U.N.'s Ban rebukes Myanmar generals over Suu Kyi
By Louis Charbonneau – 1 hr 42 mins ago
YANGON (Reuters) – U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon publicly rebuked Myanmar's generals on Saturday for denying him a visit to detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and said she should take part in politics before 2010 elections.
The U.N. Secretary-General expressed "deep disappointment" as he wrapped up his two-day visit to the military-ruled state.
In a rare speech in Yangon to a crowd of about 500 diplomats, state officials, non-governmental organizations and opposition politicians, Ban sharply criticized Myanmar for its human rights record and its failure to free political prisoners.
"Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government's willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible," Ban said.
"I'm deeply disappointed that they rejected my request. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay."
Although there was no applause during Ban's speech, his rebuke of the generals before a local audience prompted murmurs throughout the crowd at Yangon's Drug Elimination Museum.
Dissent and criticism of the authorities are harshly dealt with by the generals, with rights activists, politicians and even comedians among those given harsh jail terms.
Ban was made to wait overnight in Myanmar's isolated new capital Naypyidaw for junta supremo Than Shwe to shoot down his request, saying Suu Kyi was on trial and the country's rulers did not want to be seen to interfere with the judicial process.
Suu Kyi, who has spearheaded the campaign for democracy for two decades in the former Burma, is on trial for breaching terms of her house arrest by allowing an American intruder to stay at her home on May 4.
Critics have dismissed her hearing as a show trial and an attempt by the generals to keep her out of multi-party elections to be held next year.
GRAVE CONCERN
Ban said Myanmar's human rights record was of "grave concern" and said its people would suffer if the regime continued to be isolated as a result of its failure to initiate meaningful, inclusive democratic reforms.
"The question of today is this: How much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?" he told the crowd.
Ban is expected to receive criticism for what he had said would be a "very tough mission," from which he left without any guarantees from the generals that Suu Kyi and the more than 2,000 political prisoners would be freed.
Suu Kyi's trial was adjourned on Friday until July 10 because of a clerical error by the court, according to her lawyer.
Ban, one of the few top world figures the Myanmar supremo is willing to meet, had hoped he would have some sway with the reclusive 76-year-old general having convinced him last year to allow humanitarian aid groups to enter Myanmar to help with post-Cyclone Nargis recovery efforts.
Although he did not receive any concrete assurances, the U.N. chief said he was optimistic political prisoners would be freed to take part in elections.
"I believe they are very seriously considering releasing political prisoners, if not soon, at the latest before the beginning of this election," he told reporters in Naypyidaw.
A U.N official said on condition of anonymity that Than Shwe told the delegation that next time Ban visits the country, he and his generals would all be civilians.
"When you come back I will be an ordinary citizen, a lay person and my colleagues will too, because it will be a civilian government," the official quoted Than Shwe as telling Ban.
Ban had expressed concern his trip could be used by the ruling generals for propaganda purposes to legitimize Suu Kyi's trial and next year's planned multi-party elections, which critics say will entrench nearly 50 years of military rule.
By Louis Charbonneau – 1 hr 42 mins ago
YANGON (Reuters) – U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon publicly rebuked Myanmar's generals on Saturday for denying him a visit to detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and said she should take part in politics before 2010 elections.
The U.N. Secretary-General expressed "deep disappointment" as he wrapped up his two-day visit to the military-ruled state.
In a rare speech in Yangon to a crowd of about 500 diplomats, state officials, non-governmental organizations and opposition politicians, Ban sharply criticized Myanmar for its human rights record and its failure to free political prisoners.
"Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government's willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible," Ban said.
"I'm deeply disappointed that they rejected my request. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay."
Although there was no applause during Ban's speech, his rebuke of the generals before a local audience prompted murmurs throughout the crowd at Yangon's Drug Elimination Museum.
Dissent and criticism of the authorities are harshly dealt with by the generals, with rights activists, politicians and even comedians among those given harsh jail terms.
Ban was made to wait overnight in Myanmar's isolated new capital Naypyidaw for junta supremo Than Shwe to shoot down his request, saying Suu Kyi was on trial and the country's rulers did not want to be seen to interfere with the judicial process.
Suu Kyi, who has spearheaded the campaign for democracy for two decades in the former Burma, is on trial for breaching terms of her house arrest by allowing an American intruder to stay at her home on May 4.
Critics have dismissed her hearing as a show trial and an attempt by the generals to keep her out of multi-party elections to be held next year.
GRAVE CONCERN
Ban said Myanmar's human rights record was of "grave concern" and said its people would suffer if the regime continued to be isolated as a result of its failure to initiate meaningful, inclusive democratic reforms.
"The question of today is this: How much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?" he told the crowd.
Ban is expected to receive criticism for what he had said would be a "very tough mission," from which he left without any guarantees from the generals that Suu Kyi and the more than 2,000 political prisoners would be freed.
Suu Kyi's trial was adjourned on Friday until July 10 because of a clerical error by the court, according to her lawyer.
Ban, one of the few top world figures the Myanmar supremo is willing to meet, had hoped he would have some sway with the reclusive 76-year-old general having convinced him last year to allow humanitarian aid groups to enter Myanmar to help with post-Cyclone Nargis recovery efforts.
Although he did not receive any concrete assurances, the U.N. chief said he was optimistic political prisoners would be freed to take part in elections.
"I believe they are very seriously considering releasing political prisoners, if not soon, at the latest before the beginning of this election," he told reporters in Naypyidaw.
A U.N official said on condition of anonymity that Than Shwe told the delegation that next time Ban visits the country, he and his generals would all be civilians.
"When you come back I will be an ordinary citizen, a lay person and my colleagues will too, because it will be a civilian government," the official quoted Than Shwe as telling Ban.
Ban had expressed concern his trip could be used by the ruling generals for propaganda purposes to legitimize Suu Kyi's trial and next year's planned multi-party elections, which critics say will entrench nearly 50 years of military rule.
*****************************************************
WITNESS: Overnight in Myanmar's ghost town capital
Sat Jul 4, 2009 11:28am EDT
Louis Charbonneau, U.N. correspondent for Reuters, joined the company in Vienna in 2001, where he was a beat reporter covering the U.N. International Atomic Energy Agency. He has traveled extensively in Europe, Asia, Africa and the Middle East during his nearly two-decade career as a journalist.
In the following story Lou writes about his experience travelling with a U.N. delegation to Naypyidaw, the new capital of Myanmar.
By Louis Charbonneau
NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar (Reuters) - A green and yellow sign greeted us in English and Burmese with the words: "Welcome to Naypyitaw." Someone in our bus quipped that it should have read: "Welcome to the Dictators' Disneyland."
Myanmar's remote new capital, Naypyidaw, looks more like a seaside resort-in-progress than a city. But it is too far from the sea to make it a proper resort.
In fact, Naypyidaw is a virtual fortress where the reclusive military rulers of the former Burma have isolated themselves, some 320 km (200 miles) away from the mass demonstrations that occasionally erupt in the country's largest city, Yangon.
I was one of a small group of journalists who had the rare privilege of spending the night in Naypyidaw, where foreigners are banned unless they are invited there on official business.
As members of a U.N. delegation traveling with Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon we got special treatment -- we could use satellite telephones, which are illegal in Myanmar, to contact the outside world.
We also had access to the Internet to file stories and send emails about Ban's second trip to the new capital, established in 2005.
During his two-day visit, Ban tried unsuccessfully to persuade Senior General Than Shwe, the junta leader, to let him meet Myanmar's main opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who is currently trial for breaching the terms of her house arrest.
One of the first things I noticed about Naypyidaw was the lack of people and cars, which gave the city the eerie atmosphere of a ghost town.
As we sped along the pristine but empty highway toward our hotel, the only people we saw were military police, security officials, and a few labourers working in the fields or on construction sites.
The preferred architecture for ministry buildings and government mansions is white and beige stone with colored roofs surrounded by carefully manicured lawns, palm trees, shrubbery and stone walls.
Some of the buildings have cheerful-looking signs identifying which ministries they belong to.
One of the officials in the delegation told us privately that there have been some recent additions to Naypyidaw -- it now has a shopping mall and its own zoo, complete with penguins and lions to keep the rulers and people forced to relocate there entertained.
There is also a golf course, since the generals and many of their official guests enjoy taking in an occasional round of golf.
Underneath the city, U.N. officials explained, is an extensive network of tunnels designed by engineers from North Korea, a country with a communist government that rivals Myanmar in its secrecy.
The most impressive building we saw was the junta's new palatial reception hall. Named after an 18th century king, Bayint Naung Yeiktha, it is where Ban met with Than Shwe and other leaders of the junta.
Surrounded by rolling hills and jungle vegetation, the building is circumscribed by a high-security fence that would not be easy to climb.
Inside the hall, there was an ornate waterfall fountain in which massive goldfish rise up and spout water against a mountainside.
Journalists received rough treatment at the hands of the military police and security officials. I was trying to photograph Ban as he entered the meeting with Than Shwe when a uniformed military official grabbed me by my backpack and threw me roughly back toward a chair.
They pushed us around constantly until we were out of sight of the 76-year-old Than Shwe.
Back at the Naypyidaw hotel, our hosts had forgotten to arrange for food for the reporters. The eternally polite hotel workers took care of us.
They gathered up leftovers from a buffet prepared for some of the security officials -- fried noodles and vegetables, spicy sour soup, dried fish and fried rice.
After a delicious dinner, I took the opportunity to update my Facebook status with the words: "Lou Charbonneau is in Naypyidaw, the surreal and brand-spanking-new capital of Myanmar, better known as Burma."
I'd like to think that was a first for Naypyidaw.
Sat Jul 4, 2009 11:28am EDT
Louis Charbonneau, U.N. correspondent for Reuters, joined the company in Vienna in 2001, where he was a beat reporter covering the U.N. International Atomic Energy Agency. He has traveled extensively in Europe, Asia, Africa and the Middle East during his nearly two-decade career as a journalist.
In the following story Lou writes about his experience travelling with a U.N. delegation to Naypyidaw, the new capital of Myanmar.
By Louis Charbonneau
NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar (Reuters) - A green and yellow sign greeted us in English and Burmese with the words: "Welcome to Naypyitaw." Someone in our bus quipped that it should have read: "Welcome to the Dictators' Disneyland."
Myanmar's remote new capital, Naypyidaw, looks more like a seaside resort-in-progress than a city. But it is too far from the sea to make it a proper resort.
In fact, Naypyidaw is a virtual fortress where the reclusive military rulers of the former Burma have isolated themselves, some 320 km (200 miles) away from the mass demonstrations that occasionally erupt in the country's largest city, Yangon.
I was one of a small group of journalists who had the rare privilege of spending the night in Naypyidaw, where foreigners are banned unless they are invited there on official business.
As members of a U.N. delegation traveling with Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon we got special treatment -- we could use satellite telephones, which are illegal in Myanmar, to contact the outside world.
We also had access to the Internet to file stories and send emails about Ban's second trip to the new capital, established in 2005.
During his two-day visit, Ban tried unsuccessfully to persuade Senior General Than Shwe, the junta leader, to let him meet Myanmar's main opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who is currently trial for breaching the terms of her house arrest.
One of the first things I noticed about Naypyidaw was the lack of people and cars, which gave the city the eerie atmosphere of a ghost town.
As we sped along the pristine but empty highway toward our hotel, the only people we saw were military police, security officials, and a few labourers working in the fields or on construction sites.
The preferred architecture for ministry buildings and government mansions is white and beige stone with colored roofs surrounded by carefully manicured lawns, palm trees, shrubbery and stone walls.
Some of the buildings have cheerful-looking signs identifying which ministries they belong to.
One of the officials in the delegation told us privately that there have been some recent additions to Naypyidaw -- it now has a shopping mall and its own zoo, complete with penguins and lions to keep the rulers and people forced to relocate there entertained.
There is also a golf course, since the generals and many of their official guests enjoy taking in an occasional round of golf.
Underneath the city, U.N. officials explained, is an extensive network of tunnels designed by engineers from North Korea, a country with a communist government that rivals Myanmar in its secrecy.
The most impressive building we saw was the junta's new palatial reception hall. Named after an 18th century king, Bayint Naung Yeiktha, it is where Ban met with Than Shwe and other leaders of the junta.
Surrounded by rolling hills and jungle vegetation, the building is circumscribed by a high-security fence that would not be easy to climb.
Inside the hall, there was an ornate waterfall fountain in which massive goldfish rise up and spout water against a mountainside.
Journalists received rough treatment at the hands of the military police and security officials. I was trying to photograph Ban as he entered the meeting with Than Shwe when a uniformed military official grabbed me by my backpack and threw me roughly back toward a chair.
They pushed us around constantly until we were out of sight of the 76-year-old Than Shwe.
Back at the Naypyidaw hotel, our hosts had forgotten to arrange for food for the reporters. The eternally polite hotel workers took care of us.
They gathered up leftovers from a buffet prepared for some of the security officials -- fried noodles and vegetables, spicy sour soup, dried fish and fried rice.
After a delicious dinner, I took the opportunity to update my Facebook status with the words: "Lou Charbonneau is in Naypyidaw, the surreal and brand-spanking-new capital of Myanmar, better known as Burma."
I'd like to think that was a first for Naypyidaw.
*****************************************************
Brown urges Myanmar to halt Suu Kyi trial
Reuters - Saturday, July 4
LONDON - Prime Minister Gordon Brown called on Myanmar authorities on Friday to halt the trial of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and to release her.
Brown's call, in a post on the Huffington Post website, timed his comments to coincide with a visit to Myanmar by United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
"I call on the regime to mark Ban Ki-moon's arrival by immediately halting her trial, which makes a mockery of justice, and ending her detention which undermines their credibility in the eyes of the world," Brown said.
Suu Kyi, who has spearheaded a campaign for democracy for two decades in the former Burma, is currently on trial for breaching a security law, which critics say is an attempt by the generals to keep her out of multi-party elections to be held next year.
Only an agreement to release all political prisoners and to start a genuine dialogue with the opposition and ethnic groups will give any credibility to the elections, Brown said.
"I hope that Ban Ki-moon can convince the generals to take the first steps. A serious offer is on the table: The international community will work with Burma if the generals are prepared to embark on a genuine transition to democracy," he said.
"But if the Burmese regime refuses to engage, the international community must be prepared to respond robustly," he said.
Ban had a rare meeting with Myanmar junta supremo Than Shwe on Friday but left the talks with no clear answer to his request to see Suu Kyi. The two men were due to meet again on Saturday.
The Nobel laureate, 64, was charged with violating the terms of her house arrest by allowing an American intruder to stay at her home in May.
Suu Kyi has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention, mostly under house arrest at her lakeside home in Yangon.
Reuters - Saturday, July 4
LONDON - Prime Minister Gordon Brown called on Myanmar authorities on Friday to halt the trial of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and to release her.
Brown's call, in a post on the Huffington Post website, timed his comments to coincide with a visit to Myanmar by United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.
"I call on the regime to mark Ban Ki-moon's arrival by immediately halting her trial, which makes a mockery of justice, and ending her detention which undermines their credibility in the eyes of the world," Brown said.
Suu Kyi, who has spearheaded a campaign for democracy for two decades in the former Burma, is currently on trial for breaching a security law, which critics say is an attempt by the generals to keep her out of multi-party elections to be held next year.
Only an agreement to release all political prisoners and to start a genuine dialogue with the opposition and ethnic groups will give any credibility to the elections, Brown said.
"I hope that Ban Ki-moon can convince the generals to take the first steps. A serious offer is on the table: The international community will work with Burma if the generals are prepared to embark on a genuine transition to democracy," he said.
"But if the Burmese regime refuses to engage, the international community must be prepared to respond robustly," he said.
Ban had a rare meeting with Myanmar junta supremo Than Shwe on Friday but left the talks with no clear answer to his request to see Suu Kyi. The two men were due to meet again on Saturday.
The Nobel laureate, 64, was charged with violating the terms of her house arrest by allowing an American intruder to stay at her home in May.
Suu Kyi has spent 14 of the past 20 years in detention, mostly under house arrest at her lakeside home in Yangon.
