The Irrawaddy - Political Prisoner Htay Lwin Oo Dies
By MIN LWIN
Monday, December 29, 2008
Burmese labor rights activist Htay Lwin Oo has died in Mandalay prison—the second political prisoner known to have died in Burma this month.
Htay Lwin Oo’s wife, Khin Hla Myint, told The Irrawaddy he had died on Sunday of tuberculosis, which she said had been left untreated by the prison authorities.
Htay Lwin Oo, a 46-year-old schoolteacher, was sentenced to seven years imprisonment in 2003 for his labor rights activities.
He was arrested along with 11 members of the National League for Democracy, who were sentenced to terms of imprisonment of up to 22 years for offences under section 5 (J) of the Emergency Provisions Act.
The Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) called Htay Lwin Oo’s death murder. “Tuberculosis can be treated, but the government failed to treat him,” said Bo Kyi, joint-secretary of the association, the AAPP.
“There are quite a number of political prisoners facing death because of the government’s failure to treat them,” Bo Kyi said.
A 35-year- old political prisoner, Maung San, serving a two year prison sentence, committed suicide in Pegu Prison in central Burma earlier this month, reportedly because he was not getting proper medical attention.
The two deaths this month brings the number of political prisoners who have died since 1988 to 138, according to the AAPP.
Htay Lwin Oo’s funeral took place at Mandalay’s Kyarnikan cemetery on Monday. He is survived by his wife and an eight year-old son.
Tuesday, December 30, 2008
Deserter left with broken leg after mistreatment
Deserter left with broken leg after mistreatment
Dec 29, 2008 (DVB)–A Burmese soldier who deserted after being refused permission to leave the army was left with a broken leg after being mistreated when he was recaptured, according to a civil servant in Naypyidaw.
Thet Oo, a 20-year-old private, served in the Taungoo-based advanced communication corps for three years on a monthly salary of 10,000 kyat.
He asked his superior officers for permission to leave the army but they told him he could only leave if he paid 20,000 kyat.
He could not afford to pay and so he ran away.
After his desertion he was recaptured by the army and had his leg broken while in their custody.
He was admitted to hospital in Naypyidaw but the authorities refused to pay for his treatment and his mother, a washerwoman named Daw Htay, could not afford to pay for his care so he has been reliant on his relatives.
The civil servant said he had seen Thet Oo walking with crutches in Naypyidaw and said it was not clear whether his leg would return to normal.
Thet Oo has been ordered to return to the army after his treatment.
Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew
Dec 29, 2008 (DVB)–A Burmese soldier who deserted after being refused permission to leave the army was left with a broken leg after being mistreated when he was recaptured, according to a civil servant in Naypyidaw.
Thet Oo, a 20-year-old private, served in the Taungoo-based advanced communication corps for three years on a monthly salary of 10,000 kyat.
He asked his superior officers for permission to leave the army but they told him he could only leave if he paid 20,000 kyat.
He could not afford to pay and so he ran away.
After his desertion he was recaptured by the army and had his leg broken while in their custody.
He was admitted to hospital in Naypyidaw but the authorities refused to pay for his treatment and his mother, a washerwoman named Daw Htay, could not afford to pay for his care so he has been reliant on his relatives.
The civil servant said he had seen Thet Oo walking with crutches in Naypyidaw and said it was not clear whether his leg would return to normal.
Thet Oo has been ordered to return to the army after his treatment.
Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew
Wundwin NLD urges UN chief to visit Burma
Wundwin NLD urges UN chief to visit Burma
Dec 29, 2008 (DVB)–Wundwin township National League for Democracy in Mandalay division has called for United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon to visit Burma to help push for a solution to the country’s problems.
The call was made at a monthly meeting of township NLD members on 28 December.
Wundwin NLD members also called on the ruling State Peace and Development Council to release all political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi to start the process of national reconciliation.
Wundwin township NLD secretary Tun Tun said Ban Ki-moon should visit as soon as possible.
"The UN secretary-general has said he will take his time, but our country has no time to lose,” Tun Tun said.
“Crime is rising in this area due to economic difficulties, there is more unemployment nationwide – we don't want him just to watch,” he said.
“The UN secretary-general should empathise with the suffering of the people of Burma and come and solve the problems as soon as possible."
There have been several high-profile calls for Ban Ki-moon to visit Burma, including from the European Union and 112 former world leaders.
But senior NLD member Win Tin said in November that Ban Ki-moon should not visit at this time, saying he risked lending support to the regime if he visited again without challenging the junta’s actions.
Reporting by Aye Nai
Dec 29, 2008 (DVB)–Wundwin township National League for Democracy in Mandalay division has called for United Nations secretary-general Ban Ki-moon to visit Burma to help push for a solution to the country’s problems.
The call was made at a monthly meeting of township NLD members on 28 December.
Wundwin NLD members also called on the ruling State Peace and Development Council to release all political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi to start the process of national reconciliation.
Wundwin township NLD secretary Tun Tun said Ban Ki-moon should visit as soon as possible.
"The UN secretary-general has said he will take his time, but our country has no time to lose,” Tun Tun said.
“Crime is rising in this area due to economic difficulties, there is more unemployment nationwide – we don't want him just to watch,” he said.
“The UN secretary-general should empathise with the suffering of the people of Burma and come and solve the problems as soon as possible."
There have been several high-profile calls for Ban Ki-moon to visit Burma, including from the European Union and 112 former world leaders.
But senior NLD member Win Tin said in November that Ban Ki-moon should not visit at this time, saying he risked lending support to the regime if he visited again without challenging the junta’s actions.
Reporting by Aye Nai
Los Angeles Times - Americans found allies in Burma villagers
Los Angeles Times - Americans found allies in Burma villagers
Thanks to a Baptist missionary, tens of thousands were ready to lend a hand when soldiers needed help building the Stilwell Road during World War II.
By A Times Staff Writer
4:59 PM PST, December 29, 2008
Reporting from Myitkyina, Myanmar -- Long before war brought Evelio Grillo and his comrades to Burma, they had allies ready to welcome them in the northern villages. By a quirk of fate, or divine hand, this was Burma's Baptist belt.
In 1813, an American missionary named Adoniram Judson had crossed the border from India into mainly Buddhist Burma and become the country's first Protestant missionary. When Judson asked the king for permission to do missionary work among the illiterate Kachin tribes, the monarch laughed and told him he would have a better chance teaching the royal dog.
Judson focused instead on the Kachin, learned their language and customs, and after almost six years in Burma, he baptized his first convert. Many others quickly followed, and more than 120 years later, when American soldiers needed help, tens of thousands of villagers, descendants of Judson's converts, were there to lend a hand.
Judson was a household name in Kachin villages, which made a big difference when the road brought another American, Lt. Malcolm McKenzie, to eastern Burma in early 1945. He was an intelligence officer in Detachment 101 of the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the Central Intelligence Agency, and his mission was to persuade the Kachin to spy on Japanese forces to find targets for U.S. tanks and artillery.
Howa Zau Gam was 18 when McKenzie walked into his family's hut in the village of Howa, near the Chinese border. His elementary school closed when the Japanese invaded Burma in 1942, but Howa Zau Gam had picked up enough basic English and Chinese to impress McKenzie, who hired him as an interpreter in his second meeting with his father, the chief.
Along with three others recruited into the Kachin Rangers, villagers in U.S. Army uniforms armed only with long knives and carbines, Howa Zau Gam crept through the jungle with McKenzie spying on the Japanese. They carried out their reconnaissance missions without firing a single shot.
"We were very clever, you see," he said with a smile. "We didn't have to shoot to fight the Japanese. We just used information."
Now 81, Howa Zau Gam is a humble, soft-spoken man in a crisply ironed sport shirt and a green-and-blue-plaid longyi sarong. Reading through his files with a magnifying glass, he insists his war didn't amount to much. Others sacrificed much more.
Looking down on him from a living room wall is a large poster of Christ, with a broad halo of golden light, hovering above a panoramic view of the Holy Land.
On another wall, a framed black-and-white news photo shows Burma's first prime minister, U Nu, presenting President Eisenhower with a check for $5,000 to help families of U.S. servicemen who died or were injured in the war.
It's a silent protest against the constant barrage of anti-American propaganda from the generals who rule Myanmar.
"The regime is not aware of these things," Howa Zau Gam said, admiring the picture. "That's why I put it there."
Thanks to a Baptist missionary, tens of thousands were ready to lend a hand when soldiers needed help building the Stilwell Road during World War II.
By A Times Staff Writer
4:59 PM PST, December 29, 2008
Reporting from Myitkyina, Myanmar -- Long before war brought Evelio Grillo and his comrades to Burma, they had allies ready to welcome them in the northern villages. By a quirk of fate, or divine hand, this was Burma's Baptist belt.
In 1813, an American missionary named Adoniram Judson had crossed the border from India into mainly Buddhist Burma and become the country's first Protestant missionary. When Judson asked the king for permission to do missionary work among the illiterate Kachin tribes, the monarch laughed and told him he would have a better chance teaching the royal dog.
Judson focused instead on the Kachin, learned their language and customs, and after almost six years in Burma, he baptized his first convert. Many others quickly followed, and more than 120 years later, when American soldiers needed help, tens of thousands of villagers, descendants of Judson's converts, were there to lend a hand.
Judson was a household name in Kachin villages, which made a big difference when the road brought another American, Lt. Malcolm McKenzie, to eastern Burma in early 1945. He was an intelligence officer in Detachment 101 of the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the Central Intelligence Agency, and his mission was to persuade the Kachin to spy on Japanese forces to find targets for U.S. tanks and artillery.
Howa Zau Gam was 18 when McKenzie walked into his family's hut in the village of Howa, near the Chinese border. His elementary school closed when the Japanese invaded Burma in 1942, but Howa Zau Gam had picked up enough basic English and Chinese to impress McKenzie, who hired him as an interpreter in his second meeting with his father, the chief.
Along with three others recruited into the Kachin Rangers, villagers in U.S. Army uniforms armed only with long knives and carbines, Howa Zau Gam crept through the jungle with McKenzie spying on the Japanese. They carried out their reconnaissance missions without firing a single shot.
"We were very clever, you see," he said with a smile. "We didn't have to shoot to fight the Japanese. We just used information."
Now 81, Howa Zau Gam is a humble, soft-spoken man in a crisply ironed sport shirt and a green-and-blue-plaid longyi sarong. Reading through his files with a magnifying glass, he insists his war didn't amount to much. Others sacrificed much more.
Looking down on him from a living room wall is a large poster of Christ, with a broad halo of golden light, hovering above a panoramic view of the Holy Land.
On another wall, a framed black-and-white news photo shows Burma's first prime minister, U Nu, presenting President Eisenhower with a check for $5,000 to help families of U.S. servicemen who died or were injured in the war.
It's a silent protest against the constant barrage of anti-American propaganda from the generals who rule Myanmar.
"The regime is not aware of these things," Howa Zau Gam said, admiring the picture. "That's why I put it there."
UNICEF - Life-skills training helps young people to prevent HIV in Myanmar
UNICEF - Life-skills training helps young people to prevent HIV in Myanmar
By Sandar Linn
KYAING TONG, Myanmar, 29 December 2008 – In the village of Wan Ku Thit, a remote Ah Khar ethnic group enclave in Kyaing Tong Township, eastern Shan State, very few people are aware of the risk of HIV and how to prevent AIDS.
El May Ja, 19, is one of many in her village who, until recently, did not have a lot of prior knowledge about HIV.
“My family, my friends, my neighbours and even the head of our village don't know these things,” she said. “Although we have heard about HIV/AIDS, because there are some people in other villages who went to work in border areas and came back as they got infected with HIV, we have not received any in-depth information about it.”
Learning life skills
At a recent UNICEF-supported life-skills training programme, about 30 young people aged 15 to 24 learned about HIV and AIDS.
“Today is the second day of our training,” explained El May Ja. “Now we know exactly how the virus is transmitted, how we can protect ourselves.... We are going to learn more about life skills in the next three days, and I’m so excited about that.”
Life skills are abilities for adaptive and positive behaviour that enable individuals to deal effectively with the demands and challenges of everyday life. Among the lessons that were taught so far, El May Ja cited the topic ‘Value Myself’ as her favourite.
“The tradition and culture is already in place for girls to value themselves, and one of the major facts is to abstain from having sexual relations until one gets married. But the knowledge from this training adds more value to this,” she said.
Peer groups teach prevention
For effective HIV prevention, skills such as critical thinking, decision-making, problem-solving and communication are essential to help young people adopt safer behaviours.
Ten core skills, including empathy, are embedded in the health-related topics so that after training, the participants are able to show more supportive attitudes toward people living with HIV.
Following the life-skills training, participants are encouraged to share their newly gained knowledge with their peer groups so that it benefits the wider community.
“We discuss these things outside training,” El May Ja said, standing with a group of her friends. “We also talk about HIV and life-skills lessons that we have learnt so far with our friends from other villages, where they don't get this information. We enjoy learning life skills because it is important in our daily lives to know what is harmful to us.”
By Sandar Linn
KYAING TONG, Myanmar, 29 December 2008 – In the village of Wan Ku Thit, a remote Ah Khar ethnic group enclave in Kyaing Tong Township, eastern Shan State, very few people are aware of the risk of HIV and how to prevent AIDS.
El May Ja, 19, is one of many in her village who, until recently, did not have a lot of prior knowledge about HIV.
“My family, my friends, my neighbours and even the head of our village don't know these things,” she said. “Although we have heard about HIV/AIDS, because there are some people in other villages who went to work in border areas and came back as they got infected with HIV, we have not received any in-depth information about it.”
Learning life skills
At a recent UNICEF-supported life-skills training programme, about 30 young people aged 15 to 24 learned about HIV and AIDS.
“Today is the second day of our training,” explained El May Ja. “Now we know exactly how the virus is transmitted, how we can protect ourselves.... We are going to learn more about life skills in the next three days, and I’m so excited about that.”
Life skills are abilities for adaptive and positive behaviour that enable individuals to deal effectively with the demands and challenges of everyday life. Among the lessons that were taught so far, El May Ja cited the topic ‘Value Myself’ as her favourite.
“The tradition and culture is already in place for girls to value themselves, and one of the major facts is to abstain from having sexual relations until one gets married. But the knowledge from this training adds more value to this,” she said.
Peer groups teach prevention
For effective HIV prevention, skills such as critical thinking, decision-making, problem-solving and communication are essential to help young people adopt safer behaviours.
Ten core skills, including empathy, are embedded in the health-related topics so that after training, the participants are able to show more supportive attitudes toward people living with HIV.
Following the life-skills training, participants are encouraged to share their newly gained knowledge with their peer groups so that it benefits the wider community.
“We discuss these things outside training,” El May Ja said, standing with a group of her friends. “We also talk about HIV and life-skills lessons that we have learnt so far with our friends from other villages, where they don't get this information. We enjoy learning life skills because it is important in our daily lives to know what is harmful to us.”
Asian Tribune - Japan’s action changes Asia’s image
Asian Tribune - Japan’s action changes Asia’s image
Sun, 2008-12-28 02:22
By Nehginpao Kipgen
Japan’s humanitarian decision on 18th December 2008 to accept refugees from the military-ruled Burma has significantly changed Asia’s image. The move, which is unprecedented in the history of Japan, conveys a message to the international community that there is a country in Asia which opens its doors to asylum seekers and refugees.
Japan’s policy toward Burma has traditionally been engagement. This principle was stated in uncertain terms by the then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto to leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in January 1997 as: "Japan does not feel international isolation is the optimal way for the improvent of domestic situation in Myanmar.”
Ryutaro also added that: “Japan thinks it important to give Myanmar incentives to behave in line with international norms by drawing it out as a member of the international community. Japan also thinks that ASEAN membership should not provide a smokescreen for oppression in Myanmar."
Its engagement policy toward the Burmese military regime fundamentally differentiates Japan from many of her western allies, most notably the United States’ isolationist policy. These conflicing approaches have not helped both the economic giants to achieve their desired goals, but have instead prolonged the military rule.
Japan’s initial hope for ASEAN leadership to address the situation in Burma has also turned out to be fruitless. Despite Japan’s years of engagement policy, the oppresion in Burma continues unabated. The recent arressts and the long-term prison sentences to peaceful protesters was an indication of a failed strategy.
It is, however, intriguing to see that Japan simultaneously opens lines of communication with both the Burmese military regime and the pro-democracy opposition groups. Like many other nations, Japan has also endorsed the role of the United Nations Secretary General’s good offices.
With the political stalmate continuing to plague Burma, Japan’s policy has seemingly vacillatied in recent months. Japan’s biggest western ally, the United States, has also theoretically shifted its policy. The U.S. Congress created a post for policy chief for Burma to increase pressure on the junta; the White House nominated Michael Green for the position on November 10.
A noticeable strained bilateral relation between Japan and Burma was witnessed in the aftermath of the 2007 uprising, which was popularly coined by many as “saffron revolution.” A Japanese photojournalist Kenji Nagai was shot and killed by the Burmese military in broad-daylight while covering the demonstration.
