Myanmar leader cautions farmers ahead of elections
AP - Wednesday, March 3
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Myanmar's military leader Tuesday urged rural residents to counter pro-democracy forces said to be seeking to disrupt stability ahead of the country's first general elections in 20 years.
Senior Gen. Than Shwe made the comments in a statement published on the front pages of all state-run newspapers on the anniversary of Peasants Day.
Confirming that elections would be held this year, Than Shwe urged farmers "to elect representatives capable of building a peaceful, modern and developed nation and exercising democracy correctly."
"You also have to ward off potential dangers of those who will disrupt state stability and community peace with the assistance of aliens in the background," the message said.
Than Shwe did not elaborate but the regime consistently uses such language to refer to the opposition party of detained Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, claiming she gets support from foreign countries.
Suu Kyi's party won the last election in 1990, but the results were never honored by the military, which has ruled the country since 1962 when then-dictator Gen. Ne Win declared March 2 Peasants Day.
Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has not yet decided whether to take part in the election, for which no date has yet been announced. The party says the new constitution of 2008 is unfair and will perpetuate military rule _ a claim echoed by international rights groups. The constitution guarantees that 25 percent of parliamentary seats will go to the military. It also has a clause that would effectively bar Suu Kyi from holding office.
Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 of the past 20 years.
AP - Wednesday, March 3
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Myanmar's military leader Tuesday urged rural residents to counter pro-democracy forces said to be seeking to disrupt stability ahead of the country's first general elections in 20 years.
Senior Gen. Than Shwe made the comments in a statement published on the front pages of all state-run newspapers on the anniversary of Peasants Day.
Confirming that elections would be held this year, Than Shwe urged farmers "to elect representatives capable of building a peaceful, modern and developed nation and exercising democracy correctly."
"You also have to ward off potential dangers of those who will disrupt state stability and community peace with the assistance of aliens in the background," the message said.
Than Shwe did not elaborate but the regime consistently uses such language to refer to the opposition party of detained Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi, claiming she gets support from foreign countries.
Suu Kyi's party won the last election in 1990, but the results were never honored by the military, which has ruled the country since 1962 when then-dictator Gen. Ne Win declared March 2 Peasants Day.
Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy, has not yet decided whether to take part in the election, for which no date has yet been announced. The party says the new constitution of 2008 is unfair and will perpetuate military rule _ a claim echoed by international rights groups. The constitution guarantees that 25 percent of parliamentary seats will go to the military. It also has a clause that would effectively bar Suu Kyi from holding office.
Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 of the past 20 years.
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MARCH 1, 2010, 6:50 P.M. ET
Wall Street Journal - OPINION: What Obama Can Do for Burma
U.S. engagement with the junta shouldn't be open-ended.
By AUNG DIN
The news from Burma, my home country, seems to only go from bad to worse. Last week, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi was denied yet another appeal and will remain under house arrest. Last month, Burmese-American human-rights activist Kyaw Zaw Lwin, also known as Nyi Nyi Aung, was sentenced to three-years in prison on trumped up fraud and forgery charges.
This past July, President Obama signed into law the Burma Sanctions Renewal Act, which extended strict sanctions on the country's military junta for three more years. But the administration must also be careful that its policy of "pragmatic engagement" with Burma's military rulers—which began with a visit by State Department officials last November—does not legitimize a fundamentally corrupt regime.
Than Shwe, the senior general who heads the junta, has promised to hold nationwide elections this year, the first since Ms. Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy's landslide victory in 1990 elections—which were nullified by the military. But the election will be a sham, the product of a new constitution pushed through last year by force and intimidation that forbids Ms. Suu Kyi from running for or holding office.
Ms. Suu Kyi, her supporters, and many of Burma's long-persecuted ethnic groups, including the Karen, Karenni and Shan, are rightfully refusing to participate in this charade unless the regime amends the constitution to allow for free and fair elections, a legitimate civilian government and equal rights and representation for all ethnic groups.
But first the regime must release its thousands of political prisoners, including hundreds of monks who took part in the 2007 antigovernment protests known as the Saffron Revolution.
Thus far, however, Gen. Than Shwe has been employing his usual mix of violence, brutality and war. He's rounding up and arresting opposition members and increasing his assault on the Karen and other ethnic minorities, displacing more than 75,000 people in Karen State in eastern Burma in 2009 alone.
How can the U.S. and the international community play a meaningful role in bringing true peace and freedom to Burma? The answer lies in placing collective political and economic pressure on the regime to engage in meaningful and time-bound dialogue with Ms. Suu Kyi, her party, and the leaders of Burma's ethnic minorities. Failing that, the U.S. should take the lead in organizing a global arms embargo against the regime, and establish a commission of inquiry to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma by the United Nations.
This will require Mr. Obama's strong leadership and commitment. His Burma policy objectives are sound: the release of all political prisoners, an end to conflict with ethnic minorities, accountability for human-rights violators, and genuine dialogue among all Burma's stakeholders.
But "pragmatic engagement" or "measured engagement," whatever it is called, should not be an open-ended process. There should be benchmarks, such as a clear time frame, expected outcomes and appropriate responses.
Mr. Obama should appoint a U.S. policy coordinator for Burma, legislatively mandated by Congress since 2008, and let him or her play a central role to strengthen existing pressure mechanisms, including increasing financial sanctions on Burma, while continuing engagement with the regime.
Mr. Obama should also urge the European Union to join with the United States, Canada and Australia in imposing targeted financial and banking sanctions against the Burmese generals, their families and their crony business partners. He should also remind the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) that it needs to put serious diplomatic pressure on the regime for a negotiated settlement with the opposition if it is really committed to productive U.S.-Asean relations.
Mr. Obama's presidency is the product of the blood spilled and courage displayed by American freedom fighters and civil-rights activists barely a generation ago. Our hope is that he recognizes their sacrifices by supporting the Burmese people in the months ahead with decisive action. He could start by demanding the release of Ms. Suu Kyi and the American human-rights activist Kyaw Zaw Lwin.
Aung Din was a political prisoner in Burma between 1989 and 1993. He is now the executive director of the Washington, D.C.-based U.S. Campaign for Burma.
Wall Street Journal - OPINION: What Obama Can Do for Burma
U.S. engagement with the junta shouldn't be open-ended.
By AUNG DIN
The news from Burma, my home country, seems to only go from bad to worse. Last week, Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi was denied yet another appeal and will remain under house arrest. Last month, Burmese-American human-rights activist Kyaw Zaw Lwin, also known as Nyi Nyi Aung, was sentenced to three-years in prison on trumped up fraud and forgery charges.