*****************************************************
Myanmar denies UN chief's request to see Suu Kyi
By JOHN HEILPRIN, Associated Press Writer – Sat Jul 4, 8:11 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said Saturday he was "deeply disappointed" after Myanmar's military ruler rejected his second and final request to meet jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ban met with Senior Gen. Than Shwe for another inconclusive round of talks that failed to win any immediate concessions or accomplish one of the main goals of his trip — to see Suu Kyi in jail.
"I pressed as hard as I could," Ban told reporters. "I had hoped that he would agree to my request, but it is regrettable that he did not."
Their meeting took place in Naypyitaw, the junta's remote administrative capital, and lasted about 30 minutes. Ban then flew to Yangon and was scheduled to leave Myanmar on Saturday evening.
Ban said the junta chief told him repeatedly that "he really wanted to agree to my request" but because Suu Kyi was on trial he did not want to be seen as interfering with the judicial process — or being pressured by the outside world.
"I am deeply disappointed that they have missed a very important opportunity," Ban said.
Suu Kyi has been detained by the ruling generals for nearly 14 of the past 20 years and is now on trial charged with violating her house arrest. She faces five years in prison if convicted in a trial that has sparked global outrage.
Ban embarked on the two-day trip saying he hoped to win freedom for Suu Kyi but predicted it would be "a very tough mission."
The U.N. chief talked for two hours Friday with Than Shwe, who rarely meets with world leaders. He left that meeting saying his initial request to see Suu Kyi was not granted but he was still awaiting a final reply.
It was Ban's second visit to Myanmar since Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the country last year. His first visit managed to persuade the military government to ease access for hundreds of foreign aid workers who had been restricted from entering cyclone-affected areas. He also oversaw a conference that raised up to $150 million in emergency relief funds.
However, the U.N. has been unable to budge the junta on its refusal to free its estimated 2,100 political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.
Ban later flew over the cyclone-devastated zone Saturday afternoon and met foreign diplomats in Yangon ahead of his departure scheduled for later in the evening.
Suu Kyi's widely criticized trial was set to resume after a monthlong delay on Friday, the same day the U.N. chief arrived. But the court met for a brief session to adjourn until July 10.
In May, Suu Kyi was charged with violating the terms of her house arrest when an uninvited American man swam secretly to her lakeside home and stayed for two days.
Suu Kyi is being detained at Myanmar's notorious Insein Prison, where 53-year-old John William Yettaw of Falcon, Missouri, the intruder who is charged with trespassing, also is being held.
The trial has sparked outrage from world leaders, other Nobel laureates, human rights groups and Hollywood celebrities who say the military-controlled government is using the bizarre incident as an excuse to keep Suu Kyi behind bars through elections scheduled for 2010.
The elections are part of the junta's "roadmap to democracy," which critics say is a sham designed to cement the military's four-decade grip on power.
Ban said he urged Than Shwe to "accelerate the process of democratization" in talks Friday.
Rock band U2 this week kicked off a world tour in Spain by urging fans to wear masks of Suu Kyi's smiling face to show their support for her. The mask can be downloaded and printed from http://www.u2.com and appears inside the band's tour program.
Singer Bono paid tribute to Suu Kyi at a packed Barcelona stadium Tuesday night when he introduced U2's 2000 single, "Walk On," which was written for her.
Senior U.N. officials who participated in Friday's talks described them as far-ranging, with "a lot of back and forth" between Ban and the military rulers.
Than Shwe was accompanied by four other generals and the foreign minister, among others in his entourage. Ban kept a few aides by his side, though he prefers one-on-one talks with world leaders in contrast to Than Shwe — who also refuses to take Ban's phone calls.
Suu Kyi's opposition party won national elections in 1990, but Myanmar's generals refused to relinquish power. Her latest six-year round of house arrest was to expire last month.
By JOHN HEILPRIN, Associated Press Writer – Sat Jul 4, 8:11 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said Saturday he was "deeply disappointed" after Myanmar's military ruler rejected his second and final request to meet jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ban met with Senior Gen. Than Shwe for another inconclusive round of talks that failed to win any immediate concessions or accomplish one of the main goals of his trip — to see Suu Kyi in jail.
"I pressed as hard as I could," Ban told reporters. "I had hoped that he would agree to my request, but it is regrettable that he did not."
Their meeting took place in Naypyitaw, the junta's remote administrative capital, and lasted about 30 minutes. Ban then flew to Yangon and was scheduled to leave Myanmar on Saturday evening.
Ban said the junta chief told him repeatedly that "he really wanted to agree to my request" but because Suu Kyi was on trial he did not want to be seen as interfering with the judicial process — or being pressured by the outside world.
"I am deeply disappointed that they have missed a very important opportunity," Ban said.
Suu Kyi has been detained by the ruling generals for nearly 14 of the past 20 years and is now on trial charged with violating her house arrest. She faces five years in prison if convicted in a trial that has sparked global outrage.
Ban embarked on the two-day trip saying he hoped to win freedom for Suu Kyi but predicted it would be "a very tough mission."
The U.N. chief talked for two hours Friday with Than Shwe, who rarely meets with world leaders. He left that meeting saying his initial request to see Suu Kyi was not granted but he was still awaiting a final reply.
It was Ban's second visit to Myanmar since Cyclone Nargis devastated much of the country last year. His first visit managed to persuade the military government to ease access for hundreds of foreign aid workers who had been restricted from entering cyclone-affected areas. He also oversaw a conference that raised up to $150 million in emergency relief funds.
However, the U.N. has been unable to budge the junta on its refusal to free its estimated 2,100 political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.
Ban later flew over the cyclone-devastated zone Saturday afternoon and met foreign diplomats in Yangon ahead of his departure scheduled for later in the evening.
Suu Kyi's widely criticized trial was set to resume after a monthlong delay on Friday, the same day the U.N. chief arrived. But the court met for a brief session to adjourn until July 10.
In May, Suu Kyi was charged with violating the terms of her house arrest when an uninvited American man swam secretly to her lakeside home and stayed for two days.
Suu Kyi is being detained at Myanmar's notorious Insein Prison, where 53-year-old John William Yettaw of Falcon, Missouri, the intruder who is charged with trespassing, also is being held.
The trial has sparked outrage from world leaders, other Nobel laureates, human rights groups and Hollywood celebrities who say the military-controlled government is using the bizarre incident as an excuse to keep Suu Kyi behind bars through elections scheduled for 2010.
The elections are part of the junta's "roadmap to democracy," which critics say is a sham designed to cement the military's four-decade grip on power.
Ban said he urged Than Shwe to "accelerate the process of democratization" in talks Friday.
Rock band U2 this week kicked off a world tour in Spain by urging fans to wear masks of Suu Kyi's smiling face to show their support for her. The mask can be downloaded and printed from http://www.u2.com and appears inside the band's tour program.
Singer Bono paid tribute to Suu Kyi at a packed Barcelona stadium Tuesday night when he introduced U2's 2000 single, "Walk On," which was written for her.
Senior U.N. officials who participated in Friday's talks described them as far-ranging, with "a lot of back and forth" between Ban and the military rulers.
Than Shwe was accompanied by four other generals and the foreign minister, among others in his entourage. Ban kept a few aides by his side, though he prefers one-on-one talks with world leaders in contrast to Than Shwe — who also refuses to take Ban's phone calls.
Suu Kyi's opposition party won national elections in 1990, but Myanmar's generals refused to relinquish power. Her latest six-year round of house arrest was to expire last month.
*****************************************************
U2 asks fans to support Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi
Sat Jul 4, 3:26 am ET
BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) – As U2 kicks off its world tour, the Irish rockers are turning a spotlight on Myanmar's jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
On its Web site and on stage, U2 is asking fans to wear a Suu Kyi mask in support of the 64-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner.
"Wear it to work or college. Wear it on the bus or the train. Wear it in the pub or at shops. And don't forget. Bring it to a U2 show," the band says on its official Web site.
A mask of Suu Kyi's smiling face can be downloaded and printed from http://www.u2.com and appears inside the program for the band's "360 degree" tour, which opened earlier this week in Barcelona.
Lead singer Bono paid tribute to Suu Kyi at a packed Barcelona stadium Tuesday night when he introduced U2's 2000 single, "Walk On," which was written for her.
"This next song is dedicated to Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma," Bono told the crowd, according to a statement received Friday from the Burma Campaign UK. The London-based human rights group helped coordinate a recent campaign that groups celebrities, musicians and dignitaries calling for Suu Kyi's release.
"Let's send her a message of love and support. Let us stand with her ... Put on your masks," Bono said, according to the statement, which said thousands in the audience were wearing or holding the masks.
Suu Kyi's opposition party, the National League for Democracy, won Myanmar's last elections in 1990, but the ruling generals refused to hand over power. She has been under house arrest for nearly 14 of the past 20 years.
In May, Suu Kyi was arrested on charges of violating her house arrest in a case that has been globally criticized as a pretext to keep her behind bars. She faces five years in prison if convicted.
Sat Jul 4, 3:26 am ET
BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) – As U2 kicks off its world tour, the Irish rockers are turning a spotlight on Myanmar's jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
On its Web site and on stage, U2 is asking fans to wear a Suu Kyi mask in support of the 64-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner.
"Wear it to work or college. Wear it on the bus or the train. Wear it in the pub or at shops. And don't forget. Bring it to a U2 show," the band says on its official Web site.
A mask of Suu Kyi's smiling face can be downloaded and printed from http://www.u2.com and appears inside the program for the band's "360 degree" tour, which opened earlier this week in Barcelona.
Lead singer Bono paid tribute to Suu Kyi at a packed Barcelona stadium Tuesday night when he introduced U2's 2000 single, "Walk On," which was written for her.
"This next song is dedicated to Aung San Suu Kyi and the people of Burma," Bono told the crowd, according to a statement received Friday from the Burma Campaign UK. The London-based human rights group helped coordinate a recent campaign that groups celebrities, musicians and dignitaries calling for Suu Kyi's release.
"Let's send her a message of love and support. Let us stand with her ... Put on your masks," Bono said, according to the statement, which said thousands in the audience were wearing or holding the masks.
Suu Kyi's opposition party, the National League for Democracy, won Myanmar's last elections in 1990, but the ruling generals refused to hand over power. She has been under house arrest for nearly 14 of the past 20 years.
In May, Suu Kyi was arrested on charges of violating her house arrest in a case that has been globally criticized as a pretext to keep her behind bars. She faces five years in prison if convicted.
*****************************************************
Myanmar's frustrated generation looks abroad
AP - Sunday, July 5
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Armed with a law degree from the University of East Yangon, 22-year-old Win is clear-eyed about his job prospects: Practically speaking, there are none. For him, the future lies overseas.
Abroad there is "some hope, some opportunity. But in our country, there's no hope left," said Win, who is applying to go to Australia for further studies.
Unlike the students who hit the streets in 1988 in big demonstrations against the military government, the generation now emerging from college is focused on avoiding political activism, learning English and seeking opportunities in a world they have come to know through TV and the Internet.
Two decades ago, it was very difficult to emigrate from the country then called Burma. Today it's much easier, and every day long lines of people, many of them students, form outside the government office that issues passports.
There are no solid statistics, but historian Thant Myint-U estimates the number of emigrants over the past couple decades is in the millions.
"The main way young people express their unhappiness today is to leave the country. Before there was no possibility of emigration. That is a huge change. ... For more and more young people inside, their first desire is find work abroad," said the historian, who lives in Thailand and is author of "The River of Lost Footsteps: A Personal History of Burma."
"We are frustrated by the lifestyle, the opportunities and the politics here. But we don't care too much about political things because we can't do anything to change the situation. So we avoid it, we try to escape it," said Win, a thin lanky youth who spends his free time playing computer games. Like most people interviewed in Myanmar, he chose not to give his full name for fear of angering authorities.
The government has labored long and hard to disempower a university system that once produced its strongest opponents. It was students who led the August 1988 uprising that brought tens of thousands into the streets, only to be crushed by military might.
Authorities set out to fragment the student body, moving colleges at least 15 kilometers (10 miles) out of cities and forcing students to find their own housing rather than live together on campus and find strength in numbers.
Elite Rangoon University, which nurtured independence leader Aung San and the late U.N. Secretary General U Thant, was closed for several years and reopened as Yangon University, the new name the generals had given to the city of Rangoon.
Many of the university's buildings are in disrepair, and only a small number of graduate and doctoral students attend classes; undergraduates are not admitted.
Aung San's daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi, is Myanmar's modern-day symbol of the democracy struggle. She has spent 13 of the last 19 years in detention, and went on trial last month, accused of violating the terms of her house arrest.
Student activists from the '88 generation managed to make their voices heard again in 2007 in the uprising led by Buddhist monks, and last fall many of them were given prison sentences of 65 years.
Experts insist student political action has not died out, but has largely shifted to "low-risk activism" or gone underground because of the military government's repression.
There is still a "widespread dissident movement" inside the country that includes student groups, bloggers, monks and others, but their activities are much less centrally organized, said David Mathieson, a Myanmar researcher with New York-based Human Rights Watch.
There's no direct confrontation, but there are "still a lot of activities by people who are either directly trying to challenge the government or just by people who are trying to get on with their lives and do a whole range of things," he said.
Students concerned with the country's politics know better than to voice it publicly.
"I really care about politics and the future of the country but I feel I am not free to participate. Sometimes we talk politics in cafes but we have to careful. Even walls have ears," said Wai, a 23-year-old graduate who majored in English.
Students today have much more exposure to the outside world through the Internet, television and movies, said Naing, a 40-year-old teacher at a private school in Yangon.
"They can see more of the world than during my time. They know their country's problems. That's the big problem — everyone wants to leave," he said.
Another teacher, 48-year-old Maung, runs a private English language school and says most of his 85 students come wanting to learn enough English to function abroad. They head for neighboring Singapore and Thailand, and dream of the West, he said.
"They like America because it's so free," he said. "Even my son and daughter, they both want to go abroad if they have the chance. The future is so dark here."
Even with a college degree, most students have little hope of landing a decent-paying job if they stay in the country, said Myat, 22, a Dagon University graduate with spiky brown hair and a diamond ear stud.
The few jobs available are low-paid — $50-100 a month. International non-governmental organizations pay double or triple, but only hire top students.
Overall, the situation remains bleak, said Myat, so he too is applying to study abroad.
"When we see students in other countries, we feel envy," he said. "They can choose whatever they want to do in their life."
AP - Sunday, July 5
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Armed with a law degree from the University of East Yangon, 22-year-old Win is clear-eyed about his job prospects: Practically speaking, there are none. For him, the future lies overseas.
Abroad there is "some hope, some opportunity. But in our country, there's no hope left," said Win, who is applying to go to Australia for further studies.
Unlike the students who hit the streets in 1988 in big demonstrations against the military government, the generation now emerging from college is focused on avoiding political activism, learning English and seeking opportunities in a world they have come to know through TV and the Internet.
Two decades ago, it was very difficult to emigrate from the country then called Burma. Today it's much easier, and every day long lines of people, many of them students, form outside the government office that issues passports.
There are no solid statistics, but historian Thant Myint-U estimates the number of emigrants over the past couple decades is in the millions.
"The main way young people express their unhappiness today is to leave the country. Before there was no possibility of emigration. That is a huge change. ... For more and more young people inside, their first desire is find work abroad," said the historian, who lives in Thailand and is author of "The River of Lost Footsteps: A Personal History of Burma."
"We are frustrated by the lifestyle, the opportunities and the politics here. But we don't care too much about political things because we can't do anything to change the situation. So we avoid it, we try to escape it," said Win, a thin lanky youth who spends his free time playing computer games. Like most people interviewed in Myanmar, he chose not to give his full name for fear of angering authorities.
The government has labored long and hard to disempower a university system that once produced its strongest opponents. It was students who led the August 1988 uprising that brought tens of thousands into the streets, only to be crushed by military might.
Authorities set out to fragment the student body, moving colleges at least 15 kilometers (10 miles) out of cities and forcing students to find their own housing rather than live together on campus and find strength in numbers.
Elite Rangoon University, which nurtured independence leader Aung San and the late U.N. Secretary General U Thant, was closed for several years and reopened as Yangon University, the new name the generals had given to the city of Rangoon.
Many of the university's buildings are in disrepair, and only a small number of graduate and doctoral students attend classes; undergraduates are not admitted.
Aung San's daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi, is Myanmar's modern-day symbol of the democracy struggle. She has spent 13 of the last 19 years in detention, and went on trial last month, accused of violating the terms of her house arrest.