The troubling issue surfaced again on the 17th January 2008 meeting between Japan’s Foreign Minister Masahiko Koumura and his Burmese counterpart Nyan Win. Japan expressed its displeasure in a statement: “The Japanese side has not been convinced yet by the account given by the Myanmar police.”
If this major humanitarian policy gets implemented, the Japanese government will accept about 30 Burmese refugees from Thailand starting 2010. This development not only surprises the international community, but also gives a new hope to the Burmese democratic movement.
This bold decision makes Japan to become the first country in the region to launch such an initiative. Not only was the move welcome by the Burmese democratic movement, but also by the chief of United Nations humanitarian agency.
The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres said, “I am glad that Japan is starting with a small programme. As such, I am confident that the pilot project will develop and expand into a regular and large programme.”
Japan’s decision has broken the traditionally held perception that refugees are resettled only in western countries. This sets a good example for many other Asian nations. As long as no democratic society, which equally treats all ethnic nationalities, can be established in Burma, there will be more Burmese refugees.
Her status as an economic giant of Asia and the historical relationship the two countries had during Burma’s independence struggle, Japan’s involvement in Burmese democratic transition is essential.
In the absence of a coordinated international approach, Burma’s military leaders will continue to have the upper hands in suppressing the aspirations of the Burmese people.
Both engagement and sanction imposing groups must come together to find amicable solution to decades-old Burma’s problems.
It is high time for the international community to realize that neither engagement nor sanction alone, without a coordinated action, is effective enough to bring change in Burma.
Nehginpao Kipgen is the General Secretary of US-based Kuki International Forum (www.kukiforum.com) and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004).
Sun, 2008-12-28 02:22
By Nehginpao Kipgen
Japan’s humanitarian decision on 18th December 2008 to accept refugees from the military-ruled Burma has significantly changed Asia’s image. The move, which is unprecedented in the history of Japan, conveys a message to the international community that there is a country in Asia which opens its doors to asylum seekers and refugees.
Japan’s policy toward Burma has traditionally been engagement. This principle was stated in uncertain terms by the then Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto to leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in January 1997 as: "Japan does not feel international isolation is the optimal way for the improvent of domestic situation in Myanmar.”
Ryutaro also added that: “Japan thinks it important to give Myanmar incentives to behave in line with international norms by drawing it out as a member of the international community. Japan also thinks that ASEAN membership should not provide a smokescreen for oppression in Myanmar."
Its engagement policy toward the Burmese military regime fundamentally differentiates Japan from many of her western allies, most notably the United States’ isolationist policy. These conflicing approaches have not helped both the economic giants to achieve their desired goals, but have instead prolonged the military rule.
Japan’s initial hope for ASEAN leadership to address the situation in Burma has also turned out to be fruitless. Despite Japan’s years of engagement policy, the oppresion in Burma continues unabated. The recent arressts and the long-term prison sentences to peaceful protesters was an indication of a failed strategy.
It is, however, intriguing to see that Japan simultaneously opens lines of communication with both the Burmese military regime and the pro-democracy opposition groups. Like many other nations, Japan has also endorsed the role of the United Nations Secretary General’s good offices.
With the political stalmate continuing to plague Burma, Japan’s policy has seemingly vacillatied in recent months. Japan’s biggest western ally, the United States, has also theoretically shifted its policy. The U.S. Congress created a post for policy chief for Burma to increase pressure on the junta; the White House nominated Michael Green for the position on November 10.
A noticeable strained bilateral relation between Japan and Burma was witnessed in the aftermath of the 2007 uprising, which was popularly coined by many as “saffron revolution.” A Japanese photojournalist Kenji Nagai was shot and killed by the Burmese military in broad-daylight while covering the demonstration.
The troubling issue surfaced again on the 17th January 2008 meeting between Japan’s Foreign Minister Masahiko Koumura and his Burmese counterpart Nyan Win. Japan expressed its displeasure in a statement: “The Japanese side has not been convinced yet by the account given by the Myanmar police.”
If this major humanitarian policy gets implemented, the Japanese government will accept about 30 Burmese refugees from Thailand starting 2010. This development not only surprises the international community, but also gives a new hope to the Burmese democratic movement.
This bold decision makes Japan to become the first country in the region to launch such an initiative. Not only was the move welcome by the Burmese democratic movement, but also by the chief of United Nations humanitarian agency.
The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres said, “I am glad that Japan is starting with a small programme. As such, I am confident that the pilot project will develop and expand into a regular and large programme.”
Japan’s decision has broken the traditionally held perception that refugees are resettled only in western countries. This sets a good example for many other Asian nations. As long as no democratic society, which equally treats all ethnic nationalities, can be established in Burma, there will be more Burmese refugees.
Her status as an economic giant of Asia and the historical relationship the two countries had during Burma’s independence struggle, Japan’s involvement in Burmese democratic transition is essential.
In the absence of a coordinated international approach, Burma’s military leaders will continue to have the upper hands in suppressing the aspirations of the Burmese people.
Both engagement and sanction imposing groups must come together to find amicable solution to decades-old Burma’s problems.
It is high time for the international community to realize that neither engagement nor sanction alone, without a coordinated action, is effective enough to bring change in Burma.
Nehginpao Kipgen is the General Secretary of US-based Kuki International Forum (www.kukiforum.com) and a researcher on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma (1947-2004).
The New Straits Times - Myanmar stabbed to death
2008/12/27
The New Straits Times - Myanmar stabbed to death
BUKIT MERTAJAM: A foreigner, believed to be a Myanmar, was killed when he put up a fight with an armed robber in Taman Sembilang, Seberang Jaya, on Wednesday.
In the 11pm incident, the unidentified man, in his 30s, was riding a motorcycle which he had borrowed from a friend when he was approached by two men on another motorcycle.
It was learnt that the robbers tried to force him to pull over but he sped off instead. They then blocked the man's path in Solok Sembilang and attacked him.
In the ensuing scuffle, the Myanmar was stabbed on the chest and died on the spot.
One of the robbers took off with the victim's motorcycle, bearing the registration number PGM 1025.
The man's body was sent to Seberang Jaya Hospital and the Myanmar consulate office has been notified.
Those with any information on the case are urged to contact the nearest police station at once.
The New Straits Times - Myanmar stabbed to death
BUKIT MERTAJAM: A foreigner, believed to be a Myanmar, was killed when he put up a fight with an armed robber in Taman Sembilang, Seberang Jaya, on Wednesday.
In the 11pm incident, the unidentified man, in his 30s, was riding a motorcycle which he had borrowed from a friend when he was approached by two men on another motorcycle.
It was learnt that the robbers tried to force him to pull over but he sped off instead. They then blocked the man's path in Solok Sembilang and attacked him.
In the ensuing scuffle, the Myanmar was stabbed on the chest and died on the spot.
One of the robbers took off with the victim's motorcycle, bearing the registration number PGM 1025.
The man's body was sent to Seberang Jaya Hospital and the Myanmar consulate office has been notified.
Those with any information on the case are urged to contact the nearest police station at once.
MYANMAR: Cyclone survivors face water shortages
MYANMAR: Cyclone survivors face water shortages
GWAY CHAUNG, 29 December 2008 (IRIN) - Thousands of survivors of Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar’s Ayeyarwady Delta face possible water shortages, as the dry season begins to bite.
Rural communities are largely dependent on communal water ponds which were badly-affected by the May 2008 cyclone, according to experts. Many ponds did not have time to refill before the start of the dry season which normally runs from November to April.
Apart from the dry weather, the water situation could be exacerbated by cyclone-induced salt contamination of reservoirs as far north and east as the Yangon area, according to the Post-Nargis Periodic Review by the Tripartite Core Group (comprising the Myanmar government, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the UN).
In the 400-household village of Gway Chaung, deep inside Dedaye Township, residents have no choice but to fetch water by boat from a village half an hour away.
"Now we are totally dependent on the water resources of other villages,” one villager told IRIN, adding: “I don’t know when we will receive assistance from the government or international community.”
Gway Chaung is just one of scores of villages across the 23,500 square km delta - almost twice the size of Lebanon - now facing water shortages in the wake of Nargis, which left close to 140,000 dead or missing, and affected over two million.
Contaminated ponds
According to the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA), about 1,500 ponds - 13 percent of ponds in Yangon Division and 43 percent of ponds in the delta - were contaminated by sea water and debris.
In a bid to address this, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), with its partners, has been working to clean up contaminated ponds and provide water-storage containers.
But two months into the dry season, many residents are seeing water levels in their ponds dropping fast.
“We're identifying which villages are at high risk of water shortages to address possible problems,” Khin Maung Win, water, sanitation and hygiene cluster coordinator for the UNICEF, told IRIN in Yangon, the former capital.
Among severely storm-ravaged townships in the delta, Labutta was at high risk of water shortages, with about two-thirds of the area at risk between March and April in 2009, while Bogale, Pyapon, and Dedaye townships were at moderate risk, according to a recent UNICEF assessment.
"To reduce the risks of severe water shortages and water-borne diseases, we're closely monitoring the situation in collaboration with the DoH [Department of Health] and other cooperating partners," Khin Maung Win said.
For those already facing water shortages, in addition to digging tube wells and bore wells, UNICEF and its partners are distributing clean water by boat, as well as setting up several reverse osmosis water treatment plants
Most of the villages that do not have ready access to potable water are those near rivers and streams where salinity levels are generally higher during the dry season, said aid workers.
No spare income
But water shortages in the delta are far from new.
Even before Nargis, residents faced water shortages during the dry season, but generally much later, between February and April. At such times, residents bought water from those who had stored it in abundance.
“But this year people have no spare income to purchase the water, which calls for our intensive intervention,” Pauline Havets, head of Bogale branch office of Action contre la Faim (ACF), told IRIN.
ACF is delivering clean, fresh water to nine villages in Bogale Township.
With the help of ACF, the inhabitants of these villages, who had to purchase fresh water from water vendors prior to the cyclone, now have a good supply of potable water.
Communities react
Meanwhile, community leaders are also taking action: In Kawat village, home to around 2,000 residents in Dedaye town, the village head has ordered every household not to use more than two buckets of water per day from their one and only water pond - and pay around 2 US cents per bucket.
The same thing is happening in seven villages in the area that have no choice but to use Kawat’s water pond, 42-year old village head, Toe Myint, explained.
In the past, this would have been unheard of as the eight villages could count on their 14 communal water ponds to meet all their potable water needs. But lack of resources has prevented them from rehabilitating more than one pond.
"This is our pre-emptive action to fight water shortages when our water pond runs out,” Toe Myint said. “With the money we collect, we'll go to the town [Dedaye] to buy water for our villagers," he said.
GWAY CHAUNG, 29 December 2008 (IRIN) - Thousands of survivors of Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar’s Ayeyarwady Delta face possible water shortages, as the dry season begins to bite.
Rural communities are largely dependent on communal water ponds which were badly-affected by the May 2008 cyclone, according to experts. Many ponds did not have time to refill before the start of the dry season which normally runs from November to April.
Apart from the dry weather, the water situation could be exacerbated by cyclone-induced salt contamination of reservoirs as far north and east as the Yangon area, according to the Post-Nargis Periodic Review by the Tripartite Core Group (comprising the Myanmar government, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the UN).
In the 400-household village of Gway Chaung, deep inside Dedaye Township, residents have no choice but to fetch water by boat from a village half an hour away.
"Now we are totally dependent on the water resources of other villages,” one villager told IRIN, adding: “I don’t know when we will receive assistance from the government or international community.”
Gway Chaung is just one of scores of villages across the 23,500 square km delta - almost twice the size of Lebanon - now facing water shortages in the wake of Nargis, which left close to 140,000 dead or missing, and affected over two million.
Contaminated ponds
According to the Post-Nargis Joint Assessment (PONJA), about 1,500 ponds - 13 percent of ponds in Yangon Division and 43 percent of ponds in the delta - were contaminated by sea water and debris.
In a bid to address this, the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), with its partners, has been working to clean up contaminated ponds and provide water-storage containers.
But two months into the dry season, many residents are seeing water levels in their ponds dropping fast.
“We're identifying which villages are at high risk of water shortages to address possible problems,” Khin Maung Win, water, sanitation and hygiene cluster coordinator for the UNICEF, told IRIN in Yangon, the former capital.
Among severely storm-ravaged townships in the delta, Labutta was at high risk of water shortages, with about two-thirds of the area at risk between March and April in 2009, while Bogale, Pyapon, and Dedaye townships were at moderate risk, according to a recent UNICEF assessment.
"To reduce the risks of severe water shortages and water-borne diseases, we're closely monitoring the situation in collaboration with the DoH [Department of Health] and other cooperating partners," Khin Maung Win said.
For those already facing water shortages, in addition to digging tube wells and bore wells, UNICEF and its partners are distributing clean water by boat, as well as setting up several reverse osmosis water treatment plants
Most of the villages that do not have ready access to potable water are those near rivers and streams where salinity levels are generally higher during the dry season, said aid workers.
No spare income
But water shortages in the delta are far from new.
Even before Nargis, residents faced water shortages during the dry season, but generally much later, between February and April. At such times, residents bought water from those who had stored it in abundance.
“But this year people have no spare income to purchase the water, which calls for our intensive intervention,” Pauline Havets, head of Bogale branch office of Action contre la Faim (ACF), told IRIN.
ACF is delivering clean, fresh water to nine villages in Bogale Township.
With the help of ACF, the inhabitants of these villages, who had to purchase fresh water from water vendors prior to the cyclone, now have a good supply of potable water.
Communities react
Meanwhile, community leaders are also taking action: In Kawat village, home to around 2,000 residents in Dedaye town, the village head has ordered every household not to use more than two buckets of water per day from their one and only water pond - and pay around 2 US cents per bucket.
The same thing is happening in seven villages in the area that have no choice but to use Kawat’s water pond, 42-year old village head, Toe Myint, explained.
In the past, this would have been unheard of as the eight villages could count on their 14 communal water ponds to meet all their potable water needs. But lack of resources has prevented them from rehabilitating more than one pond.
"This is our pre-emptive action to fight water shortages when our water pond runs out,” Toe Myint said. “With the money we collect, we'll go to the town [Dedaye] to buy water for our villagers," he said.
The Washington Post - U.N. Mulls Reengaging Burma With More Aid
The Washington Post - U.N. Mulls Reengaging Burma With More Aid
Diplomacy Unable to Yield Political Reforms
Washington Post Staff Writers
Sunday, December 28, 2008; Page A16
UNITED NATIONS -- International sanctions and Laura Bush's personal intervention did not make Burma's generals ease their political oppression. Neither did quiet diplomacy, nor the devastation of a cyclone.
So the United Nations is attempting a new approach: It is trying to entice the generals with fresh promises of development money.
According to senior U.N. officials, special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has proposed that nations offer Burma financial incentives to free more than 2,000 political prisoners, including Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and to open the country to democratic change.
In the months ahead, the U.N. leadership will press the Obama administration to relax U.S. policy on Burma and to open the door to a return of international financial institutions, including the World Bank. The bank left in 1987 because Burma, which is officially known as Myanmar, did not implement economic and political reforms.
"It cannot be business as usual. We need new thinking on how to engage with Myanmar in a way that will bring tangible results," Gambari said in an interview, adding that the United Nations cannot rely simply on "the power of persuasion with too little in the [diplomatic] toolbox."
But critics characterize the strategy as a desperate attempt to salvage a diplomatic process that has so deteriorated that Suu Kyi and Senior Gen. Than Shwe, Burma's military ruler, declined to meet with Gambari during his last trip there, in August. Gambari, critics say, is simply grasping to show progress in moving a regime that has no intention of embracing democratic reform.
The United States and Britain have resisted financial perks, arguing that Burma should not be rewarded for bad behavior. They are not "under any illusions that sanctions would solve Burma's problems," said Jared Genser, Suu Kyi's Washington-based attorney and president of the advocacy group Freedom Now. But "if you flood them with development assistance, it will only go to the junta's favored few," Genser said.
Gambari outlined his strategy in a confidential paper he presented last month to U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon. In it, according to senior U.N. officials who have seen the document, Gambari endorses building on the relations Burma established with the outside world after Cyclone Nargis struck the country in May. He also calls for an increase in development assistance to Burma and proposes that wealthy countries expand the nation's access to foreign investment, the officials added.
One key initiative involves the establishment of an Economic and Social Forum to serve as a vehicle for channeling money and coordinating international development efforts.
To prevent Burma from steering assistance to its supporters in the government, the United Nations has begun discussing with Denmark, Japan, the Netherlands and Norway
how to ensure that money would go to the neediest Burmese.
Gambari and other top U.N. officials are also urging countries with influence over Burma, especially China and India, to lean on the government to release political prisoners and to provide a political opening for the opposition in upcoming elections. "What we need is for the U.S. and the U.K. to be softer and for the Chinese and the Indians to be harder," one senior U.N. official said.
Gambari reportedly hopes to detail the United Nations' latest thinking to Burmese leaders early next year, but only if the country's ruling general agrees to meet with him. If Gambari's strategy receives a positive response, Ban, the first U.N. chief to visit Burma in more than 40 years, would make his second trip to the country.