This past July, President Obama signed into law the Burma Sanctions Renewal Act, which extended strict sanctions on the country's military junta for three more years. But the administration must also be careful that its policy of "pragmatic engagement" with Burma's military rulers—which began with a visit by State Department officials last November—does not legitimize a fundamentally corrupt regime.
Than Shwe, the senior general who heads the junta, has promised to hold nationwide elections this year, the first since Ms. Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy's landslide victory in 1990 elections—which were nullified by the military. But the election will be a sham, the product of a new constitution pushed through last year by force and intimidation that forbids Ms. Suu Kyi from running for or holding office.
Ms. Suu Kyi, her supporters, and many of Burma's long-persecuted ethnic groups, including the Karen, Karenni and Shan, are rightfully refusing to participate in this charade unless the regime amends the constitution to allow for free and fair elections, a legitimate civilian government and equal rights and representation for all ethnic groups.
But first the regime must release its thousands of political prisoners, including hundreds of monks who took part in the 2007 antigovernment protests known as the Saffron Revolution.
Thus far, however, Gen. Than Shwe has been employing his usual mix of violence, brutality and war. He's rounding up and arresting opposition members and increasing his assault on the Karen and other ethnic minorities, displacing more than 75,000 people in Karen State in eastern Burma in 2009 alone.
How can the U.S. and the international community play a meaningful role in bringing true peace and freedom to Burma? The answer lies in placing collective political and economic pressure on the regime to engage in meaningful and time-bound dialogue with Ms. Suu Kyi, her party, and the leaders of Burma's ethnic minorities. Failing that, the U.S. should take the lead in organizing a global arms embargo against the regime, and establish a commission of inquiry to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma by the United Nations.
This will require Mr. Obama's strong leadership and commitment. His Burma policy objectives are sound: the release of all political prisoners, an end to conflict with ethnic minorities, accountability for human-rights violators, and genuine dialogue among all Burma's stakeholders.
But "pragmatic engagement" or "measured engagement," whatever it is called, should not be an open-ended process. There should be benchmarks, such as a clear time frame, expected outcomes and appropriate responses.
Mr. Obama should appoint a U.S. policy coordinator for Burma, legislatively mandated by Congress since 2008, and let him or her play a central role to strengthen existing pressure mechanisms, including increasing financial sanctions on Burma, while continuing engagement with the regime.
Mr. Obama should also urge the European Union to join with the United States, Canada and Australia in imposing targeted financial and banking sanctions against the Burmese generals, their families and their crony business partners. He should also remind the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) that it needs to put serious diplomatic pressure on the regime for a negotiated settlement with the opposition if it is really committed to productive U.S.-Asean relations.
Mr. Obama's presidency is the product of the blood spilled and courage displayed by American freedom fighters and civil-rights activists barely a generation ago. Our hope is that he recognizes their sacrifices by supporting the Burmese people in the months ahead with decisive action. He could start by demanding the release of Ms. Suu Kyi and the American human-rights activist Kyaw Zaw Lwin.
Aung Din was a political prisoner in Burma between 1989 and 1993. He is now the executive director of the Washington, D.C.-based U.S. Campaign for Burma.
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MARCH 2, 2010, 9:38 A.M. ET
Wall Street Journal - Thai Deportations Could Take Time
By WILAWAN WATCHARASAKWET And PATRICK BARTA
A Thai government official said authorities intend to stick to a Tuesday deadline for new immigration rules that could result in the deportation of hundreds of thousands of migrant workers who don't comply.
But it could take some time before any deportations begin, said Karun Kitpun, head of the national verification division of Thailand's Ministry of Labor. The government has to compile data on the number of migrant workers who failed to comply, then determine how best to handle them, he said.
"The government will decide later how to enforce the rule of law on these people," he said.
Human-rights groups have blasted the program, which requires some 1.5 million migrants—mainly from Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos—to register with Thai authorities and prove their nationalities, or be deported. Although Thailand has long required migrant workers to register with the government, the newer program calls on migrants to undergo a more time-consuming process that involves verifying their identities with their home governments.
The goal of the effort is to help authorities get a better record of who is in the country, expand protections for the workers and tighten supervision. But many workers are afraid to participate because they fear doing so could subject them to punishments or penalties in their home countries.
Others fear hassles at the hands of Thai police, who rights groups have said sometimes request bribes to prevent deportation, among other abuses. Thai authorities have said they are investigating the complaints.
It remained unclear Tuesday how many migrants had failed to begin the process, though Thai officials and human-rights groups have said in recent days the total was expected to be at least several hundred thousand people.
Mr. Karun said that workers who didn't apply by Tuesday for an extension of their work permits as part of the process would become illegal, but that it would take awhile to determine exactly how many failed to do so.
Mr. Karun said workers who did start the process by Tuesday would have additional time to submit some of the documents to verify their identity, as announced earlier by Thai authorities.
Many Thai businesses, especially textile manufacturers and agricultural operations, rely heavily on the migrant workers to help keep wages low and their businesses competitive with India and China.
Human-rights groups say the workers now account for roughly 5% to 10% of Thailand's work force.
Wall Street Journal - Thai Deportations Could Take Time
By WILAWAN WATCHARASAKWET And PATRICK BARTA
A Thai government official said authorities intend to stick to a Tuesday deadline for new immigration rules that could result in the deportation of hundreds of thousands of migrant workers who don't comply.
But it could take some time before any deportations begin, said Karun Kitpun, head of the national verification division of Thailand's Ministry of Labor. The government has to compile data on the number of migrant workers who failed to comply, then determine how best to handle them, he said.
"The government will decide later how to enforce the rule of law on these people," he said.
Human-rights groups have blasted the program, which requires some 1.5 million migrants—mainly from Myanmar, Cambodia and Laos—to register with Thai authorities and prove their nationalities, or be deported. Although Thailand has long required migrant workers to register with the government, the newer program calls on migrants to undergo a more time-consuming process that involves verifying their identities with their home governments.
The goal of the effort is to help authorities get a better record of who is in the country, expand protections for the workers and tighten supervision. But many workers are afraid to participate because they fear doing so could subject them to punishments or penalties in their home countries.
Others fear hassles at the hands of Thai police, who rights groups have said sometimes request bribes to prevent deportation, among other abuses. Thai authorities have said they are investigating the complaints.
It remained unclear Tuesday how many migrants had failed to begin the process, though Thai officials and human-rights groups have said in recent days the total was expected to be at least several hundred thousand people.
Mr. Karun said that workers who didn't apply by Tuesday for an extension of their work permits as part of the process would become illegal, but that it would take awhile to determine exactly how many failed to do so.