Student activists from the '88 generation managed to make their voices heard again in 2007 in the uprising led by Buddhist monks, and last fall many of them were given prison sentences of 65 years.
Experts insist student political action has not died out, but has largely shifted to "low-risk activism" or gone underground because of the military government's repression.
There is still a "widespread dissident movement" inside the country that includes student groups, bloggers, monks and others, but their activities are much less centrally organized, said David Mathieson, a Myanmar researcher with New York-based Human Rights Watch.
There's no direct confrontation, but there are "still a lot of activities by people who are either directly trying to challenge the government or just by people who are trying to get on with their lives and do a whole range of things," he said.
Students concerned with the country's politics know better than to voice it publicly.
"I really care about politics and the future of the country but I feel I am not free to participate. Sometimes we talk politics in cafes but we have to careful. Even walls have ears," said Wai, a 23-year-old graduate who majored in English.
Students today have much more exposure to the outside world through the Internet, television and movies, said Naing, a 40-year-old teacher at a private school in Yangon.
"They can see more of the world than during my time. They know their country's problems. That's the big problem — everyone wants to leave," he said.
Another teacher, 48-year-old Maung, runs a private English language school and says most of his 85 students come wanting to learn enough English to function abroad. They head for neighboring Singapore and Thailand, and dream of the West, he said.
"They like America because it's so free," he said. "Even my son and daughter, they both want to go abroad if they have the chance. The future is so dark here."
Even with a college degree, most students have little hope of landing a decent-paying job if they stay in the country, said Myat, 22, a Dagon University graduate with spiky brown hair and a diamond ear stud.
The few jobs available are low-paid — $50-100 a month. International non-governmental organizations pay double or triple, but only hire top students.
Overall, the situation remains bleak, said Myat, so he too is applying to study abroad.
"When we see students in other countries, we feel envy," he said. "They can choose whatever they want to do in their life."
*****************************************************
UN chief outlines Myanmar vision in rare speech
Sat Jul 4, 9:36 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – UN chief Ban Ki-moon gave a rare public speech on Saturday outlining his vision for a democratic Myanmar, just hours after the ruling junta refused to let him meet opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ban told an audience of diplomats, UN agencies and non-governmental organisations that the military regime must free the pro-democracy icon and introduce other reforms for the good of the country's people.
"I am here today to say: Myanmar, you are not alone. We want to work with you for a united, peaceful, prosperous, democratic and modern Myanmar," Ban said at the Drug Elimination Museum in the commercial hub Yangon.
"We want to help you rise from poverty ... work with you so that your country can take its place as a respected and responsible member of the international community," the secretary general said.
"But let me emphasise: neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights. Myanmar is no exception."
Junta chief Than Shwe earlier Saturday refused to let Ban visit Aung San Suu Kyi, who is in prison facing trial over an incident in which an American man swam uninvited to her lakeside house in May.
Ban earlier described Than Shwe's snub as "deeply disappointing" and said in his speech that all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, "should be released without delay".
"The primary responsibility rests with the government to move the country toward its stated goals of national reconciliation and democracy," Ban said.
Myanmar was one of the first UN members to adopt its Declaration of Human Rights, he said, but added: "Unfortunately that commitment has not been matched in deed.
Myanmar's human rights record remains a matter of grave concern."
Ban also urged the junta to ensure that elections promised in 2010 should be free and fair. Critics say they will be a sham that will allow the ruling generals to entrench their power.
"The upcoming election, the first in 20 years, must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible," he said.
The military regime refused to recognise the landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in Myanmar's last elections in 1990.
Sat Jul 4, 9:36 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – UN chief Ban Ki-moon gave a rare public speech on Saturday outlining his vision for a democratic Myanmar, just hours after the ruling junta refused to let him meet opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ban told an audience of diplomats, UN agencies and non-governmental organisations that the military regime must free the pro-democracy icon and introduce other reforms for the good of the country's people.
"I am here today to say: Myanmar, you are not alone. We want to work with you for a united, peaceful, prosperous, democratic and modern Myanmar," Ban said at the Drug Elimination Museum in the commercial hub Yangon.
"We want to help you rise from poverty ... work with you so that your country can take its place as a respected and responsible member of the international community," the secretary general said.
"But let me emphasise: neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights. Myanmar is no exception."
Junta chief Than Shwe earlier Saturday refused to let Ban visit Aung San Suu Kyi, who is in prison facing trial over an incident in which an American man swam uninvited to her lakeside house in May.
Ban earlier described Than Shwe's snub as "deeply disappointing" and said in his speech that all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, "should be released without delay".
"The primary responsibility rests with the government to move the country toward its stated goals of national reconciliation and democracy," Ban said.
Myanmar was one of the first UN members to adopt its Declaration of Human Rights, he said, but added: "Unfortunately that commitment has not been matched in deed.
Myanmar's human rights record remains a matter of grave concern."
Ban also urged the junta to ensure that elections promised in 2010 should be free and fair. Critics say they will be a sham that will allow the ruling generals to entrench their power.
"The upcoming election, the first in 20 years, must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible," he said.
The military regime refused to recognise the landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy in Myanmar's last elections in 1990.
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Brown raises prospect of more Myanmar sanctions
21 mins ago
LONDON (AFP) – Prime Minister Gordon Brown raised the prospect Saturday of further sanctions against Myanmar following UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's fruitless visit to the military regime.
"We await the secretary-general's report," Brown said in a statement from his office. "I hope that there is still the possibility of a change of approach from Burma.
"But if not, my sad conclusion is that the Burmese regime has put increased isolation, including the possibility of further sanctions, on the international agenda."
Brown's comments came after Myanmar's refusal to let Ban meet pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during a two-day visit. Ban described the move "a setback for the international community."
Human rights groups had warned the visit would be seen as a failure unless he managed to win her release.
Brown said Ban was "right to go to Burma. He gave powerful voice to the UN's core mission -- our collective commitment to humanitarian relief, democratic governance and human rights."
"But it is a measure of the obstinacy of the Burmese regime that they have once again failed to respect those principles and failed to properly respond to the international figurehead who best embodies them."
Brown had on Friday described Ban's visit as "a crucial moment for the international community."
In an entry for the Huffington Post blog, the British prime minister had urged Myanmar to mark Ban's arrival by halting Aung San Suu Kyi's trial -- on charges of breaching the terms of her house arrest -- and setting her free.
The 64-year-old was transferred from her lakeside home to Yangon's notorious Insein prison in May to face trial after an American man swam uninvited to the property. She faces up to five years in jail if convicted.
Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest or in detention for 13 of the last 19 years since the junta refused to recognise her National League for Democracy's landslide victory in Myanmar's last elections, in 1990.
21 mins ago
LONDON (AFP) – Prime Minister Gordon Brown raised the prospect Saturday of further sanctions against Myanmar following UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's fruitless visit to the military regime.
"We await the secretary-general's report," Brown said in a statement from his office. "I hope that there is still the possibility of a change of approach from Burma.
"But if not, my sad conclusion is that the Burmese regime has put increased isolation, including the possibility of further sanctions, on the international agenda."
Brown's comments came after Myanmar's refusal to let Ban meet pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi during a two-day visit. Ban described the move "a setback for the international community."
Human rights groups had warned the visit would be seen as a failure unless he managed to win her release.
Brown said Ban was "right to go to Burma. He gave powerful voice to the UN's core mission -- our collective commitment to humanitarian relief, democratic governance and human rights."
"But it is a measure of the obstinacy of the Burmese regime that they have once again failed to respect those principles and failed to properly respond to the international figurehead who best embodies them."
Brown had on Friday described Ban's visit as "a crucial moment for the international community."
In an entry for the Huffington Post blog, the British prime minister had urged Myanmar to mark Ban's arrival by halting Aung San Suu Kyi's trial -- on charges of breaching the terms of her house arrest -- and setting her free.
The 64-year-old was transferred from her lakeside home to Yangon's notorious Insein prison in May to face trial after an American man swam uninvited to the property. She faces up to five years in jail if convicted.
Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest or in detention for 13 of the last 19 years since the junta refused to recognise her National League for Democracy's landslide victory in Myanmar's last elections, in 1990.
*****************************************************
UN chief concludes Myanmar visit
www.chinaview.cn 2009-07-04 23:14:41
YANGON, July 4 (Xinhua) -- United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon concluded his two-day official visit to Myanmar and left the country Saturday evening.
During his stay in the country's new capital Nay Pyi Taw, Ban had two meetings with Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council Senior-General Than Shwe on Friday and Saturday, according to a report of the state-run Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) Saturday.
Dealing with the cooperation issue with the United Nations, Than Shwe said, as a UN member, Myanmar would like to cooperate with the world body and expressed thanks for its aid to his country in its relief and rehabilitation tasks in the post Cyclone Nargis period, the report said.
Touching on the issue of Myanmar's forthcoming general election in 2010, Than Shwe told Ban that his country would continue to follow its seven-step roadmap and promulgate in time the Election Law which is being drawn to fairly enable organization of political parties for entering the election and being inclusive, it said.
Upon Ban's request to meet Aung San Suu Kyi, Than Shwe maintained that as Aung San Suu Kyi, along with U.S. citizen John William Yettaw, is under trial, his request was therefore turned down, the report said.
At the meetings, Ban said the U.N. agreed to Myanmar's seven-step roadmap, saying that the organization wants to see the country's 2010 election be democratic and inclusive, according to the MRTV report.
Ban expressed wishes to extend more aid for Myanmar's post-storm reconstruction.
Before the conclusion of his Myanmar trip, Ban gave a nearly-an-hour public address in Yangon's Anti-Drug Museum Saturday evening. Diplomats, UN agencies, non-governmental organizations and media reporters attended the event.
During his Myanmar visit, Ban also met with the leadership of 10 legal political parties and ethnic peace groups.
Ban also inspected the reconstruction site in cyclone-hit Ayeyawaddy division's Dedaye.
Ban's present Myanmar visit represented the second since May last year when the country was struck by Nargis and suffered the heaviest casualties and massive infrastructural damage in a century mainly to Ayeyawaddy and Yangon divisions.
www.chinaview.cn 2009-07-04 23:14:41
YANGON, July 4 (Xinhua) -- United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon concluded his two-day official visit to Myanmar and left the country Saturday evening.
During his stay in the country's new capital Nay Pyi Taw, Ban had two meetings with Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council Senior-General Than Shwe on Friday and Saturday, according to a report of the state-run Myanmar Radio and Television (MRTV) Saturday.
Dealing with the cooperation issue with the United Nations, Than Shwe said, as a UN member, Myanmar would like to cooperate with the world body and expressed thanks for its aid to his country in its relief and rehabilitation tasks in the post Cyclone Nargis period, the report said.
Touching on the issue of Myanmar's forthcoming general election in 2010, Than Shwe told Ban that his country would continue to follow its seven-step roadmap and promulgate in time the Election Law which is being drawn to fairly enable organization of political parties for entering the election and being inclusive, it said.
Upon Ban's request to meet Aung San Suu Kyi, Than Shwe maintained that as Aung San Suu Kyi, along with U.S. citizen John William Yettaw, is under trial, his request was therefore turned down, the report said.
At the meetings, Ban said the U.N. agreed to Myanmar's seven-step roadmap, saying that the organization wants to see the country's 2010 election be democratic and inclusive, according to the MRTV report.
Ban expressed wishes to extend more aid for Myanmar's post-storm reconstruction.
Before the conclusion of his Myanmar trip, Ban gave a nearly-an-hour public address in Yangon's Anti-Drug Museum Saturday evening. Diplomats, UN agencies, non-governmental organizations and media reporters attended the event.
During his Myanmar visit, Ban also met with the leadership of 10 legal political parties and ethnic peace groups.
Ban also inspected the reconstruction site in cyclone-hit Ayeyawaddy division's Dedaye.
Ban's present Myanmar visit represented the second since May last year when the country was struck by Nargis and suffered the heaviest casualties and massive infrastructural damage in a century mainly to Ayeyawaddy and Yangon divisions.
*****************************************************
U.N. chief to meet Thai PM after Myanmar visit
www.chinaview.cn 2009-07-04 19:53:22
BANGKOK, July 4 (Xinhua) -- Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said that he will meet with United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon after Ban concluded his visit to Myanmar late Saturday.
The two sides will talk about ties between ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the United Nations, Myanmar and Thai-Cambodia border dispute, Abhisit was quoted by the Nation news website as saying.
Thailand currently chairs the ASEAN, which includes Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
Ban will end his two-day official visit to Myanmar late Saturday and will make a stop over at Thailand's Suvarnabhumi Airport at around 10:00 p.m. local time.
During his visit, Ban met with Myanmar top leader Senior-General Than Shwe, who is Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council in Myanmar's new capital of Nay Pyi Taw. A broad range of issues including long standing concerns to the U.N. and the international community as well as Aung San Suu Kyi's were discussed.
Ban also met with leaders of legal political parties and inspected the reconstruction in cyclone-hit areas.
Abhisit told reporters that he is well-prepared to talk with Ban about the current Thai-Cambodia disputes which have Preah Vihear Temple at the heart of the problem.
The area around Preah Vihear Temple, which was inscribed as a World Heritage Site on July 7 last year, has been the scene of a tense standoff between the Cambodian and Thai armed forces. The Cambodian government insisted that Thai troops have deployed on Cambodian soil, while Thailand said its troops are only in the disputed zone.
www.chinaview.cn 2009-07-04 19:53:22
BANGKOK, July 4 (Xinhua) -- Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said that he will meet with United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon after Ban concluded his visit to Myanmar late Saturday.
The two sides will talk about ties between ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the United Nations, Myanmar and Thai-Cambodia border dispute, Abhisit was quoted by the Nation news website as saying.
Thailand currently chairs the ASEAN, which includes Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
Ban will end his two-day official visit to Myanmar late Saturday and will make a stop over at Thailand's Suvarnabhumi Airport at around 10:00 p.m. local time.
During his visit, Ban met with Myanmar top leader Senior-General Than Shwe, who is Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council in Myanmar's new capital of Nay Pyi Taw. A broad range of issues including long standing concerns to the U.N. and the international community as well as Aung San Suu Kyi's were discussed.
Ban also met with leaders of legal political parties and inspected the reconstruction in cyclone-hit areas.
Abhisit told reporters that he is well-prepared to talk with Ban about the current Thai-Cambodia disputes which have Preah Vihear Temple at the heart of the problem.
The area around Preah Vihear Temple, which was inscribed as a World Heritage Site on July 7 last year, has been the scene of a tense standoff between the Cambodian and Thai armed forces. The Cambodian government insisted that Thai troops have deployed on Cambodian soil, while Thailand said its troops are only in the disputed zone.
*****************************************************
Manila Bulletin - UK hails RP for strong stance on Myanmar
By CHARISSA M. LUCI
July 4, 2009, 12:22pm
United Kingdom's Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Ivan Lewis has praised and thanked the Philippines for its “strong” stance in calling for political reforms in Myanmar and for pushing for a credible human rights body in the region.
Lewis met on Thursday with officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) headed by Undersecretary for Policy Enrique Manalo, which the United Kingdom Embassy in Manila noted was as the first high-level bilateral talks between the UK and the Philippines.
He also expressed the British government’s openness to help the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in its human rights initiatives in the region.
"The UK Government looks forward to the day when this body makes a substantive contribution towards tackling human rights abuses in the region and we stand ready to help you make that happen," the British senior official told the Philippine delegation.
The Philippines has been persistently calling on Myanmar authorities to follow the roadmap to democracy, which includes the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
“The UK is immensely grateful to the Filipino government for the leading role that [it] has played in the ASEAN on Burma (old name of Myanmar).
The tough statements from the Philippine Government on Aung San Suu Kyi and the position [it has] taken on the death penalty are an example to other states in the region," Lewis said in his closing statement.
Aside from the Myanmar issue, Lewis and Manalo also tackled other major issues concerning both countries, including trade, climate change, migration, and the global economy.
Lewis also expressed hopes that the Philippine government will work hand in hand with his government in pushing for an ambitious, equitable and comprehensive new international agreement to tackle climate change during the UN conference in Copenhagen.
He said the UK has pledged to work with developing countries, including the Philippines “to ensure that the voice of such countries is heard and taken into account in the run-up” to Copenhagen in December.