Burma has been ruled by a military dictatorship since 1962, when Gen. Ne Win expelled foreigners and broke with the outside world in pursuit of "Burmese socialism." Pro-democracy demonstrations 20 years ago offered the promise of a new government elected by the people, but the generals put Suu Kyi under house arrest in July 1989 and ignored national elections in 1990 that her party, the National League for Democracy, won in a landslide.
Burma has one of the world's worst living standards, despite holding sizable oil and natural gas reserves and the world's largest deposits of precious gems. Nargis, which killed more than 100,000 people and left 2.4 million homeless, only added to the challenges.
The Burmese leadership has recently consolidated its power in advance of national elections in 2010. As Burma buckled from Nargis's blow, the military pushed through a referendum on a new constitution that would effectively exclude the National League for Democracy from the election.
The Bush administration's position is that it makes no sense to engage with the Burmese government until the generals signal that they are interested in reconciling with the opposition. That could include, for instance, releasing Suu Kyi from house arrest or freeing other political prisoners.
"We have not been against dialogue, but we have felt that dialogue needed to be preconditioned," said Dennis Wilder, senior director for Asian affairs on the National Security Council. "We just feel that it's egregious that for two decades Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest. We find it very hard to perceive a direct dialogue with the Burmese under those circumstances."
In recent years, the administration has tried to ratchet up pressure on Burma through sanctions aimed at restricting the income of the military rulers and their associates. In the summer, Congress banned the import of Burmese jade, a key source of income for Burma's government.
At the same time, the United States stepped up humanitarian efforts in the wake of Nargis, sending about $75 million in aid both inside the country and to refugee camps on the border with Thailand.
All these efforts appear to have made little headway with the generals, who have increased arrests of dissidents in recent months, according to U.S. officials and human rights advocates. Bush administration officials suspect that Burmese authorities are stalling in the hopes that they might be able to work with the administration of President-elect Barack Obama, who has repeatedly made clear his interest in opening dialogues with countries scorned by Bush.
But Burma is far from a priority for the incoming administration, and it is not certain that new officials would change course.
Obama, Vice President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. and Secretary of State-designate Hillary Rodham Clinton co-sponsored the jade bill, and few expect that they will move to relax sanctions soon after taking office.
The Obama transition team declined last week to comment on the Gambari strategy or a new thrust in U.S.-Burma relations.
Some international diplomats note that the United Nations' push to bring about political change in Burma has been undercut by the inability of influential governments, principally the United States and China, to agree on a strategy.
"One of the main problems is that we are split and the junta can play us against one another," said Kjell Magne Bondevik, a former Norwegian prime minister.
"China and India today have huge investments in Burma, with no preconditions as far as I know on delivering democracy," Bondevik said.
Some U.N. delegates remain skeptical that Gambari would be able to deliver on promises of increased assistance. "I don't think any country now is in a position to offer financial incentives to Myanmar, in view of the financial crisis," said a senior diplomat from a neighboring country.
Diplomacy Unable to Yield Political Reforms
Washington Post Staff Writers
Sunday, December 28, 2008; Page A16
UNITED NATIONS -- International sanctions and Laura Bush's personal intervention did not make Burma's generals ease their political oppression. Neither did quiet diplomacy, nor the devastation of a cyclone.
So the United Nations is attempting a new approach: It is trying to entice the generals with fresh promises of development money.
According to senior U.N. officials, special envoy Ibrahim Gambari has proposed that nations offer Burma financial incentives to free more than 2,000 political prisoners, including Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, and to open the country to democratic change.
In the months ahead, the U.N. leadership will press the Obama administration to relax U.S. policy on Burma and to open the door to a return of international financial institutions, including the World Bank. The bank left in 1987 because Burma, which is officially known as Myanmar, did not implement economic and political reforms.
"It cannot be business as usual. We need new thinking on how to engage with Myanmar in a way that will bring tangible results," Gambari said in an interview, adding that the United Nations cannot rely simply on "the power of persuasion with too little in the [diplomatic] toolbox."
But critics characterize the strategy as a desperate attempt to salvage a diplomatic process that has so deteriorated that Suu Kyi and Senior Gen. Than Shwe, Burma's military ruler, declined to meet with Gambari during his last trip there, in August. Gambari, critics say, is simply grasping to show progress in moving a regime that has no intention of embracing democratic reform.
The United States and Britain have resisted financial perks, arguing that Burma should not be rewarded for bad behavior. They are not "under any illusions that sanctions would solve Burma's problems," said Jared Genser, Suu Kyi's Washington-based attorney and president of the advocacy group Freedom Now. But "if you flood them with development assistance, it will only go to the junta's favored few," Genser said.
Gambari outlined his strategy in a confidential paper he presented last month to U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon. In it, according to senior U.N. officials who have seen the document, Gambari endorses building on the relations Burma established with the outside world after Cyclone Nargis struck the country in May. He also calls for an increase in development assistance to Burma and proposes that wealthy countries expand the nation's access to foreign investment, the officials added.
One key initiative involves the establishment of an Economic and Social Forum to serve as a vehicle for channeling money and coordinating international development efforts.
To prevent Burma from steering assistance to its supporters in the government, the United Nations has begun discussing with Denmark, Japan, the Netherlands and Norway
how to ensure that money would go to the neediest Burmese.
Gambari and other top U.N. officials are also urging countries with influence over Burma, especially China and India, to lean on the government to release political prisoners and to provide a political opening for the opposition in upcoming elections. "What we need is for the U.S. and the U.K. to be softer and for the Chinese and the Indians to be harder," one senior U.N. official said.
Gambari reportedly hopes to detail the United Nations' latest thinking to Burmese leaders early next year, but only if the country's ruling general agrees to meet with him. If Gambari's strategy receives a positive response, Ban, the first U.N. chief to visit Burma in more than 40 years, would make his second trip to the country.
Burma has been ruled by a military dictatorship since 1962, when Gen. Ne Win expelled foreigners and broke with the outside world in pursuit of "Burmese socialism." Pro-democracy demonstrations 20 years ago offered the promise of a new government elected by the people, but the generals put Suu Kyi under house arrest in July 1989 and ignored national elections in 1990 that her party, the National League for Democracy, won in a landslide.
Burma has one of the world's worst living standards, despite holding sizable oil and natural gas reserves and the world's largest deposits of precious gems. Nargis, which killed more than 100,000 people and left 2.4 million homeless, only added to the challenges.
The Burmese leadership has recently consolidated its power in advance of national elections in 2010. As Burma buckled from Nargis's blow, the military pushed through a referendum on a new constitution that would effectively exclude the National League for Democracy from the election.
The Bush administration's position is that it makes no sense to engage with the Burmese government until the generals signal that they are interested in reconciling with the opposition. That could include, for instance, releasing Suu Kyi from house arrest or freeing other political prisoners.
"We have not been against dialogue, but we have felt that dialogue needed to be preconditioned," said Dennis Wilder, senior director for Asian affairs on the National Security Council. "We just feel that it's egregious that for two decades Aung San Suu Kyi has been under house arrest. We find it very hard to perceive a direct dialogue with the Burmese under those circumstances."
In recent years, the administration has tried to ratchet up pressure on Burma through sanctions aimed at restricting the income of the military rulers and their associates. In the summer, Congress banned the import of Burmese jade, a key source of income for Burma's government.
At the same time, the United States stepped up humanitarian efforts in the wake of Nargis, sending about $75 million in aid both inside the country and to refugee camps on the border with Thailand.
All these efforts appear to have made little headway with the generals, who have increased arrests of dissidents in recent months, according to U.S. officials and human rights advocates. Bush administration officials suspect that Burmese authorities are stalling in the hopes that they might be able to work with the administration of President-elect Barack Obama, who has repeatedly made clear his interest in opening dialogues with countries scorned by Bush.
But Burma is far from a priority for the incoming administration, and it is not certain that new officials would change course.
Obama, Vice President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. and Secretary of State-designate Hillary Rodham Clinton co-sponsored the jade bill, and few expect that they will move to relax sanctions soon after taking office.
The Obama transition team declined last week to comment on the Gambari strategy or a new thrust in U.S.-Burma relations.
Some international diplomats note that the United Nations' push to bring about political change in Burma has been undercut by the inability of influential governments, principally the United States and China, to agree on a strategy.
"One of the main problems is that we are split and the junta can play us against one another," said Kjell Magne Bondevik, a former Norwegian prime minister.
"China and India today have huge investments in Burma, with no preconditions as far as I know on delivering democracy," Bondevik said.
Some U.N. delegates remain skeptical that Gambari would be able to deliver on promises of increased assistance. "I don't think any country now is in a position to offer financial incentives to Myanmar, in view of the financial crisis," said a senior diplomat from a neighboring country.
India widens sea search for 300 missing migrant
India widens sea search for 300 missing migrant
Mon Dec 29, 2008 4:23am EST
PORT BLAIR, India, Dec 29 (Reuters) - Indian authorities said on Monday they still hope to find survivors among about 300 men, mainly Bangladeshis, missing near remote islands in the Bay of Bengal, although the navy said it had recovered two more bodies.
Two Indian navy ships have joined coastguard vessels searching for the missing men, many of whom are feared to have drowned, officials said.
"We are looking for them in all possible places near the south of Little Andaman as we think there could be more survivors," Andamans defence spokesman Mannu Virk told Reuters in Port Blair, the capital of Andaman and Nicobar islands.
"We will continue our search and rescue operation in all the islands," he said.
Survivors said the men swam for shore after drifting for weeks in a small boat with little food or water and only a plastic sheet for a sail.
"The survivors said they saw a lighthouse late at night and thought they had reached the shore," Ashok Chand, a senior police officer, told Reuters in Port Blair.
"Nearly 300 jumped into the sea, one following the other, causing the deaths it seems," he said.
Authorities in Port Blair said the men were mostly Bangladeshis and some Myanmar nationals, aged between 18 and 60.
Setting sail for Malaysia, where they were promised jobs, in six boats 45 days ago, the would-be migrants soon became lost and drifted through the Bay of Bengal.
Coastguard officials said on Sunday 88 men from an original group of 412 had been rescued from a boat found near Little Andaman island, about 90 km (55 miles) south of Port Blair.
On Monday they put the number of survivors at 102.
Two more bodies were found on Monday, taking to seven the number recovered since the boat was discovered on Thursday.
Survivors told authorities that seven others had died at sea and their bodies had been dumped overboard.
India's coastguard is investigating how the men drifted into Indian waters, and how the survivors came to be in one boat.
A remote cluster of more than 500 mostly uninhabited islands, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands lie about 1,200 km (750 miles) off India's east coast, close to Myanmar.
Mon Dec 29, 2008 4:23am EST
PORT BLAIR, India, Dec 29 (Reuters) - Indian authorities said on Monday they still hope to find survivors among about 300 men, mainly Bangladeshis, missing near remote islands in the Bay of Bengal, although the navy said it had recovered two more bodies.
Two Indian navy ships have joined coastguard vessels searching for the missing men, many of whom are feared to have drowned, officials said.
"We are looking for them in all possible places near the south of Little Andaman as we think there could be more survivors," Andamans defence spokesman Mannu Virk told Reuters in Port Blair, the capital of Andaman and Nicobar islands.
"We will continue our search and rescue operation in all the islands," he said.
Survivors said the men swam for shore after drifting for weeks in a small boat with little food or water and only a plastic sheet for a sail.
"The survivors said they saw a lighthouse late at night and thought they had reached the shore," Ashok Chand, a senior police officer, told Reuters in Port Blair.
"Nearly 300 jumped into the sea, one following the other, causing the deaths it seems," he said.
Authorities in Port Blair said the men were mostly Bangladeshis and some Myanmar nationals, aged between 18 and 60.
Setting sail for Malaysia, where they were promised jobs, in six boats 45 days ago, the would-be migrants soon became lost and drifted through the Bay of Bengal.
Coastguard officials said on Sunday 88 men from an original group of 412 had been rescued from a boat found near Little Andaman island, about 90 km (55 miles) south of Port Blair.
On Monday they put the number of survivors at 102.
Two more bodies were found on Monday, taking to seven the number recovered since the boat was discovered on Thursday.
Survivors told authorities that seven others had died at sea and their bodies had been dumped overboard.
India's coastguard is investigating how the men drifted into Indian waters, and how the survivors came to be in one boat.
A remote cluster of more than 500 mostly uninhabited islands, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands lie about 1,200 km (750 miles) off India's east coast, close to Myanmar.
Myanmar signs gas deal with SKorea, India, China: state media
Myanmar signs gas deal with SKorea, India, China: state media
Mon Dec 29, 3:18 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Military-run Myanmar has signed a deal with South Korean and Indian companies to pipe natural gas from the energy-rich nation's offshore fields to China, state media reported Monday.
The Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise inked the deal last Wednesday with South Korean companies Daewoo and Korea Gas Corporation and Indian energy firms ONGC Videsh and GAIL to supply gas to the China National United Oil Corporation.
"The agreement was signed to export natural gas to China from Shwe natural gas project at Block A-1 and A-3 at Rakhine coastal region through pipelines," the New Light of Myanmar newspaper said.
The paper gave no other details of the project, but Beijing media reported last month that China was planning to start construction on a gas pipeline to Myanmar in early 2009.
The two blocks are off the coast of western Rakhine state near the border with Bangladesh, where impoverished Myanmar has discovered huge reserves of natural gas which are helping prop up the military junta.
Myanmar, which has been ruled by the military since 1962, is under economic sanctions by the United States and Europe because of its human rights record and long-running detention of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
But the impact of the sanctions has been weakened as neighbours such as China, India and Thailand spend billions of dollars for a share of Myanmar's oil and gas reserves to solve energy problems at home.
China is a key ally of Myanmar, and is also the top buyer of its abundant natural resources including gems, jade, pearls, timber and gas.
Figures from 2006 showed that 13 foreign oil companies are working on 33 projects in the country, while gas exports earned the regime 2.7 billion dollars last year, a Myanmar newspaper has said.
The country's economy, however, has been crippled by decades of mismanagement, and Myanmar is one of the poorest nations in the world with per capita GDP well below that of nearby Laos and Bangladesh.
Mon Dec 29, 3:18 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Military-run Myanmar has signed a deal with South Korean and Indian companies to pipe natural gas from the energy-rich nation's offshore fields to China, state media reported Monday.
The Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise inked the deal last Wednesday with South Korean companies Daewoo and Korea Gas Corporation and Indian energy firms ONGC Videsh and GAIL to supply gas to the China National United Oil Corporation.
"The agreement was signed to export natural gas to China from Shwe natural gas project at Block A-1 and A-3 at Rakhine coastal region through pipelines," the New Light of Myanmar newspaper said.
The paper gave no other details of the project, but Beijing media reported last month that China was planning to start construction on a gas pipeline to Myanmar in early 2009.
The two blocks are off the coast of western Rakhine state near the border with Bangladesh, where impoverished Myanmar has discovered huge reserves of natural gas which are helping prop up the military junta.
Myanmar, which has been ruled by the military since 1962, is under economic sanctions by the United States and Europe because of its human rights record and long-running detention of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
But the impact of the sanctions has been weakened as neighbours such as China, India and Thailand spend billions of dollars for a share of Myanmar's oil and gas reserves to solve energy problems at home.
China is a key ally of Myanmar, and is also the top buyer of its abundant natural resources including gems, jade, pearls, timber and gas.
Figures from 2006 showed that 13 foreign oil companies are working on 33 projects in the country, while gas exports earned the regime 2.7 billion dollars last year, a Myanmar newspaper has said.
The country's economy, however, has been crippled by decades of mismanagement, and Myanmar is one of the poorest nations in the world with per capita GDP well below that of nearby Laos and Bangladesh.
Indian coast guard searches for 300 missing migrants: official
Indian coast guard searches for 300 missing migrants: official
Mon Dec 29, 1:54 am ET
KOLKATA, India (AFP) – The Indian Coast Guard said Monday it was searching for around 300 illegal migrants reported missing after abandoning their vessel near a remote island chain in the Bay of Bengal.
Coastguard officials said 100 people rescued from the drifting vessel had told them that 300 others had jumped into the water to try to swim to shore.
The migrants were from Bangladesh and Myanmar and were trying to get to Thailand, said Kripa Nautiyal, deputy inspector general of the coast guard for the Andaman and Nicobar islands.
"The boat was sailing for over two weeks and it was running short of food and drinking water for a couple of days," Nautiyal said.
"It's possible that most of these people are still alive," said Satya Prakash Mishra, commander of the Andamans region coast guard.
The Indian territory of the Andaman and Nicobar islands comprises a chain of 536 islands in the Indian Ocean, of which only 58 are inhabited.
Mon Dec 29, 1:54 am ET
KOLKATA, India (AFP) – The Indian Coast Guard said Monday it was searching for around 300 illegal migrants reported missing after abandoning their vessel near a remote island chain in the Bay of Bengal.
Coastguard officials said 100 people rescued from the drifting vessel had told them that 300 others had jumped into the water to try to swim to shore.
The migrants were from Bangladesh and Myanmar and were trying to get to Thailand, said Kripa Nautiyal, deputy inspector general of the coast guard for the Andaman and Nicobar islands.
"The boat was sailing for over two weeks and it was running short of food and drinking water for a couple of days," Nautiyal said.