Mr. Karun said workers who did start the process by Tuesday would have additional time to submit some of the documents to verify their identity, as announced earlier by Thai authorities.
Many Thai businesses, especially textile manufacturers and agricultural operations, rely heavily on the migrant workers to help keep wages low and their businesses competitive with India and China.
Human-rights groups say the workers now account for roughly 5% to 10% of Thailand's work force.
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DATE:02/03/10
SOURCE:Flight International
Flightglobal.com - Myanmar buys An-148 regional jet for VIP transport
By Leithen Francis
Ilyushin Finance has secured an order from the Myanmar government for two Antonov An-148 regional jets that will be used for passenger and VIP transport. The South-East Asian country is also in discussion to buy the smaller An-140 twin-engined turboprop, as is its neighbour Laos.
"This year's delivery slots for the An-148 are full," says Antonov, which adds that the An-148s will be delivered "no later than 2011".
The Ukrainian airframer confirms that talks are also under way with the Laos government for the sale of around three An-140s, but a deal has yet to be concluded.
Laos took delivery of a VIP-configured An-74TK-300D regional jet in October 2009, says Antonov, adding that Egypt and Libya are among its governmental customers for the An-74.
SOURCE:Flight International
Flightglobal.com - Myanmar buys An-148 regional jet for VIP transport
By Leithen Francis
Ilyushin Finance has secured an order from the Myanmar government for two Antonov An-148 regional jets that will be used for passenger and VIP transport. The South-East Asian country is also in discussion to buy the smaller An-140 twin-engined turboprop, as is its neighbour Laos.
"This year's delivery slots for the An-148 are full," says Antonov, which adds that the An-148s will be delivered "no later than 2011".
The Ukrainian airframer confirms that talks are also under way with the Laos government for the sale of around three An-140s, but a deal has yet to be concluded.
Laos took delivery of a VIP-configured An-74TK-300D regional jet in October 2009, says Antonov, adding that Egypt and Libya are among its governmental customers for the An-74.
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EarthTimes - EU gives Myanmar 17 million euros in humanitarian aid
Posted : Tue, 02 Mar 2010 09:24:09 GMT
Bangkok - The European Union announced Tuesday the allocation of 17.25 million euros (23.4 million dollars) in humanitarian aid for Myanmar's "vulnerable people" this year. Most of the aid, to be provided through the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid department (ECHO), is to go to ethnic minority groups living in Myanmar's frontier areas and refugees located in camps in Thailand, the EU office in Bangkok said.
"Vulnerable communities, especially those living in the remote border areas, continue to be in dire need of assistance," EU Ambassador in Bangkok David Lipman said.
"The objective of ECHO's activities in Burma/Myanmar is solely humanitarian, and it will address the most pressing needs of people at risk," he said.
An estimated 1.2 million people are expected to benefit directly from the support, which is due to see 9.25 million euros allocated to health and food programmes in remote rural frontier areas in the Rakhine, Shan, Mon, Kayah and Kayin states and Thanintaryi divisions of Myanmar, which was once known as Burma.
The remaining 8 million euros is to go to 150,000 Karen refugees living in camps in Thailand.
The EU has been funding relief programmes in Myanmar, a pariah state among Western democracies, since 1994.
ECHO opened an office in Yangon in October 2005 to help the delivery of European humanitarian aid to the military-run country.
Myanmar has faced economic sanctions on Western aid, trade and investments since its army's brutal crackdown on a pro-democracy movement in 1988 that left an estimated 3,000 people dead.
During 2008 to 2009, the EU provided 39 million euros in emergency support to assist the survivors of Cyclone Nargis, which smashed into the central Irrawaddy Delta area in May 2008, leaving 140,00 people dead or missing.
Posted : Tue, 02 Mar 2010 09:24:09 GMT
Bangkok - The European Union announced Tuesday the allocation of 17.25 million euros (23.4 million dollars) in humanitarian aid for Myanmar's "vulnerable people" this year. Most of the aid, to be provided through the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid department (ECHO), is to go to ethnic minority groups living in Myanmar's frontier areas and refugees located in camps in Thailand, the EU office in Bangkok said.
"Vulnerable communities, especially those living in the remote border areas, continue to be in dire need of assistance," EU Ambassador in Bangkok David Lipman said.
"The objective of ECHO's activities in Burma/Myanmar is solely humanitarian, and it will address the most pressing needs of people at risk," he said.
An estimated 1.2 million people are expected to benefit directly from the support, which is due to see 9.25 million euros allocated to health and food programmes in remote rural frontier areas in the Rakhine, Shan, Mon, Kayah and Kayin states and Thanintaryi divisions of Myanmar, which was once known as Burma.
The remaining 8 million euros is to go to 150,000 Karen refugees living in camps in Thailand.
The EU has been funding relief programmes in Myanmar, a pariah state among Western democracies, since 1994.
ECHO opened an office in Yangon in October 2005 to help the delivery of European humanitarian aid to the military-run country.
Myanmar has faced economic sanctions on Western aid, trade and investments since its army's brutal crackdown on a pro-democracy movement in 1988 that left an estimated 3,000 people dead.
During 2008 to 2009, the EU provided 39 million euros in emergency support to assist the survivors of Cyclone Nargis, which smashed into the central Irrawaddy Delta area in May 2008, leaving 140,00 people dead or missing.
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EarthTimes - Vietnam Airlines opens direct Yangon-Hanoi flight
Posted : Tue, 02 Mar 2010 11:48:07 GMT
Yangon - Vietnam Airlines on Tuesday launched a new direct flight four days a week between Hanoi and Yangon, Myanmar's former capital. The inaugural flight was scheduled to depart 19:10 Tuesday from Yangon, the state-owned airline said in a statement. The new route will be operated weekly using Fokker 70 aircraft on Tuesday, Thursday, Saturday and Sunday.
"This is a step to realize the long-term development strategy of Vietnam Airlines to become second-largest airline in the (Mekong River Basin) region by 2015-2020," Vietnam Airlines executive vice president Duong Tri Thanh said.
Thailand's flag carrier Thai Airways International is the current leader in Mekong region aviation.
The region includes Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam and southern China, the six countries through which the river flows.
Posted : Tue, 02 Mar 2010 11:48:07 GMT
Yangon - Vietnam Airlines on Tuesday launched a new direct flight four days a week between Hanoi and Yangon, Myanmar's former capital. The inaugural flight was scheduled to depart 19:10 Tuesday from Yangon, the state-owned airline said in a statement. The new route will be operated weekly using Fokker 70 aircraft on Tuesday, Thursday, Saturday and Sunday.