By CHARISSA M. LUCI
July 4, 2009, 12:22pm
United Kingdom's Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Ivan Lewis has praised and thanked the Philippines for its “strong” stance in calling for political reforms in Myanmar and for pushing for a credible human rights body in the region.
Lewis met on Thursday with officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) headed by Undersecretary for Policy Enrique Manalo, which the United Kingdom Embassy in Manila noted was as the first high-level bilateral talks between the UK and the Philippines.
He also expressed the British government’s openness to help the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in its human rights initiatives in the region.
"The UK Government looks forward to the day when this body makes a substantive contribution towards tackling human rights abuses in the region and we stand ready to help you make that happen," the British senior official told the Philippine delegation.
The Philippines has been persistently calling on Myanmar authorities to follow the roadmap to democracy, which includes the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners.
“The UK is immensely grateful to the Filipino government for the leading role that [it] has played in the ASEAN on Burma (old name of Myanmar).
The tough statements from the Philippine Government on Aung San Suu Kyi and the position [it has] taken on the death penalty are an example to other states in the region," Lewis said in his closing statement.
Aside from the Myanmar issue, Lewis and Manalo also tackled other major issues concerning both countries, including trade, climate change, migration, and the global economy.
Lewis also expressed hopes that the Philippine government will work hand in hand with his government in pushing for an ambitious, equitable and comprehensive new international agreement to tackle climate change during the UN conference in Copenhagen.
He said the UK has pledged to work with developing countries, including the Philippines “to ensure that the voice of such countries is heard and taken into account in the run-up” to Copenhagen in December.
*****************************************************
Q & A
Los Angeles Times - U.N. secretary-general defends his approach to the job
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon rejects the notions that the world body has been shunted aside on security matters and that his moral voice has been lacking.
By Bruce Wallace
July 4, 2009
Reporting from The United Nations -- U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon knew he was taking a risk by traveling to Myanmar this week to plead with the country's ruling generals for a meeting with imprisoned opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Several Western diplomats warned Ban the generals would use his presence to claim legitimacy for their autocratic rule, even as they proceed with what many regard as a show trial of Suu Kyi for allegedly violating terms of her house arrest.
But regional powers China and India argued that engagement was more likely to soften the regime's hard line against political opposition.
Ban did not get the meeting with Suu Kyi on Friday, though he emerged from two hours of talks with Senior Gen. Than Shwe saying he had urged the regime to "accelerate the process of democratization."
Before he left on his trip, Ban sat down in his United Nations office to discuss Myanmar, Iran and growing criticism that his soft-spoken style has diminished the secretary-general's moral clout.
You've focused on issues such as hunger and climate change, but one of the criticisms about your time as secretary-general is that the U.N. has been marginalized on security issues.
The U.N. has been cooperating with key players and regional organizations. The perception you raise is because in the past the U.N. was the only universal body. Now you have the emergence of many regional entities: the European Union, the African Union. Look at the case of many African conflicts. The African Union wants to take leadership, with strong [U.N.] material support, financial support and political support. Even in Darfur, we have a joint partnership. To people who have not been closely following, the United Nations has been marginalized. But that is simply not true.
That's an argument for efficiency. But what people miss is the moral voice they used to hear from the secretary-general.
It is not only the United Nations that can raise a moral voice. But when it comes to universally accepted principles, the United Nations has been very vocal. When there are civilian casualties, crimes which should be condemned in the name of humanity, sexual violence against women, I have been more vocal than any world leaders. And I was swift in going to Myanmar. I was the first, and as of now the only one, who has gone into Myanmar and talked to Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
In order to meet the generals, do you have to trade off the moral elements of the job?
No, no. I have spoken on the basis of my moral duty. I will clearly tell them that they must fully understand the expectations of the international community. The whole international community wants to see Myanmar promote the protection of human rights; release political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; treat Aung San Suu Kyi as a partner for national reconciliation. She can play an important role.
Myanmar is an example of where it's very difficult to defer to the regional players, because the regional players are not bringing much pressure to bear.
That is why I have been working very hard to try to open up this dialogue channel. I was the one to pry open this door last year, and the United Nations was able to save at least half a million people [after] Cyclone Nargis.
Do you think that some of the criticism you get is because there's a Western perception of how diplomacy should be conducted, and that Asian approaches to diplomacy are different?
There is a clearly Asian culture and a clearly Western culture. Both should be mutually respected and mutually complemented. Most people regard my style as low-key, soft-spoken. But this so-called quiet diplomacy is just one part of my diplomatic style.
Sometimes when you deal with a certain leader who has been quite closed, it is much more effective when you engage one-on-one. For them, they regard their face, or authority, as No. 1. They don't want to be lectured in front of many of their senior advisors. My experience tells me if I raise sensitive issues in public, then their reaction [will be] very official, very emotional and hard-line. It doesn't help the purpose of our meeting.
But if we meet [in private], we can really open up our hearts and I can really advise these leaders, very sincerely, in a direct way, a very vocal way sometimes. Sometimes it is very heated. In many cases, like in a meeting with President [Omar Hassan Ahmed] Bashir of Sudan, [Zimbabwean] President [Robert] Mugabe, or even with [Iranian] President [Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad, I've been engaged in quite direct, straightforward talks, without much diplomatic courtesy.
If President Ahmadinejad comes to the U.N. General Assembly in September as the elected president of Iran, will you acknowledge his election as legitimate?
It's up to the member states who should represent their country. If he comes as president of Iran, I'm ready to meet with him again and discuss all matters. I expressed my dismay at the excessive use of force against civilians for expressing their feelings peacefully. They were all stopped, arrested and beaten, some people were killed -- that was totally unacceptable. Freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom of information -- those are basic principles of a democracy. The genuine will of the Iranian people must be protected and respected.
Do you think the genuine will of the Iranian people was reflected in that election?
That's what we have to watch. I've been watching very carefully, closely, all of what's happening in Iran.
Los Angeles Times - U.N. secretary-general defends his approach to the job
United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon rejects the notions that the world body has been shunted aside on security matters and that his moral voice has been lacking.
By Bruce Wallace
July 4, 2009
Reporting from The United Nations -- U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon knew he was taking a risk by traveling to Myanmar this week to plead with the country's ruling generals for a meeting with imprisoned opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Several Western diplomats warned Ban the generals would use his presence to claim legitimacy for their autocratic rule, even as they proceed with what many regard as a show trial of Suu Kyi for allegedly violating terms of her house arrest.
But regional powers China and India argued that engagement was more likely to soften the regime's hard line against political opposition.
Ban did not get the meeting with Suu Kyi on Friday, though he emerged from two hours of talks with Senior Gen. Than Shwe saying he had urged the regime to "accelerate the process of democratization."
Before he left on his trip, Ban sat down in his United Nations office to discuss Myanmar, Iran and growing criticism that his soft-spoken style has diminished the secretary-general's moral clout.
You've focused on issues such as hunger and climate change, but one of the criticisms about your time as secretary-general is that the U.N. has been marginalized on security issues.
The U.N. has been cooperating with key players and regional organizations. The perception you raise is because in the past the U.N. was the only universal body. Now you have the emergence of many regional entities: the European Union, the African Union. Look at the case of many African conflicts. The African Union wants to take leadership, with strong [U.N.] material support, financial support and political support. Even in Darfur, we have a joint partnership. To people who have not been closely following, the United Nations has been marginalized. But that is simply not true.
That's an argument for efficiency. But what people miss is the moral voice they used to hear from the secretary-general.
It is not only the United Nations that can raise a moral voice. But when it comes to universally accepted principles, the United Nations has been very vocal. When there are civilian casualties, crimes which should be condemned in the name of humanity, sexual violence against women, I have been more vocal than any world leaders. And I was swift in going to Myanmar. I was the first, and as of now the only one, who has gone into Myanmar and talked to Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
In order to meet the generals, do you have to trade off the moral elements of the job?
No, no. I have spoken on the basis of my moral duty. I will clearly tell them that they must fully understand the expectations of the international community. The whole international community wants to see Myanmar promote the protection of human rights; release political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; treat Aung San Suu Kyi as a partner for national reconciliation. She can play an important role.
Myanmar is an example of where it's very difficult to defer to the regional players, because the regional players are not bringing much pressure to bear.
That is why I have been working very hard to try to open up this dialogue channel. I was the one to pry open this door last year, and the United Nations was able to save at least half a million people [after] Cyclone Nargis.
Do you think that some of the criticism you get is because there's a Western perception of how diplomacy should be conducted, and that Asian approaches to diplomacy are different?
There is a clearly Asian culture and a clearly Western culture. Both should be mutually respected and mutually complemented. Most people regard my style as low-key, soft-spoken. But this so-called quiet diplomacy is just one part of my diplomatic style.
Sometimes when you deal with a certain leader who has been quite closed, it is much more effective when you engage one-on-one. For them, they regard their face, or authority, as No. 1. They don't want to be lectured in front of many of their senior advisors. My experience tells me if I raise sensitive issues in public, then their reaction [will be] very official, very emotional and hard-line. It doesn't help the purpose of our meeting.
But if we meet [in private], we can really open up our hearts and I can really advise these leaders, very sincerely, in a direct way, a very vocal way sometimes. Sometimes it is very heated. In many cases, like in a meeting with President [Omar Hassan Ahmed] Bashir of Sudan, [Zimbabwean] President [Robert] Mugabe, or even with [Iranian] President [Mahmoud] Ahmadinejad, I've been engaged in quite direct, straightforward talks, without much diplomatic courtesy.
If President Ahmadinejad comes to the U.N. General Assembly in September as the elected president of Iran, will you acknowledge his election as legitimate?
It's up to the member states who should represent their country. If he comes as president of Iran, I'm ready to meet with him again and discuss all matters. I expressed my dismay at the excessive use of force against civilians for expressing their feelings peacefully. They were all stopped, arrested and beaten, some people were killed -- that was totally unacceptable. Freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom of information -- those are basic principles of a democracy. The genuine will of the Iranian people must be protected and respected.
Do you think the genuine will of the Iranian people was reflected in that election?
That's what we have to watch. I've been watching very carefully, closely, all of what's happening in Iran.
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The Press Association - Brown criticises Burma's UN stance
48 minutes ago
Gordon Brown attacked the "obstinacy" of the Burmese regime after they refused to allow UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to meet with jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The Prime Minister, who has been a vocal campaigner for her release, spoke out after Mr Ban's two-day visit to the country ended without progress and warned of tougher sanctions.
"The UN Secretary general was right to go to Burma. he gave powerful voice to the UN's core mission - our collective commitment to humanitarian relief, democratic governance and human rights.
"But it is a measure of the obstinacy of the Burmese regime that they have once again failed to respect those principles, and failed to properly respond to the international figurehead who best embodies them.
"We await the Secretary General's report. I hope that there is still the possibility of a change of approach from Burma but if not, my sad conclusion is that the Burmese regime has put increased isolation, including the possibility of further sanctions, on the international agenda."
Mr Ban said he was "deeply disappointed" after Burma's military ruler said he could not see Suu Kyi because she was on trial.
48 minutes ago
Gordon Brown attacked the "obstinacy" of the Burmese regime after they refused to allow UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to meet with jailed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The Prime Minister, who has been a vocal campaigner for her release, spoke out after Mr Ban's two-day visit to the country ended without progress and warned of tougher sanctions.
"The UN Secretary general was right to go to Burma. he gave powerful voice to the UN's core mission - our collective commitment to humanitarian relief, democratic governance and human rights.
"But it is a measure of the obstinacy of the Burmese regime that they have once again failed to respect those principles, and failed to properly respond to the international figurehead who best embodies them.
"We await the Secretary General's report. I hope that there is still the possibility of a change of approach from Burma but if not, my sad conclusion is that the Burmese regime has put increased isolation, including the possibility of further sanctions, on the international agenda."
Mr Ban said he was "deeply disappointed" after Burma's military ruler said he could not see Suu Kyi because she was on trial.
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MCOT - Thai PM Abhisit to meet UN chief Ban Ki-moon after Myanmar visit
BANGKOK, July 4 (TNA) - Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said he is ready to discuss with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in transit from Yangon to New York late Saturday regarding relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the world body, Myanmar and on the Thai-Cambodian border problem.
Mr. Ban ends his two-day visit to Myanmar late Saturday and will make a brief stopover at Suvarnabhumi international airport at about 10 pm. The Secretary-General has reportedly asked the Myanmar government to release many detained political prisoners including democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Several regional issues are expected to be discussed by the two men as Mr. Abhisit said he is well-prepared to discuss with Mr. Ban on the ongoing Thai-Cambodian border problem, if raised, by the UN chief.
Mr. Abhisit said he is confident that a joint inauguration on the construction of a highway in Cambodia with Prime Minister Hun Sen, held early Saturday, would help lower border tensions between the two neighbouring countries.
But troop reductions at the border, especially at the ancient Preah Vihear temple will have to depend on talks between military commanders of the two countries, Mr. Abhisit said.
Meanwhile, Mr. Suthep told journalists on arriving from Cambodia that his brief visit was only aimed at promoting bilateral relations and that he had discussed with Mr. Hun Sen neither Preah Vihear temple nor troop reductions.
What Mr. Hun Sen told his people during the ceremony was that the two countries enjoy warm and friendly relations and the highway would help promote tourism, trade and industrial cooperation, Mr. Suthep reported.
The 131-kilometre highway linking Anlong Veng and Siem Reap provinces will reach Thailand at a border checkpoint in Si Sa Ket province upon completion, set for 2010. Thailand in August 2006 signed a Bt1.3 billion loan agreement to finance the highway construction.
BANGKOK, July 4 (TNA) - Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said he is ready to discuss with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon in transit from Yangon to New York late Saturday regarding relations between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the world body, Myanmar and on the Thai-Cambodian border problem.
Mr. Ban ends his two-day visit to Myanmar late Saturday and will make a brief stopover at Suvarnabhumi international airport at about 10 pm. The Secretary-General has reportedly asked the Myanmar government to release many detained political prisoners including democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Several regional issues are expected to be discussed by the two men as Mr. Abhisit said he is well-prepared to discuss with Mr. Ban on the ongoing Thai-Cambodian border problem, if raised, by the UN chief.
Mr. Abhisit said he is confident that a joint inauguration on the construction of a highway in Cambodia with Prime Minister Hun Sen, held early Saturday, would help lower border tensions between the two neighbouring countries.
But troop reductions at the border, especially at the ancient Preah Vihear temple will have to depend on talks between military commanders of the two countries, Mr. Abhisit said.
Meanwhile, Mr. Suthep told journalists on arriving from Cambodia that his brief visit was only aimed at promoting bilateral relations and that he had discussed with Mr. Hun Sen neither Preah Vihear temple nor troop reductions.
What Mr. Hun Sen told his people during the ceremony was that the two countries enjoy warm and friendly relations and the highway would help promote tourism, trade and industrial cooperation, Mr. Suthep reported.
The 131-kilometre highway linking Anlong Veng and Siem Reap provinces will reach Thailand at a border checkpoint in Si Sa Ket province upon completion, set for 2010. Thailand in August 2006 signed a Bt1.3 billion loan agreement to finance the highway construction.
*****************************************************
Focus English News - N. Korea using Malaysian bank to deal weapons with Myanmar: source
4 July 2009 | 06:30 | FOCUS News Agency
Seoul. North Korea sought payment through a bank in Malaysia for its suspected shipment of weapons to Myanmar that is being carried on a freighter tracked by the U.S. Navy, a source said Saturday, as quoted by Yonhap.The visit by a U.S. envoy to Malaysia this weekend will focus on ways to cut off the payment transaction for the cargo from the bank in Malaysia to North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, the source said.
"Kim will have a hard time collecting his money," the high-level source said, speaking strictly on condition of anonymity. The source declined to identify the bank due to diplomatic concerns.
Philip Goldberg, the U.S. coordinator for the implementation of a U.N. Security Council resolution that punishes North Korea for its May 25 nuclear test, is scheduled to arrive in Malaysia on Sunday.The visit comes after the White House said late last month that U.S. President Barack Obama discussed North Korea and financial regulations with Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razakon by phone.It also comes as North Korea's Kang Nam freighter is apparently returning home after being tracked by a U.S. Navy destroyer that suspects it is carrying cargo banned under the resolution.Resolution 1874, which reinforced sanctions that were imposed after North Korea conducted its first nuclear test in 2006, bans Pyongyang from exporting any type of weapons -- light or heavy.According to another source in Seoul, the Kang Nam is believed to be carrying small Soviet-era arms such as AK-47 rifles and RPG-7 anti-tank launchers.AK-47s and RPG-7s are two of the most widely traded Soviet-era weapon types that North Korea is capable of producing on its own.