"It's possible that most of these people are still alive," said Satya Prakash Mishra, commander of the Andamans region coast guard.
The Indian territory of the Andaman and Nicobar islands comprises a chain of 536 islands in the Indian Ocean, of which only 58 are inhabited.
Thursday, December 25, 2008
OPINION: A Brother's Plea: Remember Burma
DECEMBER 26, 2008
The Wall Street Journal - OPINION: A Brother's Plea: Remember Burma
The Saffron Revolution must not be forgotten.
By MIN ZIN
On Nov. 28 my brother, Thet Zin, a Burmese journalist brave enough to remain in his country, was sentenced to seven years in prison by the military junta there. His crime? Possession of a U.N. report about the military's crackdown on demonstrations by monks and democracy activists in September 2007 -- known around the world as the "Saffron Revolution."
He's not alone. In the past two months the junta has sentenced more than 230 political detainees to lengthy prison sentences, some as long as 68 years. The total number of political prisoners in Burma is now more than 2,100, up sharply from nearly 1,200 in June 2007, before last year's protests, according to Amnesty International and other human-rights groups.
The terrible irony is that when I tell my Burmese friends and colleagues about my brother's sentence the typical response is, "Only seven years?" How far we've fallen that we consider anything less than decades in prison to be somehow a blessing.
My brother is the editor in chief of a weekly journal you've likely never heard of called the Myanmar Nation. On Feb. 15, the military raided his office and dragged him and his office manager, Sein Win Maung, away. They were eventually charged with crimes against the state under the regime's Printing and Publishing Law. All this for being in possession of a U.N. report widely available on the Internet.
Torture and interrogations followed. He was sent to Burma's notorious Insein prison. He nearly died there when Cyclone Nargis hit Burma in May, claiming more than 80,000 lives. Now he's facing a term in a filthy, disease-ridden prison that could result in his death.
The reality is that my brother did get a lighter sentence -- the maximum under the law which he was charged with violating. Nowadays, high-profile dissidents usually receive prison sentences from 20 to 70 years. Since November, the special courts held inside the Insein prison compound have rushed to complete the hearings against Burmese democracy activists, Buddhist monks, student leaders, ethnic minority youth, labor activists, journalists, poets, bloggers, and even comedians and musicians who were arrested during and after last year's peaceful protests.
These hearings and sentencing continue in the absence of their attorneys. Worse yet, three defense lawyers were imprisoned for between four and six months for contempt of court after transmitting their clients' complaints of an unfair trial. (Another defense lawyer convicted of contempt of court fled to the Thai border to evade arrest.) Four other defense lawyers were barred from representing their clients.
The military is immediately transferring those who receive sentences to prisons in remote areas. Earlier this month, my brother was sent to a prison in Kalay, 680 miles from his home in Rangoon in Burma's northwestern frontier -- far from all those who care about him.
The goal of such harsh punishments is clear: to eliminate potential opposition in the run-up to the 2010 election, which is the last step in the junta's "Seven-Point Roadmap to Democracy."
The junta is mocking the U.N. Security Council, which issued a statement in October 2007 calling for the release of all political prisoners, including Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest. In response, 112 former presidents and prime ministers from more than 50 countries signed a letter this month urging U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to return to Burma for the first time since his visit after Cyclone Nargis and press for the release of political prisoners.
Indeed, Mr. Ban, who recently expressed his "disappointment" and "frustration" with progress in Burma, should go back and tell junta leader Gen. Than Shwe what he told the press not long ago -- that the "status quo ante is not acceptable and politically unsustainable," and that all political prisoners must be released by 2010.
Meanwhile, my brother and thousands of other political prisoners in Burma continue to languish behind bars. The world was watching during the "Saffron Revolution." Is it still?
Min Zin, a Burmese journalist in exile, is a teaching fellow at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Journalism.
The Wall Street Journal - OPINION: A Brother's Plea: Remember Burma
The Saffron Revolution must not be forgotten.
By MIN ZIN
On Nov. 28 my brother, Thet Zin, a Burmese journalist brave enough to remain in his country, was sentenced to seven years in prison by the military junta there. His crime? Possession of a U.N. report about the military's crackdown on demonstrations by monks and democracy activists in September 2007 -- known around the world as the "Saffron Revolution."
He's not alone. In the past two months the junta has sentenced more than 230 political detainees to lengthy prison sentences, some as long as 68 years. The total number of political prisoners in Burma is now more than 2,100, up sharply from nearly 1,200 in June 2007, before last year's protests, according to Amnesty International and other human-rights groups.
The terrible irony is that when I tell my Burmese friends and colleagues about my brother's sentence the typical response is, "Only seven years?" How far we've fallen that we consider anything less than decades in prison to be somehow a blessing.
My brother is the editor in chief of a weekly journal you've likely never heard of called the Myanmar Nation. On Feb. 15, the military raided his office and dragged him and his office manager, Sein Win Maung, away. They were eventually charged with crimes against the state under the regime's Printing and Publishing Law. All this for being in possession of a U.N. report widely available on the Internet.
Torture and interrogations followed. He was sent to Burma's notorious Insein prison. He nearly died there when Cyclone Nargis hit Burma in May, claiming more than 80,000 lives. Now he's facing a term in a filthy, disease-ridden prison that could result in his death.
The reality is that my brother did get a lighter sentence -- the maximum under the law which he was charged with violating. Nowadays, high-profile dissidents usually receive prison sentences from 20 to 70 years. Since November, the special courts held inside the Insein prison compound have rushed to complete the hearings against Burmese democracy activists, Buddhist monks, student leaders, ethnic minority youth, labor activists, journalists, poets, bloggers, and even comedians and musicians who were arrested during and after last year's peaceful protests.
These hearings and sentencing continue in the absence of their attorneys. Worse yet, three defense lawyers were imprisoned for between four and six months for contempt of court after transmitting their clients' complaints of an unfair trial. (Another defense lawyer convicted of contempt of court fled to the Thai border to evade arrest.) Four other defense lawyers were barred from representing their clients.
The military is immediately transferring those who receive sentences to prisons in remote areas. Earlier this month, my brother was sent to a prison in Kalay, 680 miles from his home in Rangoon in Burma's northwestern frontier -- far from all those who care about him.
The goal of such harsh punishments is clear: to eliminate potential opposition in the run-up to the 2010 election, which is the last step in the junta's "Seven-Point Roadmap to Democracy."
The junta is mocking the U.N. Security Council, which issued a statement in October 2007 calling for the release of all political prisoners, including Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest. In response, 112 former presidents and prime ministers from more than 50 countries signed a letter this month urging U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon to return to Burma for the first time since his visit after Cyclone Nargis and press for the release of political prisoners.
Indeed, Mr. Ban, who recently expressed his "disappointment" and "frustration" with progress in Burma, should go back and tell junta leader Gen. Than Shwe what he told the press not long ago -- that the "status quo ante is not acceptable and politically unsustainable," and that all political prisoners must be released by 2010.
Meanwhile, my brother and thousands of other political prisoners in Burma continue to languish behind bars. The world was watching during the "Saffron Revolution." Is it still?
Min Zin, a Burmese journalist in exile, is a teaching fellow at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Journalism.
Japan-Mekong exchange year to be launched in Myanmar
Japan-Mekong exchange year to be launched in Myanmar
www.chinaview.cn 2008-12-25 21:48:40
YANGON, Dec. 25 (Xinhua) -- A Japan-Mekong exchange year will be launched in Myanmar's former capital Yangon early next February to showcase the cooperation and friendship between Japan and Myanmar, one of the Mekong River valley countries, the local Biweekly Eleven News reported Thursday.
The opening ceremony on Feb. 6, 2009 will be attached with joint performance by Japanese and Myanmar artists to mark the event. The performance will involve that of Myanmar traditional musician U Hlaing Win Maung, the Japanese embassy was quoted as saying.
In previous cultural exchange programs between Myanmar and Japan, Japanese film shows were held annually in Yangon and Mandalay in the past few years, introducing Japanese movies to Myanmar audiences which featured comedy, cartoon, romance, samuraiand detective.
The two countries also launched joint shooting of movie with the movie "Thway" (blood) representing as a joint production.
The film, which marked a symbol of Japan-Myanmar friendship andcontributes to the promotion of the two countries' friendly relations, was created by Japanese producer and director Koji Chino and was based on a famous Myanmar novel of the same title written by Journal Gyaw Ma Ma Lay.
The movie involved both Myanmar and Japanese actors and actress.
Meanwhile, the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS)-Economic Cooperation has worked out a plan for development of tourism as part of its economic cooperation in the subregion, designating the year 2009-2010 as GMS tourism year.
The Mekong River is shared by six countries -- China, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam.
www.chinaview.cn 2008-12-25 21:48:40
YANGON, Dec. 25 (Xinhua) -- A Japan-Mekong exchange year will be launched in Myanmar's former capital Yangon early next February to showcase the cooperation and friendship between Japan and Myanmar, one of the Mekong River valley countries, the local Biweekly Eleven News reported Thursday.
The opening ceremony on Feb. 6, 2009 will be attached with joint performance by Japanese and Myanmar artists to mark the event. The performance will involve that of Myanmar traditional musician U Hlaing Win Maung, the Japanese embassy was quoted as saying.
In previous cultural exchange programs between Myanmar and Japan, Japanese film shows were held annually in Yangon and Mandalay in the past few years, introducing Japanese movies to Myanmar audiences which featured comedy, cartoon, romance, samuraiand detective.
The two countries also launched joint shooting of movie with the movie "Thway" (blood) representing as a joint production.
The film, which marked a symbol of Japan-Myanmar friendship andcontributes to the promotion of the two countries' friendly relations, was created by Japanese producer and director Koji Chino and was based on a famous Myanmar novel of the same title written by Journal Gyaw Ma Ma Lay.
The movie involved both Myanmar and Japanese actors and actress.
Meanwhile, the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS)-Economic Cooperation has worked out a plan for development of tourism as part of its economic cooperation in the subregion, designating the year 2009-2010 as GMS tourism year.
The Mekong River is shared by six countries -- China, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam.
Thailand’s Burma Policy Set to Change under New Premier
The Irrawaddy - Thailand’s Burma Policy Set to Change under New Premier
By WAI MOE
Thursday, December 25, 2008
In a recent series of interviews with the international media, the new prime minister of Thailand, Abhisit Vejjajiva, has indicated that the Kingdom’s Burma policy is likely to involve a more proactive stance on human rights issues in the military-ruled country.
In an interview with the Qatar-based Al Jazeera news network, Abhisit said that he would try to convince fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) of the importance of human rights to the international community.
Unless Asean’s efforts to enshrine human rights are credible in the eyes of the international community, “the grouping will not be able to achieve its objectives,” he added.
On Burma, Abhisit stressed the need for Asean and the West to find common ground.
“The West and Asean have a common objective. We want to bring good change in Myanmar [Burma],” he said.
Thailand’s new foreign minister, Kasit Piromya, has also indicated that the new administration would depart from the business-oriented polices that often determined the direction of the Kingdom’s Burma policy under recent governments.
Speaking at an academic conference on December 19, Kasit said that Thailand would now run “an ethical foreign policy,” in contrast to that of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his hand-picked successors.
“From now on, there will be no personal business dealings on the side. This government will not mix business and politics,” he said. “We shall have no [personal] business deals with the [Burmese] junta; we shall observe human rights and environmental concerns; we shall treat Burmese as we do Thais.”
Before Abhisit became prime minister, he was also outspoken about Burma on several occasions. In September 2006, he told The Leaders, an online publication, that Asean recognizes that no problem can be considered a purely domestic problem, because any problem that occurs in a member state affects the whole association.
“Thailand and other Asean members should really push for an agenda that shows that we respect human rights and key principles upheld by the international community,” he said.
In another sign of Abhisit’s interest in the views of those calling for a stronger stand on human rights issues, on December 13, two days before he was named prime minister, he met with a number of exiled Burmese politicians at a conference in Bangkok.
It appears that Abhisit is set to follow the example of Thailand’s last Democrat prime minister, Chuan Leekpai, who did not visit military-ruled Burma during his administration from late 1997 to early 2001. Thai prime ministers usually visit Burma as a part of tour of Asean’s 10 member countries soon after taking office.
In 1999, during the Chuan administration, Burmese dissidents in Thailand staged a bold siege of the Burmese embassy in Bangkok, and early the next year seized control of a public hospital in the border province of Ratchaburi.
On the Burmese embassy capture, then Thai Interior Minister Sanan Kachonprasart said that he didn’t regard the attackers as terrorists, but rather as students who were seeking democracy in their homeland.
“They are not terrorists. They are students who fight for democracy,” said Sanan, who is returning to power as a deputy prime minister in Abhisit’s Democrat-led coalition government.
Thailand’s response to the embassy takeover—it defused the crisis by transporting the hostage takers to the border in a government helicopter—angered the Burmese generals, who closed all border checkpoints to Thailand and lifted Thai fishing concessions in Burmese waters without any prior notice.
Chuan’s administration also moved away from Asean’s policy of “constructive engagement” with the Burmese regime, when then Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan proposed in July 1999 that the bloc adopt a more proactive “flexible engagement” policy.
“Flexible engagement was about open and frank discussion about such issues [as human rights], leading to cooperative solutions—a pooling of sovereignty rather than its dilution, so as to make Southeast Asia a secure and prosperous region,” noted Amitav Acharya, an expert on international relations, in July 2007.
The Democrats’ approach to Burmese issues contrasts starkly with that of former Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, of the pro-Thaksin People’s Power Party. Samak visited Burma at least twice during his brief administration, which ended in September when a court decision forced him to step down.
Following a state visit in March, Samak returned to Thailand full of praise for the Burmese generals, describing them as devout Buddhists who practiced mediation and prayed every morning.
In an interview with Thailand’s Chanel 11, he even excused the regime’s brutal treatment of protesters: “Killings and suppression are normal there, but we have to know the facts,” he said.
By WAI MOE
Thursday, December 25, 2008
In a recent series of interviews with the international media, the new prime minister of Thailand, Abhisit Vejjajiva, has indicated that the Kingdom’s Burma policy is likely to involve a more proactive stance on human rights issues in the military-ruled country.
In an interview with the Qatar-based Al Jazeera news network, Abhisit said that he would try to convince fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) of the importance of human rights to the international community.
Unless Asean’s efforts to enshrine human rights are credible in the eyes of the international community, “the grouping will not be able to achieve its objectives,” he added.
On Burma, Abhisit stressed the need for Asean and the West to find common ground.
“The West and Asean have a common objective. We want to bring good change in Myanmar [Burma],” he said.
Thailand’s new foreign minister, Kasit Piromya, has also indicated that the new administration would depart from the business-oriented polices that often determined the direction of the Kingdom’s Burma policy under recent governments.
Speaking at an academic conference on December 19, Kasit said that Thailand would now run “an ethical foreign policy,” in contrast to that of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his hand-picked successors.
“From now on, there will be no personal business dealings on the side. This government will not mix business and politics,” he said. “We shall have no [personal] business deals with the [Burmese] junta; we shall observe human rights and environmental concerns; we shall treat Burmese as we do Thais.”
Before Abhisit became prime minister, he was also outspoken about Burma on several occasions. In September 2006, he told The Leaders, an online publication, that Asean recognizes that no problem can be considered a purely domestic problem, because any problem that occurs in a member state affects the whole association.
“Thailand and other Asean members should really push for an agenda that shows that we respect human rights and key principles upheld by the international community,” he said.
In another sign of Abhisit’s interest in the views of those calling for a stronger stand on human rights issues, on December 13, two days before he was named prime minister, he met with a number of exiled Burmese politicians at a conference in Bangkok.
It appears that Abhisit is set to follow the example of Thailand’s last Democrat prime minister, Chuan Leekpai, who did not visit military-ruled Burma during his administration from late 1997 to early 2001. Thai prime ministers usually visit Burma as a part of tour of Asean’s 10 member countries soon after taking office.
In 1999, during the Chuan administration, Burmese dissidents in Thailand staged a bold siege of the Burmese embassy in Bangkok, and early the next year seized control of a public hospital in the border province of Ratchaburi.
On the Burmese embassy capture, then Thai Interior Minister Sanan Kachonprasart said that he didn’t regard the attackers as terrorists, but rather as students who were seeking democracy in their homeland.
“They are not terrorists. They are students who fight for democracy,” said Sanan, who is returning to power as a deputy prime minister in Abhisit’s Democrat-led coalition government.
Thailand’s response to the embassy takeover—it defused the crisis by transporting the hostage takers to the border in a government helicopter—angered the Burmese generals, who closed all border checkpoints to Thailand and lifted Thai fishing concessions in Burmese waters without any prior notice.
Chuan’s administration also moved away from Asean’s policy of “constructive engagement” with the Burmese regime, when then Foreign Minister Surin Pitsuwan proposed in July 1999 that the bloc adopt a more proactive “flexible engagement” policy.
“Flexible engagement was about open and frank discussion about such issues [as human rights], leading to cooperative solutions—a pooling of sovereignty rather than its dilution, so as to make Southeast Asia a secure and prosperous region,” noted Amitav Acharya, an expert on international relations, in July 2007.