"This is a step to realize the long-term development strategy of Vietnam Airlines to become second-largest airline in the (Mekong River Basin) region by 2015-2020," Vietnam Airlines executive vice president Duong Tri Thanh said.
Thailand's flag carrier Thai Airways International is the current leader in Mekong region aviation.
The region includes Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam and southern China, the six countries through which the river flows.
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Brunei News - Myanmar launches Yangon-Bagan train service for convenience of tourists
NAM NEWS NETWORK Mar 2nd, 2010
NAY PYI TAW, March 2 (NNN-MNA) — The Myanmar authorities have luanched a special train service from the commercial port city of Yangon to the archaeological centre of Bagan for the convenience of globetrotters eager to explore Myanmar?s ancient history while enjoying the comfort of modern facilities.
The programme to operate a special train from Yangon to Bagan was discussed at Yangon railway station Sunday by Rail Transportation Minister Major-General Aung Min, who quoted the Head of State as saying that ?in order to further enhance the tourism industry and to facilitate passenger and freight transport, we will have to upgrade the Yangon-Pyay-Bagan-Mandalay railroad”.
Myanma Railways is to co-ordinate with tour companies and co-operate with the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism in operating tour services for globetrotters, the minister said.
Special trains with pantry-added air-conditioned sleepers and restaurant coaches will be on the new Yangon-Pyay-Kyaukpadaung-Bagan rail route, he added.
Hotels and Tourism Minister Major-General Soe Naing said the programme would ensure satisfaction for the ever-growing number of tourists.
After holding discussions with officials and tour operators, the two ministers viewed the special coaches at the station.
Maj-Gen Aung Min also inspected the unloading of six RBE coaches from the vessel, the Bohai Challenge, at Sule No.5 Port.
The coaches were imported from Meiwa Technika Co Ltd of Japan.
NAM NEWS NETWORK Mar 2nd, 2010
NAY PYI TAW, March 2 (NNN-MNA) — The Myanmar authorities have luanched a special train service from the commercial port city of Yangon to the archaeological centre of Bagan for the convenience of globetrotters eager to explore Myanmar?s ancient history while enjoying the comfort of modern facilities.
The programme to operate a special train from Yangon to Bagan was discussed at Yangon railway station Sunday by Rail Transportation Minister Major-General Aung Min, who quoted the Head of State as saying that ?in order to further enhance the tourism industry and to facilitate passenger and freight transport, we will have to upgrade the Yangon-Pyay-Bagan-Mandalay railroad”.
Myanma Railways is to co-ordinate with tour companies and co-operate with the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism in operating tour services for globetrotters, the minister said.
Special trains with pantry-added air-conditioned sleepers and restaurant coaches will be on the new Yangon-Pyay-Kyaukpadaung-Bagan rail route, he added.
Hotels and Tourism Minister Major-General Soe Naing said the programme would ensure satisfaction for the ever-growing number of tourists.
After holding discussions with officials and tour operators, the two ministers viewed the special coaches at the station.
Maj-Gen Aung Min also inspected the unloading of six RBE coaches from the vessel, the Bohai Challenge, at Sule No.5 Port.
The coaches were imported from Meiwa Technika Co Ltd of Japan.
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Tuesday 2 March 2010
Deccan Herald - Going downhill
“The Generals live in fear of the fiesty Lady.”
The Myanmar supreme court’s rejection of an appeal by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi against the extension of her house arrest indicates that the junta is determined to keep her out of public life. Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a sweeping mandate in the 1990 general elections. Not only did the military not respect the people’s mandate it refused to hand over power to the NLD - but also it has kept Suu Kyi and hundreds of other NLD leaders and other pro-democracy activists in detention in the two decades since. Suu Kyi’s detention was due to end last May. Then in a bizarre turn of events, she was accused of breaching the terms of her house arrest when an American man swam across a lake to her house. Her detention was extended thereafter. There were signs of a shift in the Generals’ tough position. Late last year, western diplomats were allowed to meet Suu Kyi. A fortnight ago, U Tin Oo, the NLD’s deputy leader, was set free. It did seem then that the junta, anxious to ensure some legitimacy for general elections due later this year, would release Suu Kyi as well. But these hopes have been dashed by the supreme court verdict.
Suu Kyi, who is often referred to as The Lady by the people of Myanmar, remains hugely popular. The supreme court verdict confirms what the world has always known: the Generals fear The Lady. To ensure she would not throw her hat in the ring, they disqualified her from contesting the election. The court verdict ensures now that she cannot campaign for her party either. This shows the depth of insecurity of the Generals. They do not have the guts to step out and face the electorate if Suu Kyi is in the electoral arena.
The Generals have crafted a constitution that entrenches the military in the country’s power structure. And they are holding an election under that constitution to give themselves the legitimacy. This is a farce that the people must defeat . They should participate in these elections in large numbers and vote for those who stand for Myanmar’s democratic future. It is through the ballot box that they should show their contempt for the Generals and their cowardice.
Deccan Herald - Going downhill
“The Generals live in fear of the fiesty Lady.”
The Myanmar supreme court’s rejection of an appeal by pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi against the extension of her house arrest indicates that the junta is determined to keep her out of public life. Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy (NLD) won a sweeping mandate in the 1990 general elections. Not only did the military not respect the people’s mandate it refused to hand over power to the NLD - but also it has kept Suu Kyi and hundreds of other NLD leaders and other pro-democracy activists in detention in the two decades since. Suu Kyi’s detention was due to end last May. Then in a bizarre turn of events, she was accused of breaching the terms of her house arrest when an American man swam across a lake to her house. Her detention was extended thereafter. There were signs of a shift in the Generals’ tough position. Late last year, western diplomats were allowed to meet Suu Kyi. A fortnight ago, U Tin Oo, the NLD’s deputy leader, was set free. It did seem then that the junta, anxious to ensure some legitimacy for general elections due later this year, would release Suu Kyi as well. But these hopes have been dashed by the supreme court verdict.
Suu Kyi, who is often referred to as The Lady by the people of Myanmar, remains hugely popular. The supreme court verdict confirms what the world has always known: the Generals fear The Lady. To ensure she would not throw her hat in the ring, they disqualified her from contesting the election. The court verdict ensures now that she cannot campaign for her party either. This shows the depth of insecurity of the Generals. They do not have the guts to step out and face the electorate if Suu Kyi is in the electoral arena.
The Generals have crafted a constitution that entrenches the military in the country’s power structure. And they are holding an election under that constitution to give themselves the legitimacy. This is a farce that the people must defeat . They should participate in these elections in large numbers and vote for those who stand for Myanmar’s democratic future. It is through the ballot box that they should show their contempt for the Generals and their cowardice.