"Kim appears to have received earnest money for the shipment, but it is a small sum compared to the payment held up in Malaysia," the source said.
Resolution 1874 bans states from making financial transactions with North Korea that could help the communist state build its nuclear and ballistic missile programs.The U.S. slapped financial sanctions on a Macau bank in 2005 to freeze USD 25 million worth of North Korean assets, effectively cutting off Pyongyang's access to the international financial system.Banco Delta Asia was also accused of helping North Korea launder money it had acquired by circulating sophisticated counterfeit US$100 bills called "supernotes."Goldberg visited China ahead of his visit Malaysia.Despite the resolution banning development of weapons of mass destruction, North Korea test-fired a series of missiles Thursday and Saturday into the East Sea, where it had imposed a June 25-July 10 maritime ban for a military exercise.North Korea test-fired a barrage of short-range missiles in the days following its latest underground nuclear explosion.The U.S. believes there are "multiple" North Korean ships used to export weapons.
4 July 2009 | 06:30 | FOCUS News Agency
Seoul. North Korea sought payment through a bank in Malaysia for its suspected shipment of weapons to Myanmar that is being carried on a freighter tracked by the U.S. Navy, a source said Saturday, as quoted by Yonhap.The visit by a U.S. envoy to Malaysia this weekend will focus on ways to cut off the payment transaction for the cargo from the bank in Malaysia to North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, the source said.
"Kim will have a hard time collecting his money," the high-level source said, speaking strictly on condition of anonymity. The source declined to identify the bank due to diplomatic concerns.
Philip Goldberg, the U.S. coordinator for the implementation of a U.N. Security Council resolution that punishes North Korea for its May 25 nuclear test, is scheduled to arrive in Malaysia on Sunday.The visit comes after the White House said late last month that U.S. President Barack Obama discussed North Korea and financial regulations with Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razakon by phone.It also comes as North Korea's Kang Nam freighter is apparently returning home after being tracked by a U.S. Navy destroyer that suspects it is carrying cargo banned under the resolution.Resolution 1874, which reinforced sanctions that were imposed after North Korea conducted its first nuclear test in 2006, bans Pyongyang from exporting any type of weapons -- light or heavy.According to another source in Seoul, the Kang Nam is believed to be carrying small Soviet-era arms such as AK-47 rifles and RPG-7 anti-tank launchers.AK-47s and RPG-7s are two of the most widely traded Soviet-era weapon types that North Korea is capable of producing on its own.
"Kim appears to have received earnest money for the shipment, but it is a small sum compared to the payment held up in Malaysia," the source said.
Resolution 1874 bans states from making financial transactions with North Korea that could help the communist state build its nuclear and ballistic missile programs.The U.S. slapped financial sanctions on a Macau bank in 2005 to freeze USD 25 million worth of North Korean assets, effectively cutting off Pyongyang's access to the international financial system.Banco Delta Asia was also accused of helping North Korea launder money it had acquired by circulating sophisticated counterfeit US$100 bills called "supernotes."Goldberg visited China ahead of his visit Malaysia.Despite the resolution banning development of weapons of mass destruction, North Korea test-fired a series of missiles Thursday and Saturday into the East Sea, where it had imposed a June 25-July 10 maritime ban for a military exercise.North Korea test-fired a barrage of short-range missiles in the days following its latest underground nuclear explosion.The U.S. believes there are "multiple" North Korean ships used to export weapons.
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The Korea Herald - N.K. using Malaysian bank to deal weapons with Myanmar
Saturday, July 4
North Korea sought payment through a bank in Malaysia for its suspected shipment of weapons to Myanmar that is being carried on a freighter tracked by the U.S. Navy, a source said Saturday, according to Yonhap News.
The visit by a U.S. envoy to Malaysia this weekend will focus on ways to cut off the payment transaction for the cargo from the bank in Malaysia to North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, the source said.
"Kim will have a hard time collecting his money," the high-level source said, speaking strictly on condition of anonymity. The source declined to identify the bank due to diplomatic concerns.
Philip Goldberg, the U.S. coordinator for the implementation of a U.N. Security Council resolution that punishes North Korea for its May 25 nuclear test, is scheduled to arrive in Malaysia on Sunday.
The visit comes after the White House said late last month that U.S. President Barack Obama discussed North Korea and financial regulations with Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razakon by phone.
It also comes as North Korea's Kang Nam freighter is apparently returning home after being tracked by a U.S. Navy destroyer that suspects it is carrying cargo banned under the resolution.
Resolution 1874, which reinforced sanctions that were imposed after North Korea conducted its first nuclear test in 2006, bans Pyongyang from exporting any type of weapons -- light or heavy.
According to another source in Seoul, the Kang Nam is believed to be carrying small Soviet-era arms such as AK-47 rifles and RPG-7 anti-tank launchers.
AK-47s and RPG-7s are two of the most widely traded Soviet-era weapon types that North Korea is capable of producing on its own.
"Kim appears to have received earnest money for the shipment, but it is a small sum compared to the payment held up in Malaysia," the source said.
Saturday, July 4
North Korea sought payment through a bank in Malaysia for its suspected shipment of weapons to Myanmar that is being carried on a freighter tracked by the U.S. Navy, a source said Saturday, according to Yonhap News.
The visit by a U.S. envoy to Malaysia this weekend will focus on ways to cut off the payment transaction for the cargo from the bank in Malaysia to North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, the source said.
"Kim will have a hard time collecting his money," the high-level source said, speaking strictly on condition of anonymity. The source declined to identify the bank due to diplomatic concerns.
Philip Goldberg, the U.S. coordinator for the implementation of a U.N. Security Council resolution that punishes North Korea for its May 25 nuclear test, is scheduled to arrive in Malaysia on Sunday.
The visit comes after the White House said late last month that U.S. President Barack Obama discussed North Korea and financial regulations with Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Razakon by phone.
It also comes as North Korea's Kang Nam freighter is apparently returning home after being tracked by a U.S. Navy destroyer that suspects it is carrying cargo banned under the resolution.
Resolution 1874, which reinforced sanctions that were imposed after North Korea conducted its first nuclear test in 2006, bans Pyongyang from exporting any type of weapons -- light or heavy.
According to another source in Seoul, the Kang Nam is believed to be carrying small Soviet-era arms such as AK-47 rifles and RPG-7 anti-tank launchers.
AK-47s and RPG-7s are two of the most widely traded Soviet-era weapon types that North Korea is capable of producing on its own.
"Kim appears to have received earnest money for the shipment, but it is a small sum compared to the payment held up in Malaysia," the source said.
*****************************************************
July 04, 2009 21:05 PM
Immigration Transfers Out Immigrants To Repair Semenyih Depot
KUALA LUMPUR, July 4 (Bernama) -- The authorities today began transferring almost 1,000 Bangladesh and Indonesian illegal immigrants held at the Semenyih Immigration detention depot to depots elsewhere in the country following a riot there by Myanmar illegal immigrants on Wednesday so as to facilitate repairs.
Selangor Immigration director Johari Yusof said 182 of the immigrants were transferred o Saturday to the temporary detention depot at the KL International Airport (KLIA) for repatriation to their countries.
Some 800 more immigrants would be transferred on Sunday to depots in Machap (Melaka), Ajil (Terengganu) and Pekan Nanas (Johor), he told Bernama.
He said the 600 Myanmar immigrants at the depot were expected to be transferred to the KLIA depot provided there was room there.
Johari said the transfers were being carried out to facilitate the repair of infrastructure such as the fencing and lights as well as the hostel blocks damaged during the riot.
Last Wednesday, the Myanmar immigrants assaulted the Immigration enforcement personnel in protest against the transfer of 17 Myanmar immigrants to the KLIA depot. The 17 immigrants have been sent back to the Semenyih depot.
Immigration Transfers Out Immigrants To Repair Semenyih Depot
KUALA LUMPUR, July 4 (Bernama) -- The authorities today began transferring almost 1,000 Bangladesh and Indonesian illegal immigrants held at the Semenyih Immigration detention depot to depots elsewhere in the country following a riot there by Myanmar illegal immigrants on Wednesday so as to facilitate repairs.
Selangor Immigration director Johari Yusof said 182 of the immigrants were transferred o Saturday to the temporary detention depot at the KL International Airport (KLIA) for repatriation to their countries.
Some 800 more immigrants would be transferred on Sunday to depots in Machap (Melaka), Ajil (Terengganu) and Pekan Nanas (Johor), he told Bernama.
He said the 600 Myanmar immigrants at the depot were expected to be transferred to the KLIA depot provided there was room there.
Johari said the transfers were being carried out to facilitate the repair of infrastructure such as the fencing and lights as well as the hostel blocks damaged during the riot.
Last Wednesday, the Myanmar immigrants assaulted the Immigration enforcement personnel in protest against the transfer of 17 Myanmar immigrants to the KLIA depot. The 17 immigrants have been sent back to the Semenyih depot.
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The Irrawaddy - Ban Ki-moon's Speech
Saturday, July 4, 2009
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
THE SECRETARY-GENERAL
REMARKS ON MYANMAR TO DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS,
UNITED NATIONS AGENCIES, INTERNATIONAL AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
Yangon, 4 July 2009
Excellencies,
Distinguished guests and colleagues Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my second visit to Myanmar in just over a year. Both visits have been at critical times for the country’s future.
My first visit was in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. This devastating natural disaster, which took so many lives and created so much hardship, touched hearts across the globe. In Myanmar’s moment of need, the world responded generously.
I want to personally thank everyone here today for your remarkable contributions to the relief and recovery effort.
You have saved lives, rejuvenated communities and made it possible for many thousands of people to reclaim their livelihoods. You have helped Myanmar to overcome adversity. It is important that this work continues.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I felt the tragedy of Cyclone Nargis deeply -- as a fellow Asian and as Secretary-General .
I am Asia’s second Secretary-General. The first was Myanmar's U Thant. I revere his memory. I also recall his wise words.
U Thant said: “The worth of the individual human being is the most unique and precious of all our assets and must be the beginning and end of all our efforts. Governments, systems, ideologies and institutions come and go, but humanity remains.”
This is why I have returned.
As Secretary-General, I attach the highest importance to helping the people of this country to achieve their legitimate aspirations.
The United Nations works for people – their rights, their well-being, their dignity. It is not an option. It is our responsibility.
I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar.
I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone.
We want to work with you for a united, peaceful, prosperous, democratic and modern Myanmar.
We want to help you rise from poverty.
We want to work with you so your country can take its place as a respected and responsible member of the international community.
We want to help you achieve national reconciliation, durable peace and sustainable development.
But, let me emphasize: neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights.
Myanmar is no exception.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The challenges are many. But they are not insurmountable.
We know from experience that securing Myanmar’s peaceful, democratic and prosperous future is a complex process.
None of Myanmar’s challenges can be solved on their own. Peace, development and human rights are closely inter-related.
Failure to address them with equal attention will risk undermining the prospects for democracy, durable peace and prosperity.
However, we also know that where there is a genuine will for dialogue and reconciliation, all obstacles can be overcome.
The question today is this: how much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?
The cost of delay will be counted in wasted lives, lost opportunities and prolonged isolation from the international community.
Let me be clear: all the people of Myanmar must work in the national interest.
I said this yesterday when I met with representatives of Myanmar’s registered political parties and with those armed groups that have chosen to observe a cease-fire. I encouraged them respectively to honour their commitments to the democratic process and peace.
Nonetheless, the primary responsibility lies with the Government to move the country towards its stated goals of national reconciliation and democracy.
Failure to do so will prevent the people of Myanmar from realizing their full potential.
Failure to do so will deny the people of Myanmar their right to live in dignity and to pursue better standards of life in larger freedom.
These principles lie at the core of the United Nations Charter, whose opening words are “We the peoples”.
The founding Constitution of independent Myanmar echoes these noble words. We must work together to ensure that Myanmar’s future embodies these principles too.
With this in mind, I bring three messages.
First, respect for human dignity is the precondition for peace and development everywhere.
Myanmar was one of the first United Nations Member States to adopt the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
It subscribed early on to the consensus that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is indispensable to political, economic and social progress.
Unfortunately, that commitment has not been matched in deed. Myanmar’s human rights record remains a matter of grave concern.
The Government has articulated its goals as stability, national reconciliation and democracy.
The upcoming election –the first in twenty years – must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible.
Myanmar’s way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights.
This is why I say that all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, should be released without delay.
When I met General Than Shwe yesterday and today, I asked to visit Ms.
Suu Kyi. I am deeply disappointed that he refused.
I believe the government of Myanmar has lost a unique opportunity to show its commitment to a new era of political openness.
Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government’s willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay.
Indeed, all the citizens of Myanmar must be given the opportunity to contribute fully to the future of this country.
National reconciliation cannot be complete without the free and active participation of all who seek to contribute.
The country must embark on a process of genuine dialogue that includes all concerned parties, all ethnic groups and all minorities.
People must be free to debate and to engage in political dialogue, and they must have free access to the information that will help them participate meaningfully in the democratic process.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Any transition is difficult. Myanmar has already undergone transitions from sovereign kingdom, to occupied colony, and now independent State.
This history carries a twin legacy of armed conflict and political deadlock, including recent painful events: the repression of demonstrators in 1988, the cancellation of the 1990 election results, and the clampdown on peaceful dissent that continues to this day.
At the same time, there have been some positive efforts that should be recognized.
Although still fragile, the cease-fire agreements between the Government and armed groups have reduced the level of conflict. The United Nations has wide-ranging experience in making such gains irreversible.
Sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity are legitimate concerns for any government.
We contend that opening and broadening the political space is the best way to ensure that each group and each individual becomes part of the greater collective project.
The military, all political parties, ethnic minority groups, civil society, and indeed every son and daughter of Myanmar has a role to play in this country’s transition.
Only mutual compromise, respect and understanding can lay the foundations for durable peace, national reconciliation and democracy.
My second message is on addressing the humanitarian needs of Myanmar’s people.
I am glad I have been able to return to see the progress made in the Irrawaddy Delta. The loss of some 130,000 people was tragic, but the rebuilding I saw today was impressive.
The tragedy showed the resilience of the people of Myanmar. It also demonstrated that people throughout the world care deeply about Myanmar and its people.
Above all, the response to Cyclone Nargis proved the value of engagement over isolation.
The unprecedented cooperation between Myanmar, the United Nations and ASEAN through the Tripartite Core Group, with the support of the donor community, has demonstrated that humanitarian imperatives and the principles of sovereignty do not conflict.
Humanitarian assistance -- in Myanmar as elsewhere -- should never be held hostage to political considerations. We can and must work together to ensure access to humanitarian and development assistance to all those in Myanmar who need it.
This brings me to my third message. It is time for Myanmar to unleash its economic potential.
Myanmar sits in the middle of Asia’s economic miracle. Harnessing Myanmar to the rapid advances taking place around it is the surest way to raise living standards.
I welcome the Government’s policy of opening up to outside trade and investment, and its efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, control HIV, combat human trafficking and curtail opium production.
But the reality is that millions continue to live in poverty. Standards of living in Myanmar remain among the lowest in Asia.
The people of Myanmar need jobs, they need food security and they need access to health care.
We must work to ensure that the people of Myanmar can benefit from and contribute to the regional and global economy.
We must recognize that the region and the world have much to gain from a stable, prosperous and democratic Myanmar. We must work together for that goal.
The Government of Myanmar must seize the moment.
It must take advantage of the opportunities that the international community is prepared to offer to the people of Myanmar.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I came here as a friend.
My duty is to uphold the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter.
My role is to encourage all of you – the Government, political parties, ethnic groups, civil society – to move forward together as one people and one nation.
Nothing is insurmountable or impossible when the people’s interest is placed above divisions.
The region and the world are changing fast. Myanmar only stands to gain from engagement -- and from embarking on its own change.
The Government of Myanmar has repeatedly stated that cooperation with the United Nations is the cornerstone of the country’s foreign policy.
We ask it to match deeds with words.
The more Myanmar works in partnership with the United Nations to respond to its people’s needs and aspirations, the more it affirms its sovereignty.