The Democrats’ approach to Burmese issues contrasts starkly with that of former Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, of the pro-Thaksin People’s Power Party. Samak visited Burma at least twice during his brief administration, which ended in September when a court decision forced him to step down.
Following a state visit in March, Samak returned to Thailand full of praise for the Burmese generals, describing them as devout Buddhists who practiced mediation and prayed every morning.
In an interview with Thailand’s Chanel 11, he even excused the regime’s brutal treatment of protesters: “Killings and suppression are normal there, but we have to know the facts,” he said.
Earthquake injures nine in southwest China
2008/12/26
The New Straits Time - Earthquake injures nine in southwest China
BERNAMA
KUNMING, CHINA, FRI: An earthquake measuring 4.9 on the Richter Scale injured nine people early Friday in Ruili, a city on China-Myanmar border in the southwestern Yunnan Province, the local earthquake bureau said.
The quake hit a village about 10 kilometers from Ruili’s city proper in Dai-Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture of Dehong at 4:20 a.m., Xinhua news agency quoted the provincial seismic network as saying here.
The city’s Party chief Yang Yueguo said two villagers were seriously wounded and the other seven suffered slight injuries.
“It’s still unclear who these people are and how they got injured,” he said.
The quake destroyed the city government’s old office building, Yang said.
On Aug 20 to 21, three moderate earthquakes in the adjacent Yingjiang County killed five people and injured more than 100.
The New Straits Time - Earthquake injures nine in southwest China
BERNAMA
KUNMING, CHINA, FRI: An earthquake measuring 4.9 on the Richter Scale injured nine people early Friday in Ruili, a city on China-Myanmar border in the southwestern Yunnan Province, the local earthquake bureau said.
The quake hit a village about 10 kilometers from Ruili’s city proper in Dai-Jingpo Autonomous Prefecture of Dehong at 4:20 a.m., Xinhua news agency quoted the provincial seismic network as saying here.
The city’s Party chief Yang Yueguo said two villagers were seriously wounded and the other seven suffered slight injuries.
“It’s still unclear who these people are and how they got injured,” he said.
The quake destroyed the city government’s old office building, Yang said.
On Aug 20 to 21, three moderate earthquakes in the adjacent Yingjiang County killed five people and injured more than 100.
The New Nation - Dealing with neighbour Myanmar
nternet Edition. December 26, 2008
The New Nation - Dealing with neighbour Myanmar
Abu Rushd
For a small country the best neighbor is a rich country with a small army. The most dangerous enemy is a poor country with a big army' - recent crisis of Bangladesh with Myanmar could be a right apprehension of Prof. G.B. Khanal's above statement made in one of his articles published in Newsweek during September 1989. It may be mentioned that being one of the least developed countries and governed by the military junta for a long time Myanmar is maintaining the 9th largest army of the world.
With a rich natural resource base, Myanmar is a country with considerable potential. However, more than five decades of political and armed conflict, combined with forced isolation and unsuccessful economic policies have significantly eroded socio -economic conditions in the country and led to its designation in 1987 as a "least developed country." Myanmar lags far behind its neighbors and ASEAN in economic and social development, with a Human Development Index (HDI) ranking of 129 out of 177 which went down to the ranking of 132 further by 2007. In 2004 Myanmar ranked 106 on the Gender - related Development Index (GDI) out of 146.
Myanmar is a country of 657,550 sq kms where total population is 48,379,000 as of 2006. GNI per capita during 2006 was 220 US$, life expectancy at birth is 61 and infant mortality rate (under 1) is 74. Central government expenditure from 1995-2005 allocated to health is 5%, to education is 15% and for defense is 22% (it was 19% in 2005) and the GDP - real growth rate is 3.8% (2007 est.). Reserve of foreign exchange and gold is only 2.262 billion US$ (2007 est.). Per capita (GDP nominal) is only 233 US $. By any standard Myanmar is one of the poorest nations in southeastern Asia, suffering from decades of stagnation, mismanagement and isolation. From 1962 onwards Myanmar has been ruled my military junta. Democratic rule ended in that country in 1962 when General Ne Win led a military coup d'etat. He ruled for nearly 26 years and pursued policies under the rubric of the Burmese Way to Socialism. In 1988, unrest over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the government led to widespread pro - democracy demonstrations throughout the country. Security forces killed thousands of demonstrators and general Saw Maung staged a coup d'etat and formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council - SLORC. Actually after 1962 Myanmar never had any taste of democracy till today.
Though in terms of governance and any related Human Development Index Myanmar is certainly a big country embedded with sheer poverty but with a huge military set up. A repressive military junta at the helm of the affairs along with a poor economic track record made this country more aggressive in outlook. Border clashes with Thailand and Bangladesh may supplement this arrogant nature.
When in 1991 Myanmar attacked and ransacked bordering Rejupara BOP, Bangladesh was put on a high military alert. Both the countries reached in a boiling point, nothing short of war hysteria. World powers might have wanted to have a limited war between a military ruled Myanmar and a newly reborn democratic country - Bangladesh. And so much of ground works were meticulously done. War clouds were visible everywhere. But thank God, sense of sanity prevailed; a major regional clash was somehow averted by the then newly elected BD government. Though during that fateful period a portion of the government quarter miscalculated about Myanmar's military strength and voiced for limited scale retaliation. It's true that in the late eighties Myanmar didn't have that a powerful military teeth to contain Bangladesh in an armed conflict. According to the data of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), Myanmar at that time had a total (army, navy, air force) of 186,000 personnel in the armed forces. Army was then divided into 8 regional commands which had less then two regiments of tanks. Navy had only 36 warships of different kinds of which maximum were of WWII vintage. Air Force could master only 20 obsolete aircrafts with no armed helicopter. On the contrary Bangladesh had a well trained 131,000 strong armed forces of which many of them were battle proven whether in 1971 war or in CHT. Armaments of Bangladesh were also relatively better and of modern nature. But once the war cloud evaporated Bangladesh failed to take any lesson from that incident where Myanmar junta analyzed every aspect and rapidly took necessary steps to fill the gap. From 1991 onward Myanmar didn't keep any stone unturned not only to increase its armed manpower but also acquired a huge number of relatively modern equipments.
Actually after the end of the Cold World , the trend in military strategy and national security agenda has been changed all over the world from high politics which emphasized issues of war, nuclear deterrence to low politics which emphasized the environment, economic development and natural resources. Despite of this global trend, the Myanmar regime increased military spending for land warfare, sea power and air power while other countries around her were trying to reduce. By any standard the defense sector of Myanmar has increased since 1990. This trend can easily indicate that the rise of military power in Myanmar can be assumed as a threat to its neighbor countries. Another IISS data shows that from 1987 to 2002 Thailand reduced its armed forces from 756,000 to 306,000. Another neighbor Laos reduced it from 55,000 to 29,000 and even in India number of military personnel was reduced from 1,462,000 - 1,298,000. But only Myanmar increased its strength from 186,000 to 444,000!
The above figures clearly show that only Myanmar has increased military power and arms racing compared to its neighboring countries. Nevertheless, increasing the military power also means increasing the military spending. In 1987 Myanmar spent 252.56 million US$ for defense which was increased to 555 million US$ by 2002. But in the other fields Myanmar remains as a backbencher till now. All the societal factors show how poorly this country is equipped to manage her other burning problems. Here comes the warning of Prof. Khanal. And Myanmar Junta obviously has forgotten that, 'Security means development. Security is not military hardware, though it may include it, security is not military force, though it may involve it, security is not traditional military activity, though it may encompass it. Security is development and without development there can be no security.'
In pen and paper US government has imposed a ban on armament export to Myanmar regime. To them short of a democratic system can't be accepted or expected! But in reality Myanmar is one of the big arms importer from the very friendly countries of USA. Even some sophisticated US armaments are also in their inventory! Already Israeli 5.56 mm MA- 1/MA-2/MA-3/MA-4/MA-11/MA-12 rifles are inducted as the standard small arms of Myanmar Army. M-845, P-155 mm and Soltam 155 mm Howitzers are in the service with Myanmar Artillery.
Some other sophisticated electronic equipment for Air Force is also bought from Israel. Israeli engineers we-re engaged to refurbish Chinese origin F-7s and these fighter aircrafts were to get Elta EL/M - 2032 air to air radar, Rafael Python Mk. III and Litening laser - designator pods. It is well assumed that without the blessing of USA Myanmar can't procure Israeli armaments. Recent reports indicate that they have even acquired UAVs ( Unmanned Air Vehicles) from Israel. Simultaneously they are procuring armaments and equipment both from Chinese and western sources like Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Switzerland and France. Many a times they imported western arms through Singapore. All other relevant data show how Myanmar Armed Forces are building their might through a well organized and calculated manner. Their effort in this regard must be saluted so far nationalism is concerned.
However we agree on this point that Myanmar is a close ally of China who is also our strategic partner and main source of arms. Not only the military of Myanmar but its government is having deep ties with China. Concerning Bay of Bengal and Malacca strait the very location of Myanmar has become strategically important for the world and regional powers. In the South of Bay of Bengal India has been maintaining a strong Naval - Air Base for a long time at Andaman- Nicobar Islands. Americans too are now a days trying to influence whole of Indian Ocean area utilizing these Indian bases. In other way these two islands are located just at the gateway to Malacca Strait. Considering this strategic scenario China certainly wants to get a privileged presence in the Bay of Bengal and towards Strait of Malacca. And Myanmar somehow fulfills her (China's) interest which of course nothing harmful for Bangladesh, rather this move can be termed as a positive factor which is related to strategic deterrent. At present Myanmar have established strong Naval and Air Force installations at their two islands namely Haingi and Coco. Chinese presence is also noted there substantially. To curb Indian-US nexus Myanmar- Chinese collaboration is no way detrimental to our national security.
Now question comes- is Myanmar our enemy? No - not at all. Both Bangladesh and Myanmar are close friends of China and thus these two neighborly countries do share common strategic overview. It is to be our own interest to look towards east more and more and consider Myanmar as our ally not as foe. There may be behind the door instigation from some world power to initiate hostility towards Myanmar where Bangladesh will be used as a launching base for proxy war on their behalf. We should think thousand times whether we will allow some body to involve us against any form of clashes with our eastern neighbor thus loosing long lasting friendship of China as well? It's a trap, no doubt in that.
Our national interest would be to maintain a good relation with Myanmar, may it be a military ruled country or disliked by some western stalwarts. We can't afford to alienate another neighbor when facing too many loggerheads with the other mighty one. But this doesn't necessarily mean that we should not maintain a minimum deterrent with Myanmar.
Rather all available data indicate that we are gradually becoming weaker than Myanmar day by day. We pray and hope our government will consider minimum possible need of our Armed Forces and allocate requisite budget which is so far very meager in respect of our adversaries.
In Early November Bangladesh had to deploy warships and land forces along its border with Myanmar in retaliation to an encroachment on its maritime zone. Actually Myan-mar's bid to explore oil and gas in a disputed area in the Bay of Bengal created the first major naval deployment in the bay over offshore oil and gas rights since 1972.
Bangladesh claims that exploration activities and placing a rig is not legitimate as it clearly impinged on its right to the Exclusive Economic Zone- EEZ and the continental shelf, as accorded by the United Nations Law of the Sea - UNCLOS. In this respect Bangladesh has yet to complete the delimitation of its maritime boundary. On the other hand Myanmar emphasized on equidistant principle. Basing on this, early in November South Korean company Daewoo which was detailed by the Myanmar government was given go ahead signal to place a rig in the disputed area. This move eventually led to a tension between two neighbors. Once Bangladesh Naval ships were dispatched, Myanmar took no time to send her warships in response. They also maneuvered Infantry and Artillery regiments along the border. Unmanned Air Vehicles were flown over the Bangladeshi ships and land border areas bringing the situation to a boiling point. Despite Bangladesh's multi - pronged diplomatic efforts involving China and S. Korea, Myanmar showed little interest to come to a negotiating term in the discussion table. And stand off remains unresolved. Even Myanmar junta dismissed Bangladesh's claims on the oil rich area as 'un acceptable' and vowed to continue exploration by any means. Though after hectic diplomatic move, S. Korean company agreed to move its rig and Bangladesh called back its naval ships, but deadlock remains. Bangladesh's efforts to solve the problem amicably failed to persuade the Myanmar authority to come to a negotiating term. Even bilateral talks first in Myanmar's new capital, Naypyidaw and then in Dhaka produced no positive results. Rather controversy triggered both the countries to deploy troops along the border near Myanmar's Rakhain state.
Whosoever may be the defaulter, Bangladesh can't escape responsibilities as Bangladesh failed to do the necessary survey and accumulate relevant data to complete the delimitation of its maritime boundary. Under UNCLOS, Bangladesh has to submit all the concerned reports/data for demarcation of maritime zone to UN by 2011. Whereas India and Myanmar complete the demarcation process by 2009.
In the meantime littoral neighbors of Bangladesh, India and Myanmar found significant amounts of hydrocarbons in 2005-2006 and demarcated their respective offshore gas fields as per the "equidistant" principle. In some areas, these demarcations overlap Bangladesh's share of the bay's gas fields.
In this respect Bangladesh has been claiming that both Myanmar and India had encroached 18,000 and 19,000 sq km, respectively, into Bangladesh's territorial waters. So, Myanmar is not the only claimant but India is also an actor in the Bay of Bengal of which Bangladesh is not willing to take any precautionary measures.
Understandably, the resource- rich Bay of Bengal has re-emerged as a theater of conflict, as littoral countries are increasingly engaged in harvesting hydrocarbons unilaterally: This is bound to trigger tension. Myanmar leased the present zone of contention, Block No AD-7, to South Korea's Daewoo International Corp in 2005. The company started explorations in the area in September but South Korea reportedly called it back following Bangladesh's protest.
Certainly Myanmar's recent overtures heightened tension in the region. But neither Myanmar nor Bangladesh can afford to go on a military solution both being close ally of China. It will not benefit any of them rather sour relations will encourage to draw some other's interference which will inevitably make the Bay of Bengal and surrounding areas more vulnerable. This tension again proved how scanty our defense preparedness is and how reluctant our administration and government machinery are to look after our national interest.
The New Nation - Dealing with neighbour Myanmar
Abu Rushd
For a small country the best neighbor is a rich country with a small army. The most dangerous enemy is a poor country with a big army' - recent crisis of Bangladesh with Myanmar could be a right apprehension of Prof. G.B. Khanal's above statement made in one of his articles published in Newsweek during September 1989. It may be mentioned that being one of the least developed countries and governed by the military junta for a long time Myanmar is maintaining the 9th largest army of the world.
With a rich natural resource base, Myanmar is a country with considerable potential. However, more than five decades of political and armed conflict, combined with forced isolation and unsuccessful economic policies have significantly eroded socio -economic conditions in the country and led to its designation in 1987 as a "least developed country." Myanmar lags far behind its neighbors and ASEAN in economic and social development, with a Human Development Index (HDI) ranking of 129 out of 177 which went down to the ranking of 132 further by 2007. In 2004 Myanmar ranked 106 on the Gender - related Development Index (GDI) out of 146.
Myanmar is a country of 657,550 sq kms where total population is 48,379,000 as of 2006. GNI per capita during 2006 was 220 US$, life expectancy at birth is 61 and infant mortality rate (under 1) is 74. Central government expenditure from 1995-2005 allocated to health is 5%, to education is 15% and for defense is 22% (it was 19% in 2005) and the GDP - real growth rate is 3.8% (2007 est.). Reserve of foreign exchange and gold is only 2.262 billion US$ (2007 est.). Per capita (GDP nominal) is only 233 US $. By any standard Myanmar is one of the poorest nations in southeastern Asia, suffering from decades of stagnation, mismanagement and isolation. From 1962 onwards Myanmar has been ruled my military junta. Democratic rule ended in that country in 1962 when General Ne Win led a military coup d'etat. He ruled for nearly 26 years and pursued policies under the rubric of the Burmese Way to Socialism. In 1988, unrest over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the government led to widespread pro - democracy demonstrations throughout the country. Security forces killed thousands of demonstrators and general Saw Maung staged a coup d'etat and formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council - SLORC. Actually after 1962 Myanmar never had any taste of democracy till today.
Though in terms of governance and any related Human Development Index Myanmar is certainly a big country embedded with sheer poverty but with a huge military set up. A repressive military junta at the helm of the affairs along with a poor economic track record made this country more aggressive in outlook. Border clashes with Thailand and Bangladesh may supplement this arrogant nature.