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Thai-ASEAN News Network - Displaced Myanmarese Children Face Unclear Future
UPDATE : 2 March 2010
Decades of fighting between the military junta and the ethnic minorities in Myanmar has resulted in a huge influx of displaced people fleeing across the borders into northern Thailand.
The move has brought about large networks of NGO schools to educate displaced children, but their illegal status sets an unclear future for them. TAN Network’s Chaowarat Yongjiranon visits one of the schools in Mae Sod to find out more on their plight.
This may look like your ordinary Thai school classroom, but if you look closer you will see that these are not Thai students. They are displaced people from Myanmar, a growing population in northern Thailand that has increased in population over the decades of conflict in Myanmar.
This Hsa Thoo Lei Orphanage Learning Center, one of the over 160 schools set up by NGOs to provide displaced children that cannot go to Thai schools an education. At schools like this, children learn basic foundation subjects including core languages of Burmese, Thai, and English. An improvement from the past when schools could be shut down by Thai authorities at anytime.
It is not only the police that deters children from studying as demands from their families to work from an early age results in only pockets of students finishing 12th grade. Even when they finish they have nowhere to go as their illegal status keeps them away from high paying jobs and entering universities. Many are left with the option of working for NGOs as teachers.
But how many jobs do NGOs have to offer? And how do you keep the non-profit organizations from making schools for displaced people a source of making a regular income from donor countries such as Switzerland and the United States?
Perhaps it is a choice of the picking the lesser evil. NGOs say displaced people with an education have a greater chance in finding higher paying labor jobs, which is something far better than facing the violence back in their home country.
With an election expected this year and anticipation growing on the final release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, many hope things will get better in Myanmar. Yet it could be 20-30 years until displace persons feel it is safe to return back home.
UPDATE : 2 March 2010
Decades of fighting between the military junta and the ethnic minorities in Myanmar has resulted in a huge influx of displaced people fleeing across the borders into northern Thailand.
The move has brought about large networks of NGO schools to educate displaced children, but their illegal status sets an unclear future for them. TAN Network’s Chaowarat Yongjiranon visits one of the schools in Mae Sod to find out more on their plight.
This may look like your ordinary Thai school classroom, but if you look closer you will see that these are not Thai students. They are displaced people from Myanmar, a growing population in northern Thailand that has increased in population over the decades of conflict in Myanmar.
This Hsa Thoo Lei Orphanage Learning Center, one of the over 160 schools set up by NGOs to provide displaced children that cannot go to Thai schools an education. At schools like this, children learn basic foundation subjects including core languages of Burmese, Thai, and English. An improvement from the past when schools could be shut down by Thai authorities at anytime.
It is not only the police that deters children from studying as demands from their families to work from an early age results in only pockets of students finishing 12th grade. Even when they finish they have nowhere to go as their illegal status keeps them away from high paying jobs and entering universities. Many are left with the option of working for NGOs as teachers.
But how many jobs do NGOs have to offer? And how do you keep the non-profit organizations from making schools for displaced people a source of making a regular income from donor countries such as Switzerland and the United States?
Perhaps it is a choice of the picking the lesser evil. NGOs say displaced people with an education have a greater chance in finding higher paying labor jobs, which is something far better than facing the violence back in their home country.
With an election expected this year and anticipation growing on the final release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, many hope things will get better in Myanmar. Yet it could be 20-30 years until displace persons feel it is safe to return back home.
********************************************************
Thai-ASEAN News Network - Army Clashes with Drug Smugglers in Chiang Mai
UPDATE : 2 March 2010
The commander of the Region 3 Army has announced that the Pha Muang Task Force clashed with armed drug smugglers near the Myanmar-border in Chiang Mai province.
After the clash, the army confiscated more than 650,000 methamphetamine pills.
Commander of the Region 3 Army, Lieutenant-General Thanongsak Apirakyothin along with the governor of Chiangmai and other anti-narcotics officials in the province announced at a press conference that the Army's Pha Muang Task Force confiscated more than 650,000 methamphetamine pills after a clash with drug smugglers in Fang district in Chiangmai province.
Lieutenant General Thanongsak said the clash occurred about three kilometers from the Myanmar-border.
He said the armed forces exchanged gunfire with approximately 20 armed smugglers for about ten minutes.
Thereafter, a smuggler was found killed during the clash as the drug shipment and a number of weapons were also seized.
The army commander said that recently there have been a several attempts to bring large drug shipments into the country, as evidenced by the amount of confiscated drugs.
The commander also believes that the Wa minority group is behind the drug smuggling operations in the region.
Thanonsak pledged that the army and officials stationed along the border will continue to cooperate with each other to prevent illegal shipments from entering the country.
UPDATE : 2 March 2010
The commander of the Region 3 Army has announced that the Pha Muang Task Force clashed with armed drug smugglers near the Myanmar-border in Chiang Mai province.
After the clash, the army confiscated more than 650,000 methamphetamine pills.
Commander of the Region 3 Army, Lieutenant-General Thanongsak Apirakyothin along with the governor of Chiangmai and other anti-narcotics officials in the province announced at a press conference that the Army's Pha Muang Task Force confiscated more than 650,000 methamphetamine pills after a clash with drug smugglers in Fang district in Chiangmai province.
Lieutenant General Thanongsak said the clash occurred about three kilometers from the Myanmar-border.
He said the armed forces exchanged gunfire with approximately 20 armed smugglers for about ten minutes.
Thereafter, a smuggler was found killed during the clash as the drug shipment and a number of weapons were also seized.
The army commander said that recently there have been a several attempts to bring large drug shipments into the country, as evidenced by the amount of confiscated drugs.
The commander also believes that the Wa minority group is behind the drug smuggling operations in the region.
Thanonsak pledged that the army and officials stationed along the border will continue to cooperate with each other to prevent illegal shipments from entering the country.
********************************************************
The Statesman - Call to free political prisoners in Myanmar
1 March 2010
Anjali Sharma
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has said that he is disappointed to learn that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's appeal against her continued house arrest was rejected, in a statement issued by spokesman Martin Nesirky. Ban reiterated his call for the release of all political prisoners and their free participation in the political process, the statement added.
He emphasised that these are essential steps for national reconciliation and democratic transition in Myanmar.
Attack in Kabul: Ban Ki-moon strongly condemned the attacks that took place in Kabul which caused the death and injury of many Afghan and foreign residents for which the Taliban claimed responsibility, in a statement issued by his spokesman in New York. He stated that this deliberate targeting of civilians demonstrates once again a senseless disregard for human life on the part of the perpetrators.