Similarly it is incumbent on the international community as whole to work together to help Myanmar meet our shared goals: a united, peaceful, prosperous and democratic future, with full respect for the human rights of all the country’s people.
Kyae zoo tin bar tae.
Saturday, July 4, 2009
U N I T E D N A T I O N S
THE SECRETARY-GENERAL
REMARKS ON MYANMAR TO DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS,
UNITED NATIONS AGENCIES, INTERNATIONAL AND NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
Yangon, 4 July 2009
Excellencies,
Distinguished guests and colleagues Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my second visit to Myanmar in just over a year. Both visits have been at critical times for the country’s future.
My first visit was in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis. This devastating natural disaster, which took so many lives and created so much hardship, touched hearts across the globe. In Myanmar’s moment of need, the world responded generously.
I want to personally thank everyone here today for your remarkable contributions to the relief and recovery effort.
You have saved lives, rejuvenated communities and made it possible for many thousands of people to reclaim their livelihoods. You have helped Myanmar to overcome adversity. It is important that this work continues.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I felt the tragedy of Cyclone Nargis deeply -- as a fellow Asian and as Secretary-General .
I am Asia’s second Secretary-General. The first was Myanmar's U Thant. I revere his memory. I also recall his wise words.
U Thant said: “The worth of the individual human being is the most unique and precious of all our assets and must be the beginning and end of all our efforts. Governments, systems, ideologies and institutions come and go, but humanity remains.”
This is why I have returned.
As Secretary-General, I attach the highest importance to helping the people of this country to achieve their legitimate aspirations.
The United Nations works for people – their rights, their well-being, their dignity. It is not an option. It is our responsibility.
I have come to show the unequivocal shared commitment of the United Nations to the people of Myanmar.
I am here today to say: Myanmar – you are not alone.
We want to work with you for a united, peaceful, prosperous, democratic and modern Myanmar.
We want to help you rise from poverty.
We want to work with you so your country can take its place as a respected and responsible member of the international community.
We want to help you achieve national reconciliation, durable peace and sustainable development.
But, let me emphasize: neither peace nor development can thrive without democracy and respect for human rights.
Myanmar is no exception.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The challenges are many. But they are not insurmountable.
We know from experience that securing Myanmar’s peaceful, democratic and prosperous future is a complex process.
None of Myanmar’s challenges can be solved on their own. Peace, development and human rights are closely inter-related.
Failure to address them with equal attention will risk undermining the prospects for democracy, durable peace and prosperity.
However, we also know that where there is a genuine will for dialogue and reconciliation, all obstacles can be overcome.
The question today is this: how much longer can Myanmar afford to wait for national reconciliation, democratic transition and full respect for human rights?
The cost of delay will be counted in wasted lives, lost opportunities and prolonged isolation from the international community.
Let me be clear: all the people of Myanmar must work in the national interest.
I said this yesterday when I met with representatives of Myanmar’s registered political parties and with those armed groups that have chosen to observe a cease-fire. I encouraged them respectively to honour their commitments to the democratic process and peace.
Nonetheless, the primary responsibility lies with the Government to move the country towards its stated goals of national reconciliation and democracy.
Failure to do so will prevent the people of Myanmar from realizing their full potential.
Failure to do so will deny the people of Myanmar their right to live in dignity and to pursue better standards of life in larger freedom.
These principles lie at the core of the United Nations Charter, whose opening words are “We the peoples”.
The founding Constitution of independent Myanmar echoes these noble words. We must work together to ensure that Myanmar’s future embodies these principles too.
With this in mind, I bring three messages.
First, respect for human dignity is the precondition for peace and development everywhere.
Myanmar was one of the first United Nations Member States to adopt the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
It subscribed early on to the consensus that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is indispensable to political, economic and social progress.
Unfortunately, that commitment has not been matched in deed. Myanmar’s human rights record remains a matter of grave concern.
The Government has articulated its goals as stability, national reconciliation and democracy.
The upcoming election –the first in twenty years – must be inclusive, participatory and transparent if it is to be credible.
Myanmar’s way forward must be rooted in respect for human rights.
This is why I say that all political prisoners, including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, should be released without delay.
When I met General Than Shwe yesterday and today, I asked to visit Ms.
Suu Kyi. I am deeply disappointed that he refused.
I believe the government of Myanmar has lost a unique opportunity to show its commitment to a new era of political openness.
Allowing a visit to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi would have been an important symbol of the government’s willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that will be essential if the elections in 2010 are to be seen as credible.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi must be allowed to participate in the political process without further delay.
Indeed, all the citizens of Myanmar must be given the opportunity to contribute fully to the future of this country.
National reconciliation cannot be complete without the free and active participation of all who seek to contribute.
The country must embark on a process of genuine dialogue that includes all concerned parties, all ethnic groups and all minorities.
People must be free to debate and to engage in political dialogue, and they must have free access to the information that will help them participate meaningfully in the democratic process.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Any transition is difficult. Myanmar has already undergone transitions from sovereign kingdom, to occupied colony, and now independent State.
This history carries a twin legacy of armed conflict and political deadlock, including recent painful events: the repression of demonstrators in 1988, the cancellation of the 1990 election results, and the clampdown on peaceful dissent that continues to this day.
At the same time, there have been some positive efforts that should be recognized.
Although still fragile, the cease-fire agreements between the Government and armed groups have reduced the level of conflict. The United Nations has wide-ranging experience in making such gains irreversible.
Sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity are legitimate concerns for any government.
We contend that opening and broadening the political space is the best way to ensure that each group and each individual becomes part of the greater collective project.
The military, all political parties, ethnic minority groups, civil society, and indeed every son and daughter of Myanmar has a role to play in this country’s transition.
Only mutual compromise, respect and understanding can lay the foundations for durable peace, national reconciliation and democracy.
My second message is on addressing the humanitarian needs of Myanmar’s people.
I am glad I have been able to return to see the progress made in the Irrawaddy Delta. The loss of some 130,000 people was tragic, but the rebuilding I saw today was impressive.
The tragedy showed the resilience of the people of Myanmar. It also demonstrated that people throughout the world care deeply about Myanmar and its people.
Above all, the response to Cyclone Nargis proved the value of engagement over isolation.
The unprecedented cooperation between Myanmar, the United Nations and ASEAN through the Tripartite Core Group, with the support of the donor community, has demonstrated that humanitarian imperatives and the principles of sovereignty do not conflict.
Humanitarian assistance -- in Myanmar as elsewhere -- should never be held hostage to political considerations. We can and must work together to ensure access to humanitarian and development assistance to all those in Myanmar who need it.
This brings me to my third message. It is time for Myanmar to unleash its economic potential.
Myanmar sits in the middle of Asia’s economic miracle. Harnessing Myanmar to the rapid advances taking place around it is the surest way to raise living standards.
I welcome the Government’s policy of opening up to outside trade and investment, and its efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, control HIV, combat human trafficking and curtail opium production.
But the reality is that millions continue to live in poverty. Standards of living in Myanmar remain among the lowest in Asia.
The people of Myanmar need jobs, they need food security and they need access to health care.
We must work to ensure that the people of Myanmar can benefit from and contribute to the regional and global economy.
We must recognize that the region and the world have much to gain from a stable, prosperous and democratic Myanmar. We must work together for that goal.
The Government of Myanmar must seize the moment.
It must take advantage of the opportunities that the international community is prepared to offer to the people of Myanmar.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I came here as a friend.
My duty is to uphold the ideals and principles of the United Nations Charter.
My role is to encourage all of you – the Government, political parties, ethnic groups, civil society – to move forward together as one people and one nation.
Nothing is insurmountable or impossible when the people’s interest is placed above divisions.
The region and the world are changing fast. Myanmar only stands to gain from engagement -- and from embarking on its own change.
The Government of Myanmar has repeatedly stated that cooperation with the United Nations is the cornerstone of the country’s foreign policy.
We ask it to match deeds with words.
The more Myanmar works in partnership with the United Nations to respond to its people’s needs and aspirations, the more it affirms its sovereignty.
Similarly it is incumbent on the international community as whole to work together to help Myanmar meet our shared goals: a united, peaceful, prosperous and democratic future, with full respect for the human rights of all the country’s people.
Kyae zoo tin bar tae.
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The Irrawaddy - Can Ban Ki-moon Make A Difference?
By HTET AUNG, Friday, July 3, 2009
Burma’s cloudy political atmosphere is turbulent with concern, doubt and hope regarding the United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon visit to Burma on Friday during the internationally-condemned trial of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s icon of democracy and leader of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his colleagues appeared to have carefully timed the UN Chief’s visit to coincide with the resumption of Suu Kyi’s trial, which had been delayed one month. Burmese democratic forces inside and outside the country are seriously worried that the junta will manipulate Ban’s trip to legitimize their acts concerning the ongoing trial.
The UN Chief also seemed to have difficulty deciding whether to go to Burma in the light of the continued failure by the UN to facilitate dialogue between the junta and the NLD and help bring about genuine progress to restoring democratic governance in the country.
After his first visit to Burma in 2008 to relax the junta’s tight control over the inflow of international humanitarian assistance to parts of the country affected cyclone Nargis, Ban said at press conference in October, that he might not be in a position to go back to Burma without any tangible or very favourable results to be achieved.
The UN has been demanding the junta release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and a genuine political dialogue towards national reconciliation and the inclusion of all parties in the 2010 election. The junta has yet to meet these demands.
As a consequence of repeated ineffective interventions regarding Burma’s political situation over the past 20 years , the UN’s reputation in Burma has been increasingly damaged.
Since 1992, the UN has been appointing a Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Burma. In the early 2000s, the UN took a step forward by appointing the Secretary General’s Special Envoy for Burma to act as a mediator to help genuine political dialogue between the junta and the NLD led by Suu Kyi.
The UN has so far passed 38 resolutions urging the Burmese military leaders to respect the 1990 election result and to restore democracy and human rights in the country.
After the brutal crackdown on the Buddhist monk-led demonstrations in September 2007, the UN Security Council (UNSC) issued two presidency statements: the first demanded the junta release all political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, and the second demanded they create the necessary conditions for a genuine political dialogue for national reconciliation with the support of the UN.
The UNSC recently issued a press statement and reiterated the council’s demands when the junta brought Suu Kyi from house arrest to court, accusing her of breaching the law in the bizarre incident of an American citizen’s intrusion to her residence.
None of the UN resolutions has influenced the junta. The question must be asked whether the UN Chief had seen any “tangible progress” before he decided to visit the country? If he really wanted to see a result, it should have been the release of Suu Kyi, who can play a key role in resolving the country’s political deadlock.
During his two-day visit, Ban is scheduled to meet the junta’s top general Snr-Gen Than Shwe as well as leaders of ten political parties, including the NLD. One thing is certain: if Ban fails to achieve any political progress as a result of this trip, his reputation will be heading to the diplomatic graveyard.
The author is an independent researcher and a graduate in International Development Studies at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok.
By HTET AUNG, Friday, July 3, 2009
Burma’s cloudy political atmosphere is turbulent with concern, doubt and hope regarding the United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon visit to Burma on Friday during the internationally-condemned trial of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s icon of democracy and leader of the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
Snr-Gen Than Shwe and his colleagues appeared to have carefully timed the UN Chief’s visit to coincide with the resumption of Suu Kyi’s trial, which had been delayed one month. Burmese democratic forces inside and outside the country are seriously worried that the junta will manipulate Ban’s trip to legitimize their acts concerning the ongoing trial.
The UN Chief also seemed to have difficulty deciding whether to go to Burma in the light of the continued failure by the UN to facilitate dialogue between the junta and the NLD and help bring about genuine progress to restoring democratic governance in the country.
After his first visit to Burma in 2008 to relax the junta’s tight control over the inflow of international humanitarian assistance to parts of the country affected cyclone Nargis, Ban said at press conference in October, that he might not be in a position to go back to Burma without any tangible or very favourable results to be achieved.
The UN has been demanding the junta release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, and a genuine political dialogue towards national reconciliation and the inclusion of all parties in the 2010 election. The junta has yet to meet these demands.
As a consequence of repeated ineffective interventions regarding Burma’s political situation over the past 20 years , the UN’s reputation in Burma has been increasingly damaged.
Since 1992, the UN has been appointing a Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in Burma. In the early 2000s, the UN took a step forward by appointing the Secretary General’s Special Envoy for Burma to act as a mediator to help genuine political dialogue between the junta and the NLD led by Suu Kyi.
The UN has so far passed 38 resolutions urging the Burmese military leaders to respect the 1990 election result and to restore democracy and human rights in the country.
After the brutal crackdown on the Buddhist monk-led demonstrations in September 2007, the UN Security Council (UNSC) issued two presidency statements: the first demanded the junta release all political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi, and the second demanded they create the necessary conditions for a genuine political dialogue for national reconciliation with the support of the UN.
The UNSC recently issued a press statement and reiterated the council’s demands when the junta brought Suu Kyi from house arrest to court, accusing her of breaching the law in the bizarre incident of an American citizen’s intrusion to her residence.
None of the UN resolutions has influenced the junta. The question must be asked whether the UN Chief had seen any “tangible progress” before he decided to visit the country? If he really wanted to see a result, it should have been the release of Suu Kyi, who can play a key role in resolving the country’s political deadlock.
During his two-day visit, Ban is scheduled to meet the junta’s top general Snr-Gen Than Shwe as well as leaders of ten political parties, including the NLD. One thing is certain: if Ban fails to achieve any political progress as a result of this trip, his reputation will be heading to the diplomatic graveyard.
The author is an independent researcher and a graduate in International Development Studies at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok.
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Mizzima News - Aung San Suu Kyi supports Ban’s agenda: Lawyer
by Salai Pi Pi
Friday, 03 July 2009 15:02
New Delhi (Mizzima) - Detained Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is in complete agreement with United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s three main points to resolve Burma’s political imbroglio during his two-day visit to Burma on Friday.
Speaking to Mizzima on Thursday, Nyan Win, lawyer of Aung San Suu Kyi said the detained Burmese democracy leader supports Ban’s major agendas to address the political deadlock in military ruled Burma.
“She said the three issues are worthy of discussion,” Nyan Win said.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s comment came because the UN Secretary General, during his stay in Burma, plans to resolve the issues of political prisoners, bring up the issue of resumption of dialogue between the government and the opposition, persuade the junta to initiate national reconciliation, and set the stage for credible elections slated for 2010.
Ban is due to meet Senior General Than Shwe and leaders of the National League for Democracy (NLD). However, it is uncertain whether he will get to meet Aung San Suu Kyi.
Aung San Suu Kyi met her lawyers Nyan Win, Kyi Win, Khin Htay Kywe and Hla Myo Myint in a guest house in Burma’s notorious Insein Prison at 1 pm on Tuesday.
“We discussed her case and how to deal with it during the trial to resume tomorrow,” Kyan Win said.
During the meeting with her lawyers, Aung Sang Suu Kyi said that she disagreed with some statements made by Khin Ye in a press conference held in Nayphidaw, the new jungle capital of Burma in the last week of June, regarding the cleaning of flotsam plant growing on the edge of Innya lake alongside her house and the her alleged non-cooperation with authorities over an American man John William Yettaw’s intrusion into her home in early May.
“The police chief said there is regular cleaning of flotsam on Innya Lake near her house. Suu Kyi said, the authorities had cleaned the plants once in six month after she complained to them several times,” Nyan Win said.
“She said that she reported about the first visit of Yettaw in 2008 to her house. But no investigation team came. In this situation, she said, how could she cooperate with them?” Nyan Win quoted her as saying.
Aung San Suu Kyi is being charged for allegedly violating the terms of her house arrest and allegedly sheltering Yettaw, who swan to her lakeside home and stayed there for two nights.
If convicted, she is likely to face up to five years in detention. The testimony of the second defence witness, Khin Moh Moh will be heard on Friday.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial has sparked global and domestic outrage, followed by repeated calls for her immediate release.
by Salai Pi Pi
Friday, 03 July 2009 15:02
New Delhi (Mizzima) - Detained Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is in complete agreement with United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s three main points to resolve Burma’s political imbroglio during his two-day visit to Burma on Friday.
Speaking to Mizzima on Thursday, Nyan Win, lawyer of Aung San Suu Kyi said the detained Burmese democracy leader supports Ban’s major agendas to address the political deadlock in military ruled Burma.