When in 1991 Myanmar attacked and ransacked bordering Rejupara BOP, Bangladesh was put on a high military alert. Both the countries reached in a boiling point, nothing short of war hysteria. World powers might have wanted to have a limited war between a military ruled Myanmar and a newly reborn democratic country - Bangladesh. And so much of ground works were meticulously done. War clouds were visible everywhere. But thank God, sense of sanity prevailed; a major regional clash was somehow averted by the then newly elected BD government. Though during that fateful period a portion of the government quarter miscalculated about Myanmar's military strength and voiced for limited scale retaliation. It's true that in the late eighties Myanmar didn't have that a powerful military teeth to contain Bangladesh in an armed conflict. According to the data of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), Myanmar at that time had a total (army, navy, air force) of 186,000 personnel in the armed forces. Army was then divided into 8 regional commands which had less then two regiments of tanks. Navy had only 36 warships of different kinds of which maximum were of WWII vintage. Air Force could master only 20 obsolete aircrafts with no armed helicopter. On the contrary Bangladesh had a well trained 131,000 strong armed forces of which many of them were battle proven whether in 1971 war or in CHT. Armaments of Bangladesh were also relatively better and of modern nature. But once the war cloud evaporated Bangladesh failed to take any lesson from that incident where Myanmar junta analyzed every aspect and rapidly took necessary steps to fill the gap. From 1991 onward Myanmar didn't keep any stone unturned not only to increase its armed manpower but also acquired a huge number of relatively modern equipments.
Actually after the end of the Cold World , the trend in military strategy and national security agenda has been changed all over the world from high politics which emphasized issues of war, nuclear deterrence to low politics which emphasized the environment, economic development and natural resources. Despite of this global trend, the Myanmar regime increased military spending for land warfare, sea power and air power while other countries around her were trying to reduce. By any standard the defense sector of Myanmar has increased since 1990. This trend can easily indicate that the rise of military power in Myanmar can be assumed as a threat to its neighbor countries. Another IISS data shows that from 1987 to 2002 Thailand reduced its armed forces from 756,000 to 306,000. Another neighbor Laos reduced it from 55,000 to 29,000 and even in India number of military personnel was reduced from 1,462,000 - 1,298,000. But only Myanmar increased its strength from 186,000 to 444,000!
The above figures clearly show that only Myanmar has increased military power and arms racing compared to its neighboring countries. Nevertheless, increasing the military power also means increasing the military spending. In 1987 Myanmar spent 252.56 million US$ for defense which was increased to 555 million US$ by 2002. But in the other fields Myanmar remains as a backbencher till now. All the societal factors show how poorly this country is equipped to manage her other burning problems. Here comes the warning of Prof. Khanal. And Myanmar Junta obviously has forgotten that, 'Security means development. Security is not military hardware, though it may include it, security is not military force, though it may involve it, security is not traditional military activity, though it may encompass it. Security is development and without development there can be no security.'
In pen and paper US government has imposed a ban on armament export to Myanmar regime. To them short of a democratic system can't be accepted or expected! But in reality Myanmar is one of the big arms importer from the very friendly countries of USA. Even some sophisticated US armaments are also in their inventory! Already Israeli 5.56 mm MA- 1/MA-2/MA-3/MA-4/MA-11/MA-12 rifles are inducted as the standard small arms of Myanmar Army. M-845, P-155 mm and Soltam 155 mm Howitzers are in the service with Myanmar Artillery.
Some other sophisticated electronic equipment for Air Force is also bought from Israel. Israeli engineers we-re engaged to refurbish Chinese origin F-7s and these fighter aircrafts were to get Elta EL/M - 2032 air to air radar, Rafael Python Mk. III and Litening laser - designator pods. It is well assumed that without the blessing of USA Myanmar can't procure Israeli armaments. Recent reports indicate that they have even acquired UAVs ( Unmanned Air Vehicles) from Israel. Simultaneously they are procuring armaments and equipment both from Chinese and western sources like Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Switzerland and France. Many a times they imported western arms through Singapore. All other relevant data show how Myanmar Armed Forces are building their might through a well organized and calculated manner. Their effort in this regard must be saluted so far nationalism is concerned.
However we agree on this point that Myanmar is a close ally of China who is also our strategic partner and main source of arms. Not only the military of Myanmar but its government is having deep ties with China. Concerning Bay of Bengal and Malacca strait the very location of Myanmar has become strategically important for the world and regional powers. In the South of Bay of Bengal India has been maintaining a strong Naval - Air Base for a long time at Andaman- Nicobar Islands. Americans too are now a days trying to influence whole of Indian Ocean area utilizing these Indian bases. In other way these two islands are located just at the gateway to Malacca Strait. Considering this strategic scenario China certainly wants to get a privileged presence in the Bay of Bengal and towards Strait of Malacca. And Myanmar somehow fulfills her (China's) interest which of course nothing harmful for Bangladesh, rather this move can be termed as a positive factor which is related to strategic deterrent. At present Myanmar have established strong Naval and Air Force installations at their two islands namely Haingi and Coco. Chinese presence is also noted there substantially. To curb Indian-US nexus Myanmar- Chinese collaboration is no way detrimental to our national security.
Now question comes- is Myanmar our enemy? No - not at all. Both Bangladesh and Myanmar are close friends of China and thus these two neighborly countries do share common strategic overview. It is to be our own interest to look towards east more and more and consider Myanmar as our ally not as foe. There may be behind the door instigation from some world power to initiate hostility towards Myanmar where Bangladesh will be used as a launching base for proxy war on their behalf. We should think thousand times whether we will allow some body to involve us against any form of clashes with our eastern neighbor thus loosing long lasting friendship of China as well? It's a trap, no doubt in that.
Our national interest would be to maintain a good relation with Myanmar, may it be a military ruled country or disliked by some western stalwarts. We can't afford to alienate another neighbor when facing too many loggerheads with the other mighty one. But this doesn't necessarily mean that we should not maintain a minimum deterrent with Myanmar.
Rather all available data indicate that we are gradually becoming weaker than Myanmar day by day. We pray and hope our government will consider minimum possible need of our Armed Forces and allocate requisite budget which is so far very meager in respect of our adversaries.
In Early November Bangladesh had to deploy warships and land forces along its border with Myanmar in retaliation to an encroachment on its maritime zone. Actually Myan-mar's bid to explore oil and gas in a disputed area in the Bay of Bengal created the first major naval deployment in the bay over offshore oil and gas rights since 1972.
Bangladesh claims that exploration activities and placing a rig is not legitimate as it clearly impinged on its right to the Exclusive Economic Zone- EEZ and the continental shelf, as accorded by the United Nations Law of the Sea - UNCLOS. In this respect Bangladesh has yet to complete the delimitation of its maritime boundary. On the other hand Myanmar emphasized on equidistant principle. Basing on this, early in November South Korean company Daewoo which was detailed by the Myanmar government was given go ahead signal to place a rig in the disputed area. This move eventually led to a tension between two neighbors. Once Bangladesh Naval ships were dispatched, Myanmar took no time to send her warships in response. They also maneuvered Infantry and Artillery regiments along the border. Unmanned Air Vehicles were flown over the Bangladeshi ships and land border areas bringing the situation to a boiling point. Despite Bangladesh's multi - pronged diplomatic efforts involving China and S. Korea, Myanmar showed little interest to come to a negotiating term in the discussion table. And stand off remains unresolved. Even Myanmar junta dismissed Bangladesh's claims on the oil rich area as 'un acceptable' and vowed to continue exploration by any means. Though after hectic diplomatic move, S. Korean company agreed to move its rig and Bangladesh called back its naval ships, but deadlock remains. Bangladesh's efforts to solve the problem amicably failed to persuade the Myanmar authority to come to a negotiating term. Even bilateral talks first in Myanmar's new capital, Naypyidaw and then in Dhaka produced no positive results. Rather controversy triggered both the countries to deploy troops along the border near Myanmar's Rakhain state.
Whosoever may be the defaulter, Bangladesh can't escape responsibilities as Bangladesh failed to do the necessary survey and accumulate relevant data to complete the delimitation of its maritime boundary. Under UNCLOS, Bangladesh has to submit all the concerned reports/data for demarcation of maritime zone to UN by 2011. Whereas India and Myanmar complete the demarcation process by 2009.
In the meantime littoral neighbors of Bangladesh, India and Myanmar found significant amounts of hydrocarbons in 2005-2006 and demarcated their respective offshore gas fields as per the "equidistant" principle. In some areas, these demarcations overlap Bangladesh's share of the bay's gas fields.
In this respect Bangladesh has been claiming that both Myanmar and India had encroached 18,000 and 19,000 sq km, respectively, into Bangladesh's territorial waters. So, Myanmar is not the only claimant but India is also an actor in the Bay of Bengal of which Bangladesh is not willing to take any precautionary measures.
Understandably, the resource- rich Bay of Bengal has re-emerged as a theater of conflict, as littoral countries are increasingly engaged in harvesting hydrocarbons unilaterally: This is bound to trigger tension. Myanmar leased the present zone of contention, Block No AD-7, to South Korea's Daewoo International Corp in 2005. The company started explorations in the area in September but South Korea reportedly called it back following Bangladesh's protest.
Certainly Myanmar's recent overtures heightened tension in the region. But neither Myanmar nor Bangladesh can afford to go on a military solution both being close ally of China. It will not benefit any of them rather sour relations will encourage to draw some other's interference which will inevitably make the Bay of Bengal and surrounding areas more vulnerable. This tension again proved how scanty our defense preparedness is and how reluctant our administration and government machinery are to look after our national interest.
At UN, Nigeria Gives Myanmar $500,000, Bypassing UN Programs, Also UN-Transparent
At UN, Nigeria Gives Myanmar $500,000, Bypassing UN Programs, Also UN-Transparent
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: Exclusive
UNITED NATIONS, December 25 -- Two days before Christmas, Myanmar's mission to the UN got a gift with no strings attached. In the dimly-lit Indonesia Lounge next to the General Assembly chamber, Nigeria's Permanent Representative Joy Ogwu handed her counterpart from Myanmar Kyaw Tint Swe a check for $500,000. This was Nigeria's response to the UN's plea for funds to continue to respond to Cyclone Nargis, which hit in May.
The UN has been exposed, first by Inner City Press, for allowing the military government of Myanmar to take 25% of aid funds through currency exchange. Nigeria gave its money directly, in U.S. dollars, and apparently with no requirement to report back on how the funds are used. This is the type of hard currency for which Senior General Than Shwe is desperate.
Later on December 23, Inner City Press asked a South Asian diplomat active on the UN budget why he thought Nigeria gave direct. "You make more friends that way," he said. "If you give through the UN, you don't know how your money's used. If you give it direct, you can ask for reports if you want. And if you don't want, that's fine to. You just have a new friend."
There are at least two possible explanations of Nigeria's direct "south to south" contribution. One is that there's a lack of confidence in the UN system as a transmitter of funds. For example, the UN has not even committed to disclosing, in the Consolidated Appeals that it issues, how much it loses in government-required currency exchange. The second is that Nigeria wants a friend in Myanmar, perhaps even a piece of the resources for which China and India, along firms such as Total and even Lloyds, and South Korea's Daewoo, are competing.
Ambassador Ogwu's statement, a copy of which Inner City Press obtained and puts online here, professes Nigeria's "unflinching support for the government" of Myanmar.
In the half-light on December 23, there were only two reporters present. Inner City Press asked Ambassador Ogwu if the UN's envoy to Myanmar, fellow Nigerian Ibrahim Gambari, had played any role in this donation. No, she insisted. She had previous told Inner City Press that her government had invited Gambari to try to mediate the Niger Delta conflict not as a UN official -- that would "internationalize" the conflict, she said -- but rather as a Nigerian personality.
The Myanmar government, too, opposes internationalization, not only in the form of UN peacekeepers, but even election monitors. Ban Ki-moon was told to leave the country when voting in the run-up to the controversial elections, which exclude Aung San Suu Kyi, was held.
The other reporter asked a aide to Kyaw Tint Swe how much the check was for. "None of your business," he replied. Hardly an auspicious beginning to transparency in aid use.
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City Press at the UN: Exclusive
UNITED NATIONS, December 25 -- Two days before Christmas, Myanmar's mission to the UN got a gift with no strings attached. In the dimly-lit Indonesia Lounge next to the General Assembly chamber, Nigeria's Permanent Representative Joy Ogwu handed her counterpart from Myanmar Kyaw Tint Swe a check for $500,000. This was Nigeria's response to the UN's plea for funds to continue to respond to Cyclone Nargis, which hit in May.
The UN has been exposed, first by Inner City Press, for allowing the military government of Myanmar to take 25% of aid funds through currency exchange. Nigeria gave its money directly, in U.S. dollars, and apparently with no requirement to report back on how the funds are used. This is the type of hard currency for which Senior General Than Shwe is desperate.
Later on December 23, Inner City Press asked a South Asian diplomat active on the UN budget why he thought Nigeria gave direct. "You make more friends that way," he said. "If you give through the UN, you don't know how your money's used. If you give it direct, you can ask for reports if you want. And if you don't want, that's fine to. You just have a new friend."
There are at least two possible explanations of Nigeria's direct "south to south" contribution. One is that there's a lack of confidence in the UN system as a transmitter of funds. For example, the UN has not even committed to disclosing, in the Consolidated Appeals that it issues, how much it loses in government-required currency exchange. The second is that Nigeria wants a friend in Myanmar, perhaps even a piece of the resources for which China and India, along firms such as Total and even Lloyds, and South Korea's Daewoo, are competing.
Ambassador Ogwu's statement, a copy of which Inner City Press obtained and puts online here, professes Nigeria's "unflinching support for the government" of Myanmar.
In the half-light on December 23, there were only two reporters present. Inner City Press asked Ambassador Ogwu if the UN's envoy to Myanmar, fellow Nigerian Ibrahim Gambari, had played any role in this donation. No, she insisted. She had previous told Inner City Press that her government had invited Gambari to try to mediate the Niger Delta conflict not as a UN official -- that would "internationalize" the conflict, she said -- but rather as a Nigerian personality.
The Myanmar government, too, opposes internationalization, not only in the form of UN peacekeepers, but even election monitors. Ban Ki-moon was told to leave the country when voting in the run-up to the controversial elections, which exclude Aung San Suu Kyi, was held.
The other reporter asked a aide to Kyaw Tint Swe how much the check was for. "None of your business," he replied. Hardly an auspicious beginning to transparency in aid use.
Japan-Mekong exchange year to be launched in Myanmar
Japan-Mekong exchange year to be launched in Myanmar
www.chinaview.cn 2008-12-25 21:48:40
YANGON, Dec. 25 (Xinhua) -- A Japan-Mekong exchange year will be launched in Myanmar's former capital Yangon early next February to showcase the cooperation and friendship between Japan and Myanmar, one of the Mekong River valley countries, the local Biweekly Eleven News reported Thursday.
The opening ceremony on Feb. 6, 2009 will be attached with joint performance by Japanese and Myanmar artists to mark the event. The performance will involve that of Myanmar traditional musician U Hlaing Win Maung, the Japanese embassy was quoted as saying.
In previous cultural exchange programs between Myanmar and Japan, Japanese film shows were held annually in Yangon and Mandalay in the past few years, introducing Japanese movies to Myanmar audiences which featured comedy, cartoon, romance, samuraiand detective.
The two countries also launched joint shooting of movie with the movie "Thway" (blood) representing as a joint production.
The film, which marked a symbol of Japan-Myanmar friendship andcontributes to the promotion of the two countries' friendly relations, was created by Japanese producer and director Koji Chino and was based on a famous Myanmar novel of the same title written by Journal Gyaw Ma Ma Lay.
The movie involved both Myanmar and Japanese actors and actress.
Meanwhile, the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS)-Economic Cooperation has worked out a plan for development of tourism as part of its economic cooperation in the subregion, designating the year 2009-2010 as GMS tourism year.
The Mekong River is shared by six countries -- China, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam.
www.chinaview.cn 2008-12-25 21:48:40
YANGON, Dec. 25 (Xinhua) -- A Japan-Mekong exchange year will be launched in Myanmar's former capital Yangon early next February to showcase the cooperation and friendship between Japan and Myanmar, one of the Mekong River valley countries, the local Biweekly Eleven News reported Thursday.
The opening ceremony on Feb. 6, 2009 will be attached with joint performance by Japanese and Myanmar artists to mark the event. The performance will involve that of Myanmar traditional musician U Hlaing Win Maung, the Japanese embassy was quoted as saying.
In previous cultural exchange programs between Myanmar and Japan, Japanese film shows were held annually in Yangon and Mandalay in the past few years, introducing Japanese movies to Myanmar audiences which featured comedy, cartoon, romance, samuraiand detective.
The two countries also launched joint shooting of movie with the movie "Thway" (blood) representing as a joint production.
The film, which marked a symbol of Japan-Myanmar friendship andcontributes to the promotion of the two countries' friendly relations, was created by Japanese producer and director Koji Chino and was based on a famous Myanmar novel of the same title written by Journal Gyaw Ma Ma Lay.
The movie involved both Myanmar and Japanese actors and actress.
Meanwhile, the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS)-Economic Cooperation has worked out a plan for development of tourism as part of its economic cooperation in the subregion, designating the year 2009-2010 as GMS tourism year.
The Mekong River is shared by six countries -- China, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam.
UN condemns human rights violations in Myanmar
UN condemns human rights violations in Myanmar
By EDITH M. LEDERER, Associated Press Writer
AP - Thursday, December 25
UNITED NATIONS – The U.N. General Assembly on Wednesday strongly condemned widespread human rights violations in Myanmar and called on the government to free political prisoners, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
The sharply worded resolution, sponsored by the United States, Israel and many other countries, was approved by a vote of 80-25 with 45 abstentions.