Mr Ban extended his deepest condolences and sympathy to the families of the victims and sends his wishes for a speedy recovery to those who were injured, the statement added.
UN mission in Afghanistan also condemned the attacks killed 17 people, including some Indians and injured many others. “The perpetrators behind these attacks have again shown total disregard for the lives of others”, said Dan McNorton, spokesperson for the UN mission in Afghanistan.
According to media reports, the attacks occurred at 6:30 a.m. local time close to the City Centre shopping area and the Safi Landmark Hotel. This is the second deadly attack in Kabul, the mission said.
Electronic waste: The UN environmental agency called for new recycling technologies and regulations to safeguard both public health and the environment as the hazardous waste from electronic products growing exponentially in developing countries, by over 500 per cent.
According to a report issued by UNEP, so-called e-waste from products such as old computers, printers, mobile phones, pagers, digital photo and music devices, refrigerators, toys and televisions, is on rise sharply in tandem with growth in sales in countries like China and India and Africa and Latin America over the next 10 years.
The study Recycling from E-Waste to Resources, launched at a meeting of hazardous wastes experts in Bali, predicted that by 2020 e-waste from old computers will have jumped by 500 per cent from 2007 levels in India, and by 200 to 400 per cent in South Africa and China, that from old mobile phones will be 7 times higher in China and 18 times higher in India.
The most e-waste in China is improperly handled, much of it incinerated by backyard recyclers to recover valuable metals like gold, practices that release steady plumes of far-reaching toxic pollution and yield very low metal recovery rates compared to state-of-the-art industrial facilities, it stated.
“This report gives new urgency to establishing ambitious, formal and regulated processes for collecting and managing e-waste via the setting up of large, efficient facilities in China”, UNEP Executive Director Achim Steiner said.
“China is not alone in facing a serious challenge. India, Brazil, Mexico and others may also face rising environmental damage and health problems if e-waste recycling is left to the vagaries of the informal sector. In addition to curbing health problems, boosting developing country e-waste recycling rates can have the potential to generate decent employment, cut greenhouse gas emissions and recover a wide range of valuable metals including silver, gold, palladium, copper and indium. By acting now and planning forward many countries can turn an e-challenge into an e-opportunity”, he said.
Planting trees: The UN environmental agency announced that India will join the global campaign to cover the world with billions of trees, pushing the total number of trees planted to over 10 billion since 2006. UNEP stated in a press release that India is one of the fastest-growing economies in the region and is the world’s largest consumers of wood products.With a significant proportion of its population depending on land, intense pressure is placed on forests, while overgrazing is contributing to desertification, the agency noted.
India has kicked off a tree-planting scheme to combat land degradation and desertification, including windbreaks and shelter belts to protect agricultural land, UNEP said. “It is wonderful to have India join a campaign that will give so much in terms of trees and the future of the planet”, said UNEP Executive Director Achim Steiner.
The campaign reached its seven billionth tree - one for every person on the planet last September when China signed on and contributed three billion trees, which alone was an “enormous achievement”. But thanks to India’s participation, he said, it has now surpassed the 10 billion mark.
Loan to farmers: The International Fund for Agricultural Development has announced a $25 million loan to help 58,000 farming households in Sri Lanka to improve livelihoods, boost incomes and enhance their marketing skills to be able to see their products, in a press release issued.
IFAD said that the $25m loan will enable the National Agri-business Development Programme to help small producers, women, landless households and young people in rural areas. The scheme will increase the incomes of smallholder farmers by 20 to 30 per cent, and help farmers become directly involved in processing and marketing their products such as fruits, vegetables, spices, cereal, milk and dry fish, it said. “The programme will provide business expertise so that farmers can take part in joint ventures as equal partners with the private sector”, IFAD stated in a news release.
1 March 2010
Anjali Sharma
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has said that he is disappointed to learn that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's appeal against her continued house arrest was rejected, in a statement issued by spokesman Martin Nesirky. Ban reiterated his call for the release of all political prisoners and their free participation in the political process, the statement added.
He emphasised that these are essential steps for national reconciliation and democratic transition in Myanmar.
Attack in Kabul: Ban Ki-moon strongly condemned the attacks that took place in Kabul which caused the death and injury of many Afghan and foreign residents for which the Taliban claimed responsibility, in a statement issued by his spokesman in New York. He stated that this deliberate targeting of civilians demonstrates once again a senseless disregard for human life on the part of the perpetrators.
Mr Ban extended his deepest condolences and sympathy to the families of the victims and sends his wishes for a speedy recovery to those who were injured, the statement added.
UN mission in Afghanistan also condemned the attacks killed 17 people, including some Indians and injured many others. “The perpetrators behind these attacks have again shown total disregard for the lives of others”, said Dan McNorton, spokesperson for the UN mission in Afghanistan.
According to media reports, the attacks occurred at 6:30 a.m. local time close to the City Centre shopping area and the Safi Landmark Hotel. This is the second deadly attack in Kabul, the mission said.
Electronic waste: The UN environmental agency called for new recycling technologies and regulations to safeguard both public health and the environment as the hazardous waste from electronic products growing exponentially in developing countries, by over 500 per cent.
According to a report issued by UNEP, so-called e-waste from products such as old computers, printers, mobile phones, pagers, digital photo and music devices, refrigerators, toys and televisions, is on rise sharply in tandem with growth in sales in countries like China and India and Africa and Latin America over the next 10 years.
The study Recycling from E-Waste to Resources, launched at a meeting of hazardous wastes experts in Bali, predicted that by 2020 e-waste from old computers will have jumped by 500 per cent from 2007 levels in India, and by 200 to 400 per cent in South Africa and China, that from old mobile phones will be 7 times higher in China and 18 times higher in India.
The most e-waste in China is improperly handled, much of it incinerated by backyard recyclers to recover valuable metals like gold, practices that release steady plumes of far-reaching toxic pollution and yield very low metal recovery rates compared to state-of-the-art industrial facilities, it stated.
“This report gives new urgency to establishing ambitious, formal and regulated processes for collecting and managing e-waste via the setting up of large, efficient facilities in China”, UNEP Executive Director Achim Steiner said.
“China is not alone in facing a serious challenge. India, Brazil, Mexico and others may also face rising environmental damage and health problems if e-waste recycling is left to the vagaries of the informal sector. In addition to curbing health problems, boosting developing country e-waste recycling rates can have the potential to generate decent employment, cut greenhouse gas emissions and recover a wide range of valuable metals including silver, gold, palladium, copper and indium. By acting now and planning forward many countries can turn an e-challenge into an e-opportunity”, he said.