“She said the three issues are worthy of discussion,” Nyan Win said.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s comment came because the UN Secretary General, during his stay in Burma, plans to resolve the issues of political prisoners, bring up the issue of resumption of dialogue between the government and the opposition, persuade the junta to initiate national reconciliation, and set the stage for credible elections slated for 2010.
Ban is due to meet Senior General Than Shwe and leaders of the National League for Democracy (NLD). However, it is uncertain whether he will get to meet Aung San Suu Kyi.
Aung San Suu Kyi met her lawyers Nyan Win, Kyi Win, Khin Htay Kywe and Hla Myo Myint in a guest house in Burma’s notorious Insein Prison at 1 pm on Tuesday.
“We discussed her case and how to deal with it during the trial to resume tomorrow,” Kyan Win said.
During the meeting with her lawyers, Aung Sang Suu Kyi said that she disagreed with some statements made by Khin Ye in a press conference held in Nayphidaw, the new jungle capital of Burma in the last week of June, regarding the cleaning of flotsam plant growing on the edge of Innya lake alongside her house and the her alleged non-cooperation with authorities over an American man John William Yettaw’s intrusion into her home in early May.
“The police chief said there is regular cleaning of flotsam on Innya Lake near her house. Suu Kyi said, the authorities had cleaned the plants once in six month after she complained to them several times,” Nyan Win said.
“She said that she reported about the first visit of Yettaw in 2008 to her house. But no investigation team came. In this situation, she said, how could she cooperate with them?” Nyan Win quoted her as saying.
Aung San Suu Kyi is being charged for allegedly violating the terms of her house arrest and allegedly sheltering Yettaw, who swan to her lakeside home and stayed there for two nights.
If convicted, she is likely to face up to five years in detention. The testimony of the second defence witness, Khin Moh Moh will be heard on Friday.
Aung San Suu Kyi’s trial has sparked global and domestic outrage, followed by repeated calls for her immediate release.
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Mizzima News - A legacy of mismanagement: the state of Burma's economy
by Mungpi
Friday, 03 July 2009 21:05
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – With decades of economic mismanagement under military rule, and presently exacerbated by the global economic crisis, Burma’s economy is facing serious threats to the extent that some experts are predicting an impending food shortage in parts of the country. Meanwhile, the generals who have ruled the country since 1988 say Burma’s economy continues to grow annually.
To analyze Burma’s economic crisis, its causes and possible solutions, Mizzima's Assistant Editor, Mungpi, caught up with Sean Turnell, an Associate Professor in the Economics Department of Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He is a member of Burma Economic Watch, which has for years produced research papers on Burma’s economy, as well as author of a recent in-depth publication on the history of Burma's financial institutions.
Mizzima: Sean, can you briefly explain to us the premise of what your book says about Burma and its financial evolution?
Sean Turnell: My book, Fiery Dragons: Banks, Moneylenders and Microfinance in Burma, is the history of Burma's financial system, its banks, moneylenders and in particular microfinance, which is an area of some hope. It covers the last couple hundred years and is, in some ways, a history of Burma's economy.
Mizzima: Burma’s military leaders have said that in the past decade Burma’s GDP has consistently grown by double digits. Do you think Burma’s economy is really growing as fast as the generals' claim? How much do the GDP figures provided by the generals reflect true economic growth?
Sean Turnell: I think those numbers are wildly inappropriate. Burma's economy has not been growing at anything like ten percent a year because if it had Burma would now be quite a wealthy country. Clearly it hasn't been growing at that level at all. We think it's probably been growing at one-third of that over the last ten years.
Mizzima: Could you tell us at what rate you think Burma's GDP is currently growing?
Sean Turnell: Well, we think at the moment it's about zero, but in the past probably three to four percent. It is very much driven by revenue from natural gas. Other areas of the economy are in a very bad way, so they're not bringing in much growth at all. But the gas numbers have definitely pushed the numbers positive, but not anything like the ten percent claimed by the regime.
Mizzima: To what degree would you attribute the current estimated zero growth to the global economic crisis?
Sean Turnell: While it's partly the aftereffects of Cyclone Nargis last year, but it is probably overwhelmingly at the moment because of the global financial crisis and the way it's pushed gas prices, as well as the volume of gas exported to Thailand, down. Thailand's been slowing as well.
Mizzima: Prime Minister Thein Sein has said Burma has sufficient employment to see the Burmese population through the global economic crisis, suggesting that Burma’s economy is surviving the global recession. How much do you think Burma’s economy is impacted by the global economic downturn?
Sean Turnell: Burma is not at all avoiding the latest financial crisis and it's impacting the country in a couple of ways. First of all the gas earnings I mentioned earlier are way down compared to last year, but also in other ways. As we know, a lot of Burmese people live outside Burma and send money home in the form of remittances. All of those numbers are likely to be way down as Burmese people lose jobs overseas and as their incomes fall. Also, Burma produces commodities – beans, pulses, rice – for export. The prices of those are going to be down as well. And finally or course, Burma attracts a small amount of foreign investment and that foreign investment is likely to be down too. If we look at the totality of all that plus the regime's mismanagement of the economy, which is the one constant feature, then I think we can say that growth is way down this year.
Mizzima: As we know, the generals are earning billions of dollars annually from the sale of gas and oil. But with the fall in oil prices, how much do you think the generals' income will be impacted? Do you have any sort of statistics that may give us a rough idea?
Sean Turnell: The current fall in gas and oil prices and energy prices in general will have a big impact on the generals' wallets. It might not have such a big impact on the Burmese economy itself because the generals don't allow that money to come onshore. So, the people who are most affected by that part are actually the generals themselves. And the impact for them will be quite significant. If you look at gas prices at the moment, they're nearly down by one-half from where they were at their peak in 2007. Plus the volumes that are being exported to Thailand are down a little bit as well. So, the reduction in revenue earned from gas, which goes primarily to the generals, will be down by quite a bit.
Mizzima: Can you give us some idea as to the how much the generals are making from the sale of gas? And how much they might be losing from the falling price of oil?
Sean Turnell: At the peak, in 2007, the generals earned about 3.5 billion dollars from the sale of gas. We think that will be down to around the two billion number. So, you can see it's quite a significant reduction. But equally, the amount of money they are still taking in is quite significant too.
Mizzima: With Cyclone Nargis devastating Burma’s main rice production region of the Irrawaddy Delta, some economists have predicted that Burma’s economy, or at least the agricultural and rice production sector, will be badly damaged to the extent that it could potentially cause food insecurity. Sean, how much do you think Nargis has or will impact Burma’s economy?
Sean Turnell: Nargis will have a big impact, and in particular in the area of the delta itself. A lot of people are in a terrible position down there. It's interesting though, because I think with the broader food shortage issue it's less to do with Nargis and more to do with some of the institutional failures more broadly, and in particular the failure to provide rural credit and the failure to provide a lot of the infrastructure that farmers need. So, to some extent I think the broader food shortage problem is much more a long-term problem than it is about Nargis, but certainly Nargis would have had a massive impact on the Irrawaddy Delta itself.
Mizzima: Do you have an idea as to how much the government is actually spending, of its own money, to help the regions devastated by Nargis recover?
Sean Turnell: It's actually very little effort that is being expended by the Burmese regime on post-Nargis reconstruction. In fact, it seems they're very much leaving that up to the international community, the international donors and so on. Again, the exact numbers are difficult to estimate, but we get a feeling that it is somewhat less than 100 million (U.S. dollars), so it's less that a-third what the international community has spent in post-Nargis reconstruction. So, the regime is spending very little on that and leaving it up to the international community. This is another way the regime could be using gas earnings in a more productive way than they are at the moment.
by Mungpi
Friday, 03 July 2009 21:05
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – With decades of economic mismanagement under military rule, and presently exacerbated by the global economic crisis, Burma’s economy is facing serious threats to the extent that some experts are predicting an impending food shortage in parts of the country. Meanwhile, the generals who have ruled the country since 1988 say Burma’s economy continues to grow annually.
To analyze Burma’s economic crisis, its causes and possible solutions, Mizzima's Assistant Editor, Mungpi, caught up with Sean Turnell, an Associate Professor in the Economics Department of Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He is a member of Burma Economic Watch, which has for years produced research papers on Burma’s economy, as well as author of a recent in-depth publication on the history of Burma's financial institutions.
Mizzima: Sean, can you briefly explain to us the premise of what your book says about Burma and its financial evolution?
Sean Turnell: My book, Fiery Dragons: Banks, Moneylenders and Microfinance in Burma, is the history of Burma's financial system, its banks, moneylenders and in particular microfinance, which is an area of some hope. It covers the last couple hundred years and is, in some ways, a history of Burma's economy.
Mizzima: Burma’s military leaders have said that in the past decade Burma’s GDP has consistently grown by double digits. Do you think Burma’s economy is really growing as fast as the generals' claim? How much do the GDP figures provided by the generals reflect true economic growth?
Sean Turnell: I think those numbers are wildly inappropriate. Burma's economy has not been growing at anything like ten percent a year because if it had Burma would now be quite a wealthy country. Clearly it hasn't been growing at that level at all. We think it's probably been growing at one-third of that over the last ten years.
Mizzima: Could you tell us at what rate you think Burma's GDP is currently growing?
Sean Turnell: Well, we think at the moment it's about zero, but in the past probably three to four percent. It is very much driven by revenue from natural gas. Other areas of the economy are in a very bad way, so they're not bringing in much growth at all. But the gas numbers have definitely pushed the numbers positive, but not anything like the ten percent claimed by the regime.
Mizzima: To what degree would you attribute the current estimated zero growth to the global economic crisis?
Sean Turnell: While it's partly the aftereffects of Cyclone Nargis last year, but it is probably overwhelmingly at the moment because of the global financial crisis and the way it's pushed gas prices, as well as the volume of gas exported to Thailand, down. Thailand's been slowing as well.
Mizzima: Prime Minister Thein Sein has said Burma has sufficient employment to see the Burmese population through the global economic crisis, suggesting that Burma’s economy is surviving the global recession. How much do you think Burma’s economy is impacted by the global economic downturn?
Sean Turnell: Burma is not at all avoiding the latest financial crisis and it's impacting the country in a couple of ways. First of all the gas earnings I mentioned earlier are way down compared to last year, but also in other ways. As we know, a lot of Burmese people live outside Burma and send money home in the form of remittances. All of those numbers are likely to be way down as Burmese people lose jobs overseas and as their incomes fall. Also, Burma produces commodities – beans, pulses, rice – for export. The prices of those are going to be down as well. And finally or course, Burma attracts a small amount of foreign investment and that foreign investment is likely to be down too. If we look at the totality of all that plus the regime's mismanagement of the economy, which is the one constant feature, then I think we can say that growth is way down this year.
Mizzima: As we know, the generals are earning billions of dollars annually from the sale of gas and oil. But with the fall in oil prices, how much do you think the generals' income will be impacted? Do you have any sort of statistics that may give us a rough idea?
Sean Turnell: The current fall in gas and oil prices and energy prices in general will have a big impact on the generals' wallets. It might not have such a big impact on the Burmese economy itself because the generals don't allow that money to come onshore. So, the people who are most affected by that part are actually the generals themselves. And the impact for them will be quite significant. If you look at gas prices at the moment, they're nearly down by one-half from where they were at their peak in 2007. Plus the volumes that are being exported to Thailand are down a little bit as well. So, the reduction in revenue earned from gas, which goes primarily to the generals, will be down by quite a bit.
Mizzima: Can you give us some idea as to the how much the generals are making from the sale of gas? And how much they might be losing from the falling price of oil?
Sean Turnell: At the peak, in 2007, the generals earned about 3.5 billion dollars from the sale of gas. We think that will be down to around the two billion number. So, you can see it's quite a significant reduction. But equally, the amount of money they are still taking in is quite significant too.
Mizzima: With Cyclone Nargis devastating Burma’s main rice production region of the Irrawaddy Delta, some economists have predicted that Burma’s economy, or at least the agricultural and rice production sector, will be badly damaged to the extent that it could potentially cause food insecurity. Sean, how much do you think Nargis has or will impact Burma’s economy?
Sean Turnell: Nargis will have a big impact, and in particular in the area of the delta itself. A lot of people are in a terrible position down there. It's interesting though, because I think with the broader food shortage issue it's less to do with Nargis and more to do with some of the institutional failures more broadly, and in particular the failure to provide rural credit and the failure to provide a lot of the infrastructure that farmers need. So, to some extent I think the broader food shortage problem is much more a long-term problem than it is about Nargis, but certainly Nargis would have had a massive impact on the Irrawaddy Delta itself.
Mizzima: Do you have an idea as to how much the government is actually spending, of its own money, to help the regions devastated by Nargis recover?
Sean Turnell: It's actually very little effort that is being expended by the Burmese regime on post-Nargis reconstruction. In fact, it seems they're very much leaving that up to the international community, the international donors and so on. Again, the exact numbers are difficult to estimate, but we get a feeling that it is somewhat less than 100 million (U.S. dollars), so it's less that a-third what the international community has spent in post-Nargis reconstruction. So, the regime is spending very little on that and leaving it up to the international community. This is another way the regime could be using gas earnings in a more productive way than they are at the moment.
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Mizzima News - A legacy of mismanagement: the state of Burma's economy
by Mungpi
Friday, 03 July 2009 21:11
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – With decades of economic mismanagement under military rule, and presently exacerbated by the global economic crisis, Burma’s economy is facing serious threats to the extent that some experts are predicting an impending food shortage in parts of the country. Meanwhile, the generals who have ruled the country since 1988 say Burma’s economy continues to grow annually.
To analyze Burma’s economic crisis, its causes and possible solutions, Mizzima's Assistant Editor caught up with Sean Turnell, an Associate Professor in the Economics Department of Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He is a member of Burma Economic Watch, which has for years produced research papers on Burma’s economy, as well as author of a recent in-depth publication on the history of Burma's financial institutions.
Mizzima: Speaking of a rural credit system in Burma, what sort of system is currently in place in Burma?
Sean Turnell: Burma's rural credit system has almost totally collapsed. It's actually in a terrible state. The government has long had a policy of having just one monopoly provider of rural credit in the form of the Myanmar Agricultural Development Bank, or MADB, and the MADB is in a bad way at the moment. It's been decapitalizing over the last few years as it has made losses and the government has taken a lot of its capital for its own purposes. So, the MADB is in a bad position. It's very much limited in the amount in can lend, in both its capacity and in terms of some very strange regulations the government imposes on it. Most of the problems of rural finance in Burma are institutional. They're very policy driven. And we see it very much in the form of the MADB and its problems.
Mizzima: What then needs to happen to again make the rural credit system operational?
Sean Turnell: There's a lot they could do. But probably the most significant thing they could do is instead of wasting all that gas revenue at the moment, why not channel that into the rural financial system – recapitalize the MADB and perhaps come up with some new institutions which could combine the insights of microfinance plus the branch network of a big, state agricultural lender. Many countries around the world have done similar sorts of things. At the moment, of course, the regime is not particularly willing to do any of that.
The absence of rural credit in Burma and what is almost the disappearance of cash in the rural economy has very profound implications, both in the short and long term. In the short term you've got farmers who aren't able to get access to credit and thus not using fertilizer, not making repairs and not engaging in ways that could make their farm practices more productive. So that means that production is lower. In the short to medium term, then, we can expect the output of food to be lower than what it would otherwise be. And this, of course, raises the specter of food insecurity and so on. In the long term there are several serious effects such as land degradation. Of all the things that farmers need to do anywhere in the world to keep their farms up to international best practices, none of that is taking place in Burma. There's no real investment for the future in terms of increasing productivity. Whether we look at the short, medium or long run, this is a profoundly important issue that is really holding Burma back and will continue to do so into the future.
Mizzima: If the money's not going to infrastructure development and rural credit systems, where is it going? How much is being spent on military hardware?
Sean Turnell: Well, the military expenditure of the regime of course is extreme. Roughly fifty percent of government expenditure is on the military in various dimensions. Gas revenue is mostly kept offshore, kept in bank accounts in foreign currency, in order for the regime to do things like buy military hardware. Also to invest, to some extent, in building things in Naypyitaw and other projects like that. But certainly it's not being used in very productive ways and I think that probably the way in which it's being most used by the regime – we don't know precisely what the numbers would be – but it would seem that most of it is ending up in the form of military equipment in some way.