Myanmar accused the assembly of "blatant interference" in its internal political process and said it will not be bound by the resolution. Unlike the more powerful Security Council, General Assembly resolutions are not legally binding but carry weight because they reflect the views of the 192-member world body.
Myanmar's representative, who was not identified, told the assembly the country had made significant political strides and was now on track for a smooth transition to democracy, with a seven-step political process including multiparty elections in 2010.
But the resolution expressed "grave concern" at the failure to include members of pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi's party and other political parties and some ethnic groups "in a genuine process of transition to democracy."
It said Myanmar's political processes "are not transparent, inclusive, free and fair, and that the procedures established for the drafting of the (country's new) constitution resulted in the de facto exclusion of the opposition from the process."
The General Assembly also expressed grave concern at the government's decision to go ahead with a referendum on the constitution "in an atmosphere of intimidation and without regard to international standards of free and fair elections."
It took note of the government's cooperation with the international community in delivering aid to victims of a devastating May cyclone "despite its initial denial of access, which resulted in widespread suffering and increased the risk of loss of life." The cyclone affected 2.4 million people and left an estimated 130,000 people dead or missing.
Myanmar's military, which has ruled since 1962 when the country was known as Burma, tolerates no dissent and crushed pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks in September 2007. It holds more than 2,100 political prisoners, up sharply from nearly 1,200 before the demonstrations, human rights groups say.
The General Assembly "strongly" called on Myanmar's government "to desist from further politically motivated arrests" and release political prisoners, including Suu Kyi who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years under house arrest.
The General Assembly expressed concern over human rights violations, and of Myanmar's "continuing practice of enforced disappearances, use of violence against peaceful demonstrators, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture and cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment."
By EDITH M. LEDERER, Associated Press Writer
AP - Thursday, December 25
UNITED NATIONS – The U.N. General Assembly on Wednesday strongly condemned widespread human rights violations in Myanmar and called on the government to free political prisoners, including Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
The sharply worded resolution, sponsored by the United States, Israel and many other countries, was approved by a vote of 80-25 with 45 abstentions.
Myanmar accused the assembly of "blatant interference" in its internal political process and said it will not be bound by the resolution. Unlike the more powerful Security Council, General Assembly resolutions are not legally binding but carry weight because they reflect the views of the 192-member world body.
Myanmar's representative, who was not identified, told the assembly the country had made significant political strides and was now on track for a smooth transition to democracy, with a seven-step political process including multiparty elections in 2010.
But the resolution expressed "grave concern" at the failure to include members of pro-democracy leader Suu Kyi's party and other political parties and some ethnic groups "in a genuine process of transition to democracy."
It said Myanmar's political processes "are not transparent, inclusive, free and fair, and that the procedures established for the drafting of the (country's new) constitution resulted in the de facto exclusion of the opposition from the process."
The General Assembly also expressed grave concern at the government's decision to go ahead with a referendum on the constitution "in an atmosphere of intimidation and without regard to international standards of free and fair elections."
It took note of the government's cooperation with the international community in delivering aid to victims of a devastating May cyclone "despite its initial denial of access, which resulted in widespread suffering and increased the risk of loss of life." The cyclone affected 2.4 million people and left an estimated 130,000 people dead or missing.
Myanmar's military, which has ruled since 1962 when the country was known as Burma, tolerates no dissent and crushed pro-democracy protests led by Buddhist monks in September 2007. It holds more than 2,100 political prisoners, up sharply from nearly 1,200 before the demonstrations, human rights groups say.
The General Assembly "strongly" called on Myanmar's government "to desist from further politically motivated arrests" and release political prisoners, including Suu Kyi who has spent more than 13 of the past 19 years under house arrest.
The General Assembly expressed concern over human rights violations, and of Myanmar's "continuing practice of enforced disappearances, use of violence against peaceful demonstrators, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture and cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment."
The Irrawaddy - Political Prisoner Commits Suicide
The Irrawaddy - Political Prisoner Commits Suicide
By SAW YAN NAING
Wednesday, December 24, 2008
A Burmese political prisoner, Maung San, committed suicide in Pegu Prison in central Burma on Dec. 19, according to sources in Pegu Division.
Maung San, who was about 35 years old, was serving a two-year prison term.
He committed suicide in a prison restroom, following the refusal of prison authorities to provide proper medical treatment outside the prison. He suffered from intestinal problems and liver disease, sources said.
A source said Maung San’s decision to take his own life stemmed from frustration over medical treatment, and his inability to talk freely with his family.
“He suffered from a serious illness, and he thought it would be better if he died instead of suffered,” said the source.
His family last visited with Maung San on Dec. 13 in Pegu Prison.
“When his family visited him in prison, his health condition was bad,” said the source. “He had asked prison authorities for proper medical treatment, but the authorities refused his request.”
Bo Kyi, joint-secretary of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), said “The health condition of political prisoners is worse day by day. We are very concerned that they don’t receive proper medical treatment.”
“By ignoring serious illnesses, the Burmese authorities are conducting murder,” Bo Kyi said.
Sources said that Pegu Prison authorities impose many restrictions in dealing with political prisoners and their families.
In other prison news, in early December, Aung Kyaw Oo, a youth member of the opposition National League for Democracy who is serving a 19-year sentence in Pegu Prison, was savagely beaten and denied medical treatment, according to reports.
When Aung Kyaw Oo’s wife visited the prison on Dec. 3, she was denied permission to see him. She was allowed to visit him on Dec. 13.
On December 22, political prisoner Khin Maung Cho received an additional 5-year prison sentence. He is imprisoned in Yankin Township in Rangoon. He was sentenced under Immigration Act 13/1. On December 8, he was given 19 years imprisonment on a separate charge.
There are more than 2,100 political prisoners in Burma, according to human rights groups.
By SAW YAN NAING
Wednesday, December 24, 2008
A Burmese political prisoner, Maung San, committed suicide in Pegu Prison in central Burma on Dec. 19, according to sources in Pegu Division.
Maung San, who was about 35 years old, was serving a two-year prison term.
He committed suicide in a prison restroom, following the refusal of prison authorities to provide proper medical treatment outside the prison. He suffered from intestinal problems and liver disease, sources said.
A source said Maung San’s decision to take his own life stemmed from frustration over medical treatment, and his inability to talk freely with his family.
“He suffered from a serious illness, and he thought it would be better if he died instead of suffered,” said the source.
His family last visited with Maung San on Dec. 13 in Pegu Prison.
“When his family visited him in prison, his health condition was bad,” said the source. “He had asked prison authorities for proper medical treatment, but the authorities refused his request.”
Bo Kyi, joint-secretary of the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), said “The health condition of political prisoners is worse day by day. We are very concerned that they don’t receive proper medical treatment.”
“By ignoring serious illnesses, the Burmese authorities are conducting murder,” Bo Kyi said.
Sources said that Pegu Prison authorities impose many restrictions in dealing with political prisoners and their families.
In other prison news, in early December, Aung Kyaw Oo, a youth member of the opposition National League for Democracy who is serving a 19-year sentence in Pegu Prison, was savagely beaten and denied medical treatment, according to reports.
When Aung Kyaw Oo’s wife visited the prison on Dec. 3, she was denied permission to see him. She was allowed to visit him on Dec. 13.
On December 22, political prisoner Khin Maung Cho received an additional 5-year prison sentence. He is imprisoned in Yankin Township in Rangoon. He was sentenced under Immigration Act 13/1. On December 8, he was given 19 years imprisonment on a separate charge.
There are more than 2,100 political prisoners in Burma, according to human rights groups.
The Irrawaddy - More International Pressure in 2009: Burmese Diplomat
The Irrawaddy - More International Pressure in 2009: Burmese Diplomat
By WAI MOE
Wednesday, December 24, 2008
Burma’s top diplomat at the United Nations says he expects more UN pressure from Western governments for national reconciliation in 2009.
Burma’s UN representative, Kyaw Tint Swe, said in a confidential report to Burma’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs that there will be pressure on Burma at the UN Security Council, particular from Western countries. Also, he said, the West will have more influence in the Security Council when Japan and Uganda replace Indonesia and South Africa in January.
“Western countries could raise issues related to Burma at the Security Council by discussing and announcing a presidential statement in December,” he wrote, “and if the attempt doesn’t succeed, they could try again in January.” Kyaw Tint Swe wrote his report following a meeting of the “Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar,” held in on December 5.
The diplomat said in the report that if Burma cooperates with Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s good offices role, countries such as Russia, China, Vietnam, Libya and other developing countries in Africa would probably continue to support Burma.
The diplomat also wrote that UN special envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari met with three Burmese diplomats—Kyaw Tint Swe, Than Swe and Tin Maung Naing—to explain the meeting of the “Friend of the Secretary-General on Myanmar.”
Gambari told Burmese diplomats that Ban called the meeting because of concerns expressed by some UN member countries as well as 112 former world leaders and lawmakers from Asian.
The Nigerian diplomat said Ban was disappointed with the lack of progress in achieving national reconciliation in Burma, according to the report.
Gambari reportedly said that Ban told the gathering that he would temporarily suspend his good offices mission, and there were strong objections from Russia, China, India and Singapore.
Along with the United States and France, the United Kingdom also strongly criticized the role of the good offices mission at the meeting, Gambari told Burmese diplomats.
The “Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar” include the US, UK, China, Russia, France, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, the EU, India, Japan, Australia and Norway.
Gambari said that if there was progress in reconciliation in Burma before the new administration in the US, the US government’s Burma policy might be modified, according to the report.
The report said Western countries’ attempts to put the Burma issue before the UN Security Council were not successful because Russia, China, Vietnam and Indonesia supported the Burmese regime.
Kyaw Tint Swe’s accused Western countries of trying to eliminate the UN good offices mission on Burma because of its failure to achieve progress.
Even though there has been criticism and suggestions to replace Gambari, he is still in office with support from Russia and Asian countries, the report said.
By WAI MOE
Wednesday, December 24, 2008
Burma’s top diplomat at the United Nations says he expects more UN pressure from Western governments for national reconciliation in 2009.
Burma’s UN representative, Kyaw Tint Swe, said in a confidential report to Burma’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs that there will be pressure on Burma at the UN Security Council, particular from Western countries. Also, he said, the West will have more influence in the Security Council when Japan and Uganda replace Indonesia and South Africa in January.
“Western countries could raise issues related to Burma at the Security Council by discussing and announcing a presidential statement in December,” he wrote, “and if the attempt doesn’t succeed, they could try again in January.” Kyaw Tint Swe wrote his report following a meeting of the “Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar,” held in on December 5.
The diplomat said in the report that if Burma cooperates with Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s good offices role, countries such as Russia, China, Vietnam, Libya and other developing countries in Africa would probably continue to support Burma.
The diplomat also wrote that UN special envoy to Burma Ibrahim Gambari met with three Burmese diplomats—Kyaw Tint Swe, Than Swe and Tin Maung Naing—to explain the meeting of the “Friend of the Secretary-General on Myanmar.”
Gambari told Burmese diplomats that Ban called the meeting because of concerns expressed by some UN member countries as well as 112 former world leaders and lawmakers from Asian.
The Nigerian diplomat said Ban was disappointed with the lack of progress in achieving national reconciliation in Burma, according to the report.
Gambari reportedly said that Ban told the gathering that he would temporarily suspend his good offices mission, and there were strong objections from Russia, China, India and Singapore.
Along with the United States and France, the United Kingdom also strongly criticized the role of the good offices mission at the meeting, Gambari told Burmese diplomats.
The “Friends of the Secretary-General on Myanmar” include the US, UK, China, Russia, France, Indonesia, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, the EU, India, Japan, Australia and Norway.
Gambari said that if there was progress in reconciliation in Burma before the new administration in the US, the US government’s Burma policy might be modified, according to the report.
The report said Western countries’ attempts to put the Burma issue before the UN Security Council were not successful because Russia, China, Vietnam and Indonesia supported the Burmese regime.
Kyaw Tint Swe’s accused Western countries of trying to eliminate the UN good offices mission on Burma because of its failure to achieve progress.
Even though there has been criticism and suggestions to replace Gambari, he is still in office with support from Russia and Asian countries, the report said.
Burma: weekly suspended for reporting news that was permitted, then banned
Reporters Without Borders
24.12 - Burma: weekly suspended for reporting news that was permitted, then banned
7 Days News Journal, a weekly, has been suspended for a week for reporting that residents of Rangoon would soon be able to use prepaid phone cards. The military government’s censorship office had originally given the media permission to report this, but then ordered them to stop.
The ministry of posts and telecommunications had planned to introduce a system of prepaid Sim cards for mobile phones, primarily intended for use by visiting foreigners. Few people have mobile phones in Burma because of the cost. A Sim card costs between 1.5 million and 2 million kyats (about 900 euros) on the black market.
24.12 - Burma: weekly suspended for reporting news that was permitted, then banned
7 Days News Journal, a weekly, has been suspended for a week for reporting that residents of Rangoon would soon be able to use prepaid phone cards. The military government’s censorship office had originally given the media permission to report this, but then ordered them to stop.
The ministry of posts and telecommunications had planned to introduce a system of prepaid Sim cards for mobile phones, primarily intended for use by visiting foreigners. Few people have mobile phones in Burma because of the cost. A Sim card costs between 1.5 million and 2 million kyats (about 900 euros) on the black market.
Myanmar cyclone survivors struggle to rebuild lives
Channel News Asia
Myanmar cyclone survivors struggle to rebuild lives
Posted: 25 December 2008 1115 hrs
KUNGYANGON, Myanmar: With tents still serving as homes and schools seven months after Cyclone Nargis lashed Myanmar, survivors say they are struggling to rebuild their lives as international aid trickles in.
Fisherman Htein Lin Aung, a father of three, says a new roof is out of the question as he fixes the engine of his boat beneath the tarpaulin covering of his bamboo tent outside the town of Kungyangon.
"We have been in difficulties since Nargis. The weather is also unusual now," said Htein Lin Aung, 37, whose house was one of hundreds of thousands destroyed by the cyclone.
The storm left 138,000 people dead or missing and affected more than 2.5 million, while Myanmar's government provoked outrage by initially hampering international aid efforts with red tape.
The military government relented after a visit from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon. But rebuilding the southwestern Irrawaddy Delta, which suffered the brunt of the cyclone, is dragging on.
A UN appeal for 477 million dollars is only 64 per cent funded, with agriculture and early recovery the least funded sectors with only 25 per cent and 39 per cent of needs met respectively, according to the latest figures.
Htein Lin Aung said his income fell to 100,000 kyats (83 dollars) per month after the cyclone, half what he used to earn, while the cost of living in impoverished Myanmar has risen.
"My business is not good, the weather is also not good. We get enough for our daily expenses but no extra money," he said, adding that "unusual" weather since the cyclone had kept fishermen off the sea.
His neighbours all have tarpaulin roofs as they cannot afford to buy new materials.
Survivors in the area around Kungyangon, which is about three hours drive from the country's former capital Yangon, say donors are not coming any more to provide rehabilitation assistance.
"We cannot stay like this in the rainy season," said housewife Khin Win, 46, as she sewed a fishing net for her husband inside the makeshift tarpaulin cover tent they currently call home.
"We lost everything in the cyclone. The water rose from beneath, it rained from the sky and the wind blew from all directions."
Farmers who survived the cyclone said they faced similar difficulties.
"The weather has been so bad here after the cyclone," said 51-year-old rice farmer Mya Aung. "The paddy seeds that we cultivated decreased in production and also we got low prices after we harvested."
Relief work in the disaster zone is currently being coordinated by a so-called tripartite group gathering the United Nations, the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian nations, and Myanmar's military government.
An assessment released this month and endorsed by the group said that while recovery efforts have begun, there are "urgent needs still to be met" for cyclone survivors.
"There are chronic needs in food security and nutrition. We need to increase the support particularly in the western delta and some of the larger towns," UN resident and humanitarian coordinator Bishow Parajuli was quoted as saying.
In a small sign of progress this week, a ceremony was held in Kungyangon to mark a 500,000-dollar donation from a Taiwan-based Buddhist monk, through the Taiwan Red Cross, to build two primary schools and water wells.
"We are still cooperating with the International Federation of the Red Cross and the Myanmar Red Cross," said Taiwan Red Cross secretary general Steven Chen, adding that it was spending another one million dollars on cooperative projects.
But for tearful primary school teacher Lei Lei Oo the road ahead is long.
"The important thing is schools for children to learn. My school children from third grade cannot come to school if the weather is bad," Lei Lei Oo said at the ceremony.
"We are still in many difficulties," she said.
Myanmar cyclone survivors struggle to rebuild lives
Posted: 25 December 2008 1115 hrs
KUNGYANGON, Myanmar: With tents still serving as homes and schools seven months after Cyclone Nargis lashed Myanmar, survivors say they are struggling to rebuild their lives as international aid trickles in.
Fisherman Htein Lin Aung, a father of three, says a new roof is out of the question as he fixes the engine of his boat beneath the tarpaulin covering of his bamboo tent outside the town of Kungyangon.