Planting trees: The UN environmental agency announced that India will join the global campaign to cover the world with billions of trees, pushing the total number of trees planted to over 10 billion since 2006. UNEP stated in a press release that India is one of the fastest-growing economies in the region and is the world’s largest consumers of wood products.With a significant proportion of its population depending on land, intense pressure is placed on forests, while overgrazing is contributing to desertification, the agency noted.
India has kicked off a tree-planting scheme to combat land degradation and desertification, including windbreaks and shelter belts to protect agricultural land, UNEP said. “It is wonderful to have India join a campaign that will give so much in terms of trees and the future of the planet”, said UNEP Executive Director Achim Steiner.
The campaign reached its seven billionth tree - one for every person on the planet last September when China signed on and contributed three billion trees, which alone was an “enormous achievement”. But thanks to India’s participation, he said, it has now surpassed the 10 billion mark.
Loan to farmers: The International Fund for Agricultural Development has announced a $25 million loan to help 58,000 farming households in Sri Lanka to improve livelihoods, boost incomes and enhance their marketing skills to be able to see their products, in a press release issued.
IFAD said that the $25m loan will enable the National Agri-business Development Programme to help small producers, women, landless households and young people in rural areas. The scheme will increase the incomes of smallholder farmers by 20 to 30 per cent, and help farmers become directly involved in processing and marketing their products such as fruits, vegetables, spices, cereal, milk and dry fish, it said. “The programme will provide business expertise so that farmers can take part in joint ventures as equal partners with the private sector”, IFAD stated in a news release.
********************************************************
volume 15, issue #3 - Tuesday, March 02, 2010
Alexander's Gas & Oil Connections - Burma's junta to privatize oil industry
26-01-10 Burma's military government notified private businessmen on January 19th of their plan to privatize Burma's oil industry.
Sources in Rangoon's business circle said several leading private businessmen and companies currently importing petrol and diesel were summoned for a meeting in the administrative capital of Naypyitaw and informed of the government's plan to privatize the oil business.
"We were informed of the plan to privatize the oil business. It is just the beginning and we are to form a fuel businessmen association soon. Naypyitaw instructed us to form an association," a businessman, who attended the meeting, told.
He said the association would be chaired by a close business associate of the junta, Tay Za, and could be vice-chaired by one of the sons of General Thura Shwe Mann, third in-line in the hierarchy of the Burmese junta.
With regards to the privatization of the oil business, the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industries (UMFCCI) from January 22nd to 23rd held a meeting to brief members on the government's scheme.
But an officer at the Myanmar Petroleum Products Enterprise (MPPE) office in Naypyitaw denied any knowledge of the plans, saying, "We don't know anything. We can only make things public when the official announcement is made."
MPPE, the Burmese junta's business department dealing with the import and domestic sales of petrol and diesel, maintained a monopoly over the fuel business since May 2008, when devastating Cyclone Nargis caused a sharp rise in the demand for fuel by business enterprises.
As MPPE failed to provide the necessary fuel, the government allowed selective businesses with a close connection to the military government, to import fuel. But later, in October 2009, the government allowed all businesses with export earnings to import fuel for their use.
A businessman who deals in importing fuel said during the 2008-2009 fiscal year, Burmese businessmen close to the ruling generals, including Htoo Trading Company owner Tay Za and Thein Win Zaw, owner of Ngwe Biang Phyu, a company dealing in mines, were able to import huge amounts of oil.
Though MPPE is the sole official distributor of oil, with limited quotas, most automobile users, factories and industries using petrol and diesel rely on the black market, even though prices on the black market may be substantially higher.
Before August 2007, the official subsidized price for petrol was about 150 kyats (approximately 15 cents) per gallon (approximately four litres), with the black market rate approaching 10 times the figure. But, in August 2007, the junta reduced subsidies on oil, petrol and diesel, causing a sharp rise in the official price of oil to over 3,000 kyats (approximately $ 3), negatively impacting thousands of consumers.
Following the May 2008 decision to allow a few private businesses to play a role in the oil business, the price of oil on the black market has dropped to a level relatively lower than official MPPE's rates.
Currently, the official rate for a gallon of petrol is about 3,000 kyats, while on the black market it cost about 2,500 kyats.
According to the CIA World Factbook's January 2008 estimates, Burma consumes 43,140 barrels of oil per day, producing 21,900. Burma is estimated to have over 50 mm barrels of oil in reserve.
Alexander's Gas & Oil Connections - Burma's junta to privatize oil industry
26-01-10 Burma's military government notified private businessmen on January 19th of their plan to privatize Burma's oil industry.
Sources in Rangoon's business circle said several leading private businessmen and companies currently importing petrol and diesel were summoned for a meeting in the administrative capital of Naypyitaw and informed of the government's plan to privatize the oil business.
"We were informed of the plan to privatize the oil business. It is just the beginning and we are to form a fuel businessmen association soon. Naypyitaw instructed us to form an association," a businessman, who attended the meeting, told.
He said the association would be chaired by a close business associate of the junta, Tay Za, and could be vice-chaired by one of the sons of General Thura Shwe Mann, third in-line in the hierarchy of the Burmese junta.
With regards to the privatization of the oil business, the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industries (UMFCCI) from January 22nd to 23rd held a meeting to brief members on the government's scheme.
But an officer at the Myanmar Petroleum Products Enterprise (MPPE) office in Naypyitaw denied any knowledge of the plans, saying, "We don't know anything. We can only make things public when the official announcement is made."
MPPE, the Burmese junta's business department dealing with the import and domestic sales of petrol and diesel, maintained a monopoly over the fuel business since May 2008, when devastating Cyclone Nargis caused a sharp rise in the demand for fuel by business enterprises.
As MPPE failed to provide the necessary fuel, the government allowed selective businesses with a close connection to the military government, to import fuel. But later, in October 2009, the government allowed all businesses with export earnings to import fuel for their use.
A businessman who deals in importing fuel said during the 2008-2009 fiscal year, Burmese businessmen close to the ruling generals, including Htoo Trading Company owner Tay Za and Thein Win Zaw, owner of Ngwe Biang Phyu, a company dealing in mines, were able to import huge amounts of oil.
Though MPPE is the sole official distributor of oil, with limited quotas, most automobile users, factories and industries using petrol and diesel rely on the black market, even though prices on the black market may be substantially higher.
Before August 2007, the official subsidized price for petrol was about 150 kyats (approximately 15 cents) per gallon (approximately four litres), with the black market rate approaching 10 times the figure. But, in August 2007, the junta reduced subsidies on oil, petrol and diesel, causing a sharp rise in the official price of oil to over 3,000 kyats (approximately $ 3), negatively impacting thousands of consumers.