Mizzima: Again, turning back to the political aspect, do you think economic reforms are possible without reform to the political system or, at least in the short-term, without real change within the regime?
Sean Turnell: No. I think economic reform in Burma will require dramatic political change because if we look at the problems with Burma's economy, most of the problems stem from the fact that there is no rule of law or property rights. The sound financial and other institutions you need for a prosperous economy are simply not there. And the fact they are not there is a direct extension of the nature of the government itself. I don't see any hope for profound economic reform coming till there is at least some degree of political reform.
Mizzima: As we have seen time and time again, the junta has blamed Western sanctions for any economic degradation to Burma's economy. Do you think sanctions are actually to blame for much of the damage to the Burmese economy?
Sean Turnell: Not at all. Burma's poverty is overwhelmingly a result of the regime and its policies as well as the lack of the sound institutions I mentioned earlier. The fact is they spend so much money on the military instead of on the various ways they could make Burma more productive. Those are the real issues. In a sense what they do when they focus on sanctions in that way is divert tension over what the real issue is. It's also interesting to reflect that the true sanctioner on Burma in any case is not really the Western countries who are imposing the sanctions directly, but in fact it's the government itself by their creating an economic environment in which no one would be willing to invest. That's the real problem. That's the real problem in terms of foreigners investing in and trading with Burma. Of course, it's also a real barrier to Burmese themselves in conducting productive activity.
Mizzima: Officially the Burmese currency, the kyat, trades at six to the U.S. dollar. However, in practice the real rate of exchange is closer to 1,100 kyat to the dollar. Can you explain to us any significance to this gross disparity?
Sean Turnell: Burma's dual exchange rate has a number of effects on the Burmese economy. Firstly, it's an interesting symbol just of, again, the bizarre economic policy making and the absence of an economy that's functioning in the way we'd expect. A nearly two-hundred times difference creates a degree of uncertainty and sends a signal I think to the international economy and international investors that Burma's economy is not functioning in ways we might expect and want. Also, of course, it raises the specter of corruption. For instance, if one was able to access currency at the official rate of six to one, then you could make incredible profits by then selling to the market at 1,100 to the dollar. So, there's an obvious inflation incentive there. But above all, it distorts the economy, focuses the mind of people away from productive activity and instead into ways of trying to make their way through the system and through this labyrinth of strange laws and strange outcomes.
by Mungpi
Friday, 03 July 2009 21:11
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – With decades of economic mismanagement under military rule, and presently exacerbated by the global economic crisis, Burma’s economy is facing serious threats to the extent that some experts are predicting an impending food shortage in parts of the country. Meanwhile, the generals who have ruled the country since 1988 say Burma’s economy continues to grow annually.
To analyze Burma’s economic crisis, its causes and possible solutions, Mizzima's Assistant Editor caught up with Sean Turnell, an Associate Professor in the Economics Department of Macquarie University in Sydney, Australia. He is a member of Burma Economic Watch, which has for years produced research papers on Burma’s economy, as well as author of a recent in-depth publication on the history of Burma's financial institutions.
Mizzima: Speaking of a rural credit system in Burma, what sort of system is currently in place in Burma?
Sean Turnell: Burma's rural credit system has almost totally collapsed. It's actually in a terrible state. The government has long had a policy of having just one monopoly provider of rural credit in the form of the Myanmar Agricultural Development Bank, or MADB, and the MADB is in a bad way at the moment. It's been decapitalizing over the last few years as it has made losses and the government has taken a lot of its capital for its own purposes. So, the MADB is in a bad position. It's very much limited in the amount in can lend, in both its capacity and in terms of some very strange regulations the government imposes on it. Most of the problems of rural finance in Burma are institutional. They're very policy driven. And we see it very much in the form of the MADB and its problems.
Mizzima: What then needs to happen to again make the rural credit system operational?
Sean Turnell: There's a lot they could do. But probably the most significant thing they could do is instead of wasting all that gas revenue at the moment, why not channel that into the rural financial system – recapitalize the MADB and perhaps come up with some new institutions which could combine the insights of microfinance plus the branch network of a big, state agricultural lender. Many countries around the world have done similar sorts of things. At the moment, of course, the regime is not particularly willing to do any of that.
The absence of rural credit in Burma and what is almost the disappearance of cash in the rural economy has very profound implications, both in the short and long term. In the short term you've got farmers who aren't able to get access to credit and thus not using fertilizer, not making repairs and not engaging in ways that could make their farm practices more productive. So that means that production is lower. In the short to medium term, then, we can expect the output of food to be lower than what it would otherwise be. And this, of course, raises the specter of food insecurity and so on. In the long term there are several serious effects such as land degradation. Of all the things that farmers need to do anywhere in the world to keep their farms up to international best practices, none of that is taking place in Burma. There's no real investment for the future in terms of increasing productivity. Whether we look at the short, medium or long run, this is a profoundly important issue that is really holding Burma back and will continue to do so into the future.
Mizzima: If the money's not going to infrastructure development and rural credit systems, where is it going? How much is being spent on military hardware?
Sean Turnell: Well, the military expenditure of the regime of course is extreme. Roughly fifty percent of government expenditure is on the military in various dimensions. Gas revenue is mostly kept offshore, kept in bank accounts in foreign currency, in order for the regime to do things like buy military hardware. Also to invest, to some extent, in building things in Naypyitaw and other projects like that. But certainly it's not being used in very productive ways and I think that probably the way in which it's being most used by the regime – we don't know precisely what the numbers would be – but it would seem that most of it is ending up in the form of military equipment in some way.
Mizzima: Again, turning back to the political aspect, do you think economic reforms are possible without reform to the political system or, at least in the short-term, without real change within the regime?
Sean Turnell: No. I think economic reform in Burma will require dramatic political change because if we look at the problems with Burma's economy, most of the problems stem from the fact that there is no rule of law or property rights. The sound financial and other institutions you need for a prosperous economy are simply not there. And the fact they are not there is a direct extension of the nature of the government itself. I don't see any hope for profound economic reform coming till there is at least some degree of political reform.
Mizzima: As we have seen time and time again, the junta has blamed Western sanctions for any economic degradation to Burma's economy. Do you think sanctions are actually to blame for much of the damage to the Burmese economy?
Sean Turnell: Not at all. Burma's poverty is overwhelmingly a result of the regime and its policies as well as the lack of the sound institutions I mentioned earlier. The fact is they spend so much money on the military instead of on the various ways they could make Burma more productive. Those are the real issues. In a sense what they do when they focus on sanctions in that way is divert tension over what the real issue is. It's also interesting to reflect that the true sanctioner on Burma in any case is not really the Western countries who are imposing the sanctions directly, but in fact it's the government itself by their creating an economic environment in which no one would be willing to invest. That's the real problem. That's the real problem in terms of foreigners investing in and trading with Burma. Of course, it's also a real barrier to Burmese themselves in conducting productive activity.
Mizzima: Officially the Burmese currency, the kyat, trades at six to the U.S. dollar. However, in practice the real rate of exchange is closer to 1,100 kyat to the dollar. Can you explain to us any significance to this gross disparity?
Sean Turnell: Burma's dual exchange rate has a number of effects on the Burmese economy. Firstly, it's an interesting symbol just of, again, the bizarre economic policy making and the absence of an economy that's functioning in the way we'd expect. A nearly two-hundred times difference creates a degree of uncertainty and sends a signal I think to the international economy and international investors that Burma's economy is not functioning in ways we might expect and want. Also, of course, it raises the specter of corruption. For instance, if one was able to access currency at the official rate of six to one, then you could make incredible profits by then selling to the market at 1,100 to the dollar. So, there's an obvious inflation incentive there. But above all, it distorts the economy, focuses the mind of people away from productive activity and instead into ways of trying to make their way through the system and through this labyrinth of strange laws and strange outcomes.
*****************************************************
DVB News - Victims of the Great Dividing Game
Joseph Allchin
July 3, 2009 (DVB)–When the pro-Burmese junta Democratic Karen Buddhist Army commander San Pyone fell to an ambush on the Moei river last week, many assumed that he was the victim of a revenge attack.
The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) opposition group was perhaps seeking retribution for his alleged involvement in last year’s assassination of Pado Mahn Shah, the then secretary of the Karen Nation Union (KNU), the political wing of the KNLA. Mahn Shah was said to have been a peaceable, diplomatic leader whose passing was strongly felt amongst the KNU members and followers.
Rumours are now circulating, however, that the KNLA may not have been involved in the ambush. Vice president of the KNU, David Thackrabaw, stops short of outright denial of KNLA involvement but has claimed in conversation with the author that they did not have forces in the area at the time, adding that “we don’t want to point fingers”.
Tellingly victims of the ambush have washed up in Mae Sot general hospital on the Thai side of the border, but they are not just from the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA). Amongst the injured is a Karen Peace Council (KPC) member whose wounds bare witness to an attack from both sides of the Moei river which separates Burma from Thailand. The KPC is a small group who splintered from the KNU with the aim of negotiating with the junta. Despite this, DVB has received an anonymous tip-off in the form of a letter that it was the splinter group who was responsible for the attack. The letter details Karen Peace Council anger at being excluded from lucrative smuggling concessions.
If the KNLA don’t have forces in the region and the ‘third front’, the KPC, have members amongst the attacked, this leaves a further two possible culprits. The Thai government was said to have had a warrant for the arrest of San Pyone for connection with the murder of Mahn Shah on Thai territory, but the likelihood of them taking to extra-judicial killings on both sides of the river seems slim despite recent skirmishes between the DKBA and Thai border forces.
Another possibility remaining is the Burmese government which, according to sources close to the KNU, has moved into the newly annexed camps of the KNLA and has forces near the would-be destination of the boat convoy.
After weeks of painful jungle advances, with troops falling to land mines, could the DKBA have had their crown pulled from their head?
This week a letter purportedly from a senior DKBA commander in Myaing Gyi Ngu was handed out in Mae La refugee camp in Thailand. The letter, whilst detailing a brief history of the politics of the region, took the form of an apology. It berated Burma’s ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) for their callous killing of Buddhist monks in the Saffron Revolution in 2007. It goes as far as apologising to the Karen people for collaborating with the SPDC.
It also noted some of the reasoning behind the DKBA;s existence; that the KNU was a Christian-dominated organisation, a divide no doubt sewn and encouraged by the SPDC. Whether this letter was mere propaganda, as many in Mae La suspected, its wider implications are hard to guess. But it certainly draws the eye to a potential antagonism or lack of harmony between the two allies.
Meanwhile, in the wards and corridors of Mae Sot hospital the soldiers of the DKBA lie outstretched, young boys feeling for where their limbs used to be. Next to them lie their countrymen of the KNLA, now united in the ignominy of being crippled fighting one another.
Why the DKBA do not seek treatment with their Burmese allies in Myawaddy explains a lot about the tragedy of this conflict. While the Burmese military receive proper treatment for their battle wounds, the Karen of the DKBA do not.
Therein lies a motive for the SPDC to annul their allies on the threshold of victory. San Pyone was viewed as an ambitious leader, perhaps too much so, and thus a risk for the SPDC. No faction or leader should be allowed to maintain power with which to compete for control, certainly not a leader who could command nationalistic sentiments.
Or could the ambush be a deliberate attempt by the KNLA not only to avenge but to sew divisions between two potent allies?
Whoever killed San Pyone, the history of Burma it seems is a continuous struggle between the centre and the various ethnic groups, with the former forever attempting to dominate the latter.
The ethos of divide and rule has been a spectacular success in Karen state for the SPDC. The province is a difficult area for demoralised troops to fight in, and the past 15 years have seen the Karen consume themselves and put an end to the most potent armed opposition the country has known.
Many of the DKBA claim their struggle is simply now to put an end to the war and live under an SPDC government. The divisive tactics of the SPDC are plain to see in almost every ethnic region where it is seeking to turn former independence armies into ‘border security forces’ under direct control of Naypyidaw. The fact of the matter seems to be that the SPDC will never allow autonomy to flourish here. Their aim of domination by whatever means necessary will always entail the full extent of coercive power.
Joseph Allchin
July 3, 2009 (DVB)–When the pro-Burmese junta Democratic Karen Buddhist Army commander San Pyone fell to an ambush on the Moei river last week, many assumed that he was the victim of a revenge attack.
The Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) opposition group was perhaps seeking retribution for his alleged involvement in last year’s assassination of Pado Mahn Shah, the then secretary of the Karen Nation Union (KNU), the political wing of the KNLA. Mahn Shah was said to have been a peaceable, diplomatic leader whose passing was strongly felt amongst the KNU members and followers.
Rumours are now circulating, however, that the KNLA may not have been involved in the ambush. Vice president of the KNU, David Thackrabaw, stops short of outright denial of KNLA involvement but has claimed in conversation with the author that they did not have forces in the area at the time, adding that “we don’t want to point fingers”.
Tellingly victims of the ambush have washed up in Mae Sot general hospital on the Thai side of the border, but they are not just from the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA). Amongst the injured is a Karen Peace Council (KPC) member whose wounds bare witness to an attack from both sides of the Moei river which separates Burma from Thailand. The KPC is a small group who splintered from the KNU with the aim of negotiating with the junta. Despite this, DVB has received an anonymous tip-off in the form of a letter that it was the splinter group who was responsible for the attack. The letter details Karen Peace Council anger at being excluded from lucrative smuggling concessions.
If the KNLA don’t have forces in the region and the ‘third front’, the KPC, have members amongst the attacked, this leaves a further two possible culprits. The Thai government was said to have had a warrant for the arrest of San Pyone for connection with the murder of Mahn Shah on Thai territory, but the likelihood of them taking to extra-judicial killings on both sides of the river seems slim despite recent skirmishes between the DKBA and Thai border forces.
Another possibility remaining is the Burmese government which, according to sources close to the KNU, has moved into the newly annexed camps of the KNLA and has forces near the would-be destination of the boat convoy.
After weeks of painful jungle advances, with troops falling to land mines, could the DKBA have had their crown pulled from their head?
This week a letter purportedly from a senior DKBA commander in Myaing Gyi Ngu was handed out in Mae La refugee camp in Thailand. The letter, whilst detailing a brief history of the politics of the region, took the form of an apology. It berated Burma’s ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) for their callous killing of Buddhist monks in the Saffron Revolution in 2007. It goes as far as apologising to the Karen people for collaborating with the SPDC.
It also noted some of the reasoning behind the DKBA;s existence; that the KNU was a Christian-dominated organisation, a divide no doubt sewn and encouraged by the SPDC. Whether this letter was mere propaganda, as many in Mae La suspected, its wider implications are hard to guess. But it certainly draws the eye to a potential antagonism or lack of harmony between the two allies.
Meanwhile, in the wards and corridors of Mae Sot hospital the soldiers of the DKBA lie outstretched, young boys feeling for where their limbs used to be. Next to them lie their countrymen of the KNLA, now united in the ignominy of being crippled fighting one another.
Why the DKBA do not seek treatment with their Burmese allies in Myawaddy explains a lot about the tragedy of this conflict. While the Burmese military receive proper treatment for their battle wounds, the Karen of the DKBA do not.
Therein lies a motive for the SPDC to annul their allies on the threshold of victory. San Pyone was viewed as an ambitious leader, perhaps too much so, and thus a risk for the SPDC. No faction or leader should be allowed to maintain power with which to compete for control, certainly not a leader who could command nationalistic sentiments.
Or could the ambush be a deliberate attempt by the KNLA not only to avenge but to sew divisions between two potent allies?
Whoever killed San Pyone, the history of Burma it seems is a continuous struggle between the centre and the various ethnic groups, with the former forever attempting to dominate the latter.
The ethos of divide and rule has been a spectacular success in Karen state for the SPDC. The province is a difficult area for demoralised troops to fight in, and the past 15 years have seen the Karen consume themselves and put an end to the most potent armed opposition the country has known.
Many of the DKBA claim their struggle is simply now to put an end to the war and live under an SPDC government. The divisive tactics of the SPDC are plain to see in almost every ethnic region where it is seeking to turn former independence armies into ‘border security forces’ under direct control of Naypyidaw. The fact of the matter seems to be that the SPDC will never allow autonomy to flourish here. Their aim of domination by whatever means necessary will always entail the full extent of coercive power.
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