"We have been in difficulties since Nargis. The weather is also unusual now," said Htein Lin Aung, 37, whose house was one of hundreds of thousands destroyed by the cyclone.
The storm left 138,000 people dead or missing and affected more than 2.5 million, while Myanmar's government provoked outrage by initially hampering international aid efforts with red tape.
The military government relented after a visit from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon. But rebuilding the southwestern Irrawaddy Delta, which suffered the brunt of the cyclone, is dragging on.
A UN appeal for 477 million dollars is only 64 per cent funded, with agriculture and early recovery the least funded sectors with only 25 per cent and 39 per cent of needs met respectively, according to the latest figures.
Htein Lin Aung said his income fell to 100,000 kyats (83 dollars) per month after the cyclone, half what he used to earn, while the cost of living in impoverished Myanmar has risen.
"My business is not good, the weather is also not good. We get enough for our daily expenses but no extra money," he said, adding that "unusual" weather since the cyclone had kept fishermen off the sea.
His neighbours all have tarpaulin roofs as they cannot afford to buy new materials.
Survivors in the area around Kungyangon, which is about three hours drive from the country's former capital Yangon, say donors are not coming any more to provide rehabilitation assistance.
"We cannot stay like this in the rainy season," said housewife Khin Win, 46, as she sewed a fishing net for her husband inside the makeshift tarpaulin cover tent they currently call home.
"We lost everything in the cyclone. The water rose from beneath, it rained from the sky and the wind blew from all directions."
Farmers who survived the cyclone said they faced similar difficulties.
"The weather has been so bad here after the cyclone," said 51-year-old rice farmer Mya Aung. "The paddy seeds that we cultivated decreased in production and also we got low prices after we harvested."
Relief work in the disaster zone is currently being coordinated by a so-called tripartite group gathering the United Nations, the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian nations, and Myanmar's military government.
An assessment released this month and endorsed by the group said that while recovery efforts have begun, there are "urgent needs still to be met" for cyclone survivors.
"There are chronic needs in food security and nutrition. We need to increase the support particularly in the western delta and some of the larger towns," UN resident and humanitarian coordinator Bishow Parajuli was quoted as saying.
In a small sign of progress this week, a ceremony was held in Kungyangon to mark a 500,000-dollar donation from a Taiwan-based Buddhist monk, through the Taiwan Red Cross, to build two primary schools and water wells.
"We are still cooperating with the International Federation of the Red Cross and the Myanmar Red Cross," said Taiwan Red Cross secretary general Steven Chen, adding that it was spending another one million dollars on cooperative projects.
But for tearful primary school teacher Lei Lei Oo the road ahead is long.
"The important thing is schools for children to learn. My school children from third grade cannot come to school if the weather is bad," Lei Lei Oo said at the ceremony.
"We are still in many difficulties," she said.
26 Myanmar nationals arrested for travelling without valid documents
Express India
26 Myanmar nationals arrested for travelling without valid documents
Express News Service
Posted: Dec 25, 2008 at 0312 hrs IST
Kolkata The Kolkata police arrested 26 Myanmar nationals and three Indian touts from the Kolkata station on Wednesday on charges of travelling without valid travel documents.
According to sources in the Government Railway Police (GRP), the Myanmar nationals had came to Kolkata station around 11.30 am to board the Jammu-Tawi Express when they were intercepted.
“When asked to show identity proof and other documents, they not only failed to do so but also tried to flee,” said K A Jothi, senior sub-divisional security commissioner, Sealdah.
Preliminary investigation showed the Myanmar nationals had gone to Bangladesh before infiltrating to India.
One of the Indian touts helped them on their way from Bangladesh.
From there, another tout helped them to infiltrate into India through the porous border near Bongaon in South 24 Parganas.
The arrested planned to migrate to Jammu with the help of other Indian touts.
Each of those arrested had paid Rs 1,200 to the touts for guiding them from Myanmar to India.
Express News Service
Posted: Dec 25, 2008 at 0312 hrs IST
Kolkata The Kolkata police arrested 26 Myanmar nationals and three Indian touts from the Kolkata station on Wednesday on charges of travelling without valid travel documents.
According to sources in the Government Railway Police (GRP), the Myanmar nationals had came to Kolkata station around 11.30 am to board the Jammu-Tawi Express when they were intercepted.
“When asked to show identity proof and other documents, they not only failed to do so but also tried to flee,” said K A Jothi, senior sub-divisional security commissioner, Sealdah.
Preliminary investigation showed the Myanmar nationals had gone to Bangladesh before infiltrating to India.
One of the Indian touts helped them on their way from Bangladesh.
From there, another tout helped them to infiltrate into India through the porous border near Bongaon in South 24 Parganas.
The arrested planned to migrate to Jammu with the help of other Indian touts.
Each of those arrested had paid Rs 1,200 to the touts for guiding them from Myanmar to India.
Companies from China, Myanmar, S. Korea sign gas pact in Myanmar
Companies from China, Myanmar, S. Korea sign gas pact in Myanmar
www.chinaview.cn 2008-12-24 23:34:43
YANGON, Dec. 24 (Xinhua) -- The China National United Oil Corporation (CNUOC), Myanmar and a consortium, led by the Daewoo International Group Corporation, signed an export gas sales and purchase agreement dealing with the Shwe Project here Wednesday.
The Shwe gas project, which lies at A-1 block in Myanmar's Rakhine offshore area, has been developed by the Daewoo consortium comprising South Korea Gas Corporation, India's ONGC Videsh Ltd and Gas Authority of India Ltd. (GAIL)
The agreement is a follow-up of a memorandum of understanding signed in Nay Pyi Taw in June this year between the CNPC, Myanmar and the Daewoo consortium on sale and transport of natural gas from offshore blocks A-1 and A-3.
Natural gas deposits were found at block A-1 (Shwe field and Shwephyu field) and block A-3 (Mya field) in the Rakhine offshore area in January 2004 and April 2005 respectively, explored by the consortium of oil companies led by Daewoo with 60 percent-stake. Other companies go to South Korea Gas Corporation (10 percent), ONGC Videsh Ltd of India (20 percent) and GAIL (10 percent).
The Shwe field holds a gas reserve of 4 to 6 trillion cubic-feet (TCF) or 113.2 to 170 billion cubic-meters (BCM), while the Shwephyu 5 TCF and the Mya 2 TCF with a combined proven reserve of5.7 to 10 TCF of gas being estimated by experts.
Myanmar has abundance of natural gas resources in the offshore areas. With three main large offshore oil and gas fields and 19 onshore ones, Myanmar has proven recoverable reserve of 18.012 trillion cubic-feet (TCF) or 510 billion cubic-meters (BCM) out of89.722 TCF or 2.54 trillion cubic-meters (TCM)'s estimated reserve of offshore and onshore gas, experts said, adding that the country is also estimated to have 3.2 billion barrels of recoverable crude oil reserve.
According to the Central Statistical Organization, in the fiscal year 2007-08, Myanmar produced 7.62 million barrels of crude oil and 13.393 BCM of gas.
Statistics also reveal that foreign investment in Myanmar's oil and gas sector had reached 3.243 billion dollars in 85 projects as of the end of 2007 since the country opened to such investment in late 1988, standing the second in the country's foreign investment sectorally after electric power.
In 2007, foreign investment in the oil and gas sector more than tripled to 474.3 million U.S. dollars compared with 2006, accounting for 90 percent of the total during the year which stood505.02 million, according to the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development.
Currently, 13 foreign oil companies, mainly from Australia, Britain, Canada, China, Indonesia, India, South Korea, Malaysia, Thailand and Russia, are involved in oil and gas projects in Myanmar, according to official sources.
www.chinaview.cn 2008-12-24 23:34:43
YANGON, Dec. 24 (Xinhua) -- The China National United Oil Corporation (CNUOC), Myanmar and a consortium, led by the Daewoo International Group Corporation, signed an export gas sales and purchase agreement dealing with the Shwe Project here Wednesday.
The Shwe gas project, which lies at A-1 block in Myanmar's Rakhine offshore area, has been developed by the Daewoo consortium comprising South Korea Gas Corporation, India's ONGC Videsh Ltd and Gas Authority of India Ltd. (GAIL)
The agreement is a follow-up of a memorandum of understanding signed in Nay Pyi Taw in June this year between the CNPC, Myanmar and the Daewoo consortium on sale and transport of natural gas from offshore blocks A-1 and A-3.
Natural gas deposits were found at block A-1 (Shwe field and Shwephyu field) and block A-3 (Mya field) in the Rakhine offshore area in January 2004 and April 2005 respectively, explored by the consortium of oil companies led by Daewoo with 60 percent-stake. Other companies go to South Korea Gas Corporation (10 percent), ONGC Videsh Ltd of India (20 percent) and GAIL (10 percent).
The Shwe field holds a gas reserve of 4 to 6 trillion cubic-feet (TCF) or 113.2 to 170 billion cubic-meters (BCM), while the Shwephyu 5 TCF and the Mya 2 TCF with a combined proven reserve of5.7 to 10 TCF of gas being estimated by experts.
Myanmar has abundance of natural gas resources in the offshore areas. With three main large offshore oil and gas fields and 19 onshore ones, Myanmar has proven recoverable reserve of 18.012 trillion cubic-feet (TCF) or 510 billion cubic-meters (BCM) out of89.722 TCF or 2.54 trillion cubic-meters (TCM)'s estimated reserve of offshore and onshore gas, experts said, adding that the country is also estimated to have 3.2 billion barrels of recoverable crude oil reserve.
According to the Central Statistical Organization, in the fiscal year 2007-08, Myanmar produced 7.62 million barrels of crude oil and 13.393 BCM of gas.
Statistics also reveal that foreign investment in Myanmar's oil and gas sector had reached 3.243 billion dollars in 85 projects as of the end of 2007 since the country opened to such investment in late 1988, standing the second in the country's foreign investment sectorally after electric power.
In 2007, foreign investment in the oil and gas sector more than tripled to 474.3 million U.S. dollars compared with 2006, accounting for 90 percent of the total during the year which stood505.02 million, according to the Ministry of National Planning and Economic Development.
Currently, 13 foreign oil companies, mainly from Australia, Britain, Canada, China, Indonesia, India, South Korea, Malaysia, Thailand and Russia, are involved in oil and gas projects in Myanmar, according to official sources.
Asean must do away with 'talk shop' image
The New Straits Time - 2008/12/24
AMY CHEW: Asean must do away with 'talk shop' image
Amy Chew
"WHAT are you covering?" asked a young Indonesian professional named Andi Silalahi.
"Asean," I replied.
"Asean? All it does is talk but Aung San Suu Kyi remains in detention," said 29-year-old Andi.
Andi's remark reflects the younger generation's perception of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and its dealings with the contentious issue of Myanmar and human rights.
His perception of Asean as a talk shop is also understandable -- the organisation holds a mind-boggling 700 meetings a year.
If Andi speaks for the 60 per cent of Asean's 500 million people under the age of 30, it would seem important that Asean prove its relevance, especially after adopting the historic Asean Charter last week.
Says Indonesian parliamentarian Marzuki Darusman: "(Asean) is forced to become relevant by the sheer fact that the world is moving on and if it doesn't get to be where it aims to be -- a solid and effective community -- it will be bypassed by the world."
Darusman, a member of the Indonesian Parliament's foreign affairs commission, sees the Myanmar question as crucial.
"The world will be looking at Asean in very principled terms, to what extent Asean can resolve the impasse on Myanmar as far as the human rights situation is concerned, taking into account the local context... starting with the continued detention of Madam Aung San Suu Kyi."
While the United States welcomes Asean's move for greater integration, it acknowledges Myanmar was an issue which complicates the organisation's goals.
"It's obviously a positive step to see countries in this region cooperating on a broad range of things," said Cameron Hume, US ambassador to Indonesia, who attended the ceremony marking the adoption of the Asean Charter.
"(But) the situation in Myanmar doesn't really live up to the charter. That's a complicating element."
Darusman also warned Asean's influence risked being eclipsed by that of China, Japan and South Korea if it fails to effectively deal with the region's myriad issues, especially economic.
"What needs to be looked at is the very interesting development in Southeast Asia, the recent summit between China, Japan and South Korea ," says Darusman. "Asean has to watch itself, that it doesn't lose the driver's seat in the area, if only because it is overshadowed by three economic powers."
The active support of the region's youth is important for Asean to achieve its goals of greater economic, social and security cooperation.
One of Asean's principal goals is to turn the region into an EU-style single market, the Asean Economic Community (AEC), by 2015.
"Now Asean will have to prove it's an effective, democratic and rules-based body capable of addressing sensitive issues and unresolved human rights problems and, at the same time, push ahead with social and economic development," said Darusman.
The Asean Charter is a legally binding agreement among the 10 member countries and will be registered with the secretariat of the United Nations.
It turns the loose grouping into a formal organisation akin to the European Union as a community of sovereign nations.
Asean will also have to work hard to confront the challenges of slowing global economic growth. As the global financial crisis hits home, there are concerns of emerging protectionism in the region.
"Our commitment is to face the economic crisis by being more open to each other," says Asean secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan.
Even as tariff barriers come down, the private sector still has to contend with a host of non-tariff barriers. "The private sector is complaining they have not been able to make use of the tariff barriers which have come done because there are non-tariff barriers like transport standards, Customs procedures, hygiene and many others. It's the non-tariff barriers we are working on."
Despite lowered tariffs, moreover, one regional business consultant said there have been instances of non-compliance. "When a country does not want to lower its tariffs in line with Asean's agreement, what can you do? There are no sanctions."
A highlight of the charter is the prospective establishment of a human rights body for the promotion and protection of human rights in the region.
Human rights advocates view the future Asean Human Rights Body with scepticism, saying it will be a toothless tiger as Asean continues to practise a policy of non-interference in member states.
AMY CHEW: Asean must do away with 'talk shop' image
Amy Chew
"WHAT are you covering?" asked a young Indonesian professional named Andi Silalahi.
"Asean," I replied.
"Asean? All it does is talk but Aung San Suu Kyi remains in detention," said 29-year-old Andi.
Andi's remark reflects the younger generation's perception of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and its dealings with the contentious issue of Myanmar and human rights.
His perception of Asean as a talk shop is also understandable -- the organisation holds a mind-boggling 700 meetings a year.
If Andi speaks for the 60 per cent of Asean's 500 million people under the age of 30, it would seem important that Asean prove its relevance, especially after adopting the historic Asean Charter last week.
Says Indonesian parliamentarian Marzuki Darusman: "(Asean) is forced to become relevant by the sheer fact that the world is moving on and if it doesn't get to be where it aims to be -- a solid and effective community -- it will be bypassed by the world."
Darusman, a member of the Indonesian Parliament's foreign affairs commission, sees the Myanmar question as crucial.
"The world will be looking at Asean in very principled terms, to what extent Asean can resolve the impasse on Myanmar as far as the human rights situation is concerned, taking into account the local context... starting with the continued detention of Madam Aung San Suu Kyi."
While the United States welcomes Asean's move for greater integration, it acknowledges Myanmar was an issue which complicates the organisation's goals.
"It's obviously a positive step to see countries in this region cooperating on a broad range of things," said Cameron Hume, US ambassador to Indonesia, who attended the ceremony marking the adoption of the Asean Charter.
"(But) the situation in Myanmar doesn't really live up to the charter. That's a complicating element."
Darusman also warned Asean's influence risked being eclipsed by that of China, Japan and South Korea if it fails to effectively deal with the region's myriad issues, especially economic.
"What needs to be looked at is the very interesting development in Southeast Asia, the recent summit between China, Japan and South Korea ," says Darusman. "Asean has to watch itself, that it doesn't lose the driver's seat in the area, if only because it is overshadowed by three economic powers."
The active support of the region's youth is important for Asean to achieve its goals of greater economic, social and security cooperation.
One of Asean's principal goals is to turn the region into an EU-style single market, the Asean Economic Community (AEC), by 2015.
"Now Asean will have to prove it's an effective, democratic and rules-based body capable of addressing sensitive issues and unresolved human rights problems and, at the same time, push ahead with social and economic development," said Darusman.
The Asean Charter is a legally binding agreement among the 10 member countries and will be registered with the secretariat of the United Nations.
It turns the loose grouping into a formal organisation akin to the European Union as a community of sovereign nations.
Asean will also have to work hard to confront the challenges of slowing global economic growth. As the global financial crisis hits home, there are concerns of emerging protectionism in the region.
"Our commitment is to face the economic crisis by being more open to each other," says Asean secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan.
Even as tariff barriers come down, the private sector still has to contend with a host of non-tariff barriers. "The private sector is complaining they have not been able to make use of the tariff barriers which have come done because there are non-tariff barriers like transport standards, Customs procedures, hygiene and many others. It's the non-tariff barriers we are working on."
Despite lowered tariffs, moreover, one regional business consultant said there have been instances of non-compliance. "When a country does not want to lower its tariffs in line with Asean's agreement, what can you do? There are no sanctions."
A highlight of the charter is the prospective establishment of a human rights body for the promotion and protection of human rights in the region.
Human rights advocates view the future Asean Human Rights Body with scepticism, saying it will be a toothless tiger as Asean continues to practise a policy of non-interference in member states.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
