announced. Free and fair elections require freedom to form political parties, but “participation”, in the words of the ambassador, could merely imply power to vote.
Over the last five years, four prisoner amnesties have released around 37,900 prisoners - only 120 of them have been political prisoners. The latest, in February this year following a visit by UN human rights envoy to Burma Tomas Ojea Quintana, saw the release of 6,313 prisoners, again supposedly on “humanitarian grounds” so that prisoners could participate in the 2010 elections. However, only 31 political prisoners were released, most of whom were already coming to the end of their sentences.
Prisoner amnesties have always coincided with increasing international pressure on the regime, and this time is no different. Ban Ki-moon expressed “deep disappointment” with his trip to Burma earlier this month, and suggestions have been made that China’s confidence in its neighbour is waning. Fear of Security Council action, which would see Burma enduring the same UN resolutions that North Korea has accumulated over the years, may have caused it to attempt mild appeasement. Indeed, following his statement, Than Swe told the meeting that “no Security Council action is needed”.
If the current political stalemate in Burma endures, there is no chance that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released in time for the 2010 elections. She is the junta’s most feared political leader and they know that her freedom could be the end of the constitution. Bo Kyi, joint secretary of the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma, stated that “The release of Aung San Suu Kyi would be the first step to show the world that [the SPDC] is serious about releasing all political prisoners.”
History shows, however, that amnesties are nothing more than a currency used by the generals to buy time and deflect international pressure. Yet one lesson can be learned from this – it is in the Security Council that Burma’s stubbornness starts to waver. The world should stop buying into false promises, and instead hit them when they are vulnerable. But for the time being, the longer the UN lets the generals play their mind games, the more political leaders will be allowed to die in Burma’s prisons.
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