Following the May 2008 decision to allow a few private businesses to play a role in the oil business, the price of oil on the black market has dropped to a level relatively lower than official MPPE's rates.
Currently, the official rate for a gallon of petrol is about 3,000 kyats, while on the black market it cost about 2,500 kyats.
According to the CIA World Factbook's January 2008 estimates, Burma consumes 43,140 barrels of oil per day, producing 21,900. Burma is estimated to have over 50 mm barrels of oil in reserve.
********************************************************
San Francisco Examiner - Mac McClelland reports back from Burma and has new book out from Soft Skull Press
March 1, 11:32 PM SF Events Examiner Sona Avakian
Mac McClelland's forthcoming title from Soft Skull Press is For Us Surrender is out of the Question is about the time she spent in Thailand in 2006. Adam Hochschild says of the title, "This is a book alternately poignant and raucous, angry and heartbreaking; a reader could not ask for a more vivid introduction to the long-overlooked plight of Burma's Karen people. Mac McClelland's reporting is very much from-the-ground-up, far livelier than we will ever get from the average foreign correspondent." To commemorate the release of this important publication, Soft Skull press is hosting a book signing and civilized cocktails at Bender's at 806 South Van Ness on March 5th. Start time: 7:30 . When Mac got in touch with me about her book and the Soft Skull event I immediately knew I wanted to hear more.
S.A. Tell me about the book.
M.M. In 2006 I went to Thailand to volunteer and ended up living with a bunch of young, hot, hard-drinking refugees from Burma who snuck back and forth over [the border] videotaping and taking pictures of atrocities committed by the Burmese army: Burning down villages, torture, murder, rape. The book is largely about the time I spent with them, and what I learned about their government’s secret genocide.
S.A. Why should Americans care about what is happening in Burma?
M.M. Everyone has an obligation to be vigilant against genocide, no matter where it’s happening. It’s not even really Americans’ fault; they don’t know about it [because] nobody’s reporting it. It’s inexcusable, especially when we claimed “never again” and to have learned our lesson after Rwanda.
S.A. Did you cross the border?
M. M. On that trip, I did go into Burma once, but legally, through an official checkpoint, which I write about in the book. It wasn’t dangerous or anything, just annoying, because you have to pay the jerky Burmese soldiers a visa fee to get into their country. On a subsequent trip I crossed the border with refugees, the way refugees do – through the forest in middle-of-nowhere Thailand, away from checkpoints, then in a longtail boat across the river. You can get across as easy as pie, or you can maybe be killed by soldiers[who are] on either side, as two kids who were last week. It just depends if you get caught.
S.A. Were you scared?
M.M. No, I definitely wasn’t scared when I crossed the border with the refugees. They are so used to trauma that they often exude this impossibly serene vibe of acceptance. They just hoped for the best and got on with it, so I just hoped for the best and got on with it. Even someone as spastic as I am can’t really be anxious surrounded by so much calm.
S.A. How did the opportunity to publish with Soft Skull come about?
M.M. My agent and I had been shopping the proposal for a while, and had been talking to some editors who were really interested in the story but whose own bosses ultimately wouldn’t let them acquire the book, either because nobody cares about Burma, or because they didn’t like how voicey my prose was or the way I wanted to integrate a ton of research into these personal narratives. A friend of mine was telling a friend of his about it at a barbeque, actually, and that friend happened to be an editor at Soft Skull. They asked for the proposal, and then said the magic words: That I could do the book however I wanted.
S.A. What's next for you? Any plans to got back to Burma?
M.M. After my editors at Mother Jones magazine, where I’ve worked for the last few years, read the book, they sort of invented this position for me as their roving human rights correspondent. We’ll just have to wait and see where that takes me next. So I don’t have any plans to go back to the Burmese border in the near future, but I know I will someday. I swear I don’t usually say things this dorky and cliché, but a big piece of my heart is there.
Mac McClelland is a writer and editor at Mother Jones. Her work has also appeared in The Nation, GQ South Africa, Orion, and Hustler, among other publications. For us Surrender is out of the Question is out now from Soft Skull Press. The book signing to event is free and open to the public.
March 1, 11:32 PM SF Events Examiner Sona Avakian
Mac McClelland's forthcoming title from Soft Skull Press is For Us Surrender is out of the Question is about the time she spent in Thailand in 2006. Adam Hochschild says of the title, "This is a book alternately poignant and raucous, angry and heartbreaking; a reader could not ask for a more vivid introduction to the long-overlooked plight of Burma's Karen people. Mac McClelland's reporting is very much from-the-ground-up, far livelier than we will ever get from the average foreign correspondent." To commemorate the release of this important publication, Soft Skull press is hosting a book signing and civilized cocktails at Bender's at 806 South Van Ness on March 5th. Start time: 7:30 . When Mac got in touch with me about her book and the Soft Skull event I immediately knew I wanted to hear more.
S.A. Tell me about the book.
M.M. In 2006 I went to Thailand to volunteer and ended up living with a bunch of young, hot, hard-drinking refugees from Burma who snuck back and forth over [the border] videotaping and taking pictures of atrocities committed by the Burmese army: Burning down villages, torture, murder, rape. The book is largely about the time I spent with them, and what I learned about their government’s secret genocide.
S.A. Why should Americans care about what is happening in Burma?
M.M. Everyone has an obligation to be vigilant against genocide, no matter where it’s happening. It’s not even really Americans’ fault; they don’t know about it [because] nobody’s reporting it. It’s inexcusable, especially when we claimed “never again” and to have learned our lesson after Rwanda.
S.A. Did you cross the border?
M. M. On that trip, I did go into Burma once, but legally, through an official checkpoint, which I write about in the book. It wasn’t dangerous or anything, just annoying, because you have to pay the jerky Burmese soldiers a visa fee to get into their country. On a subsequent trip I crossed the border with refugees, the way refugees do – through the forest in middle-of-nowhere Thailand, away from checkpoints, then in a longtail boat across the river. You can get across as easy as pie, or you can maybe be killed by soldiers[who are] on either side, as two kids who were last week. It just depends if you get caught.
S.A. Were you scared?
M.M. No, I definitely wasn’t scared when I crossed the border with the refugees. They are so used to trauma that they often exude this impossibly serene vibe of acceptance. They just hoped for the best and got on with it, so I just hoped for the best and got on with it. Even someone as spastic as I am can’t really be anxious surrounded by so much calm.
S.A. How did the opportunity to publish with Soft Skull come about?
M.M. My agent and I had been shopping the proposal for a while, and had been talking to some editors who were really interested in the story but whose own bosses ultimately wouldn’t let them acquire the book, either because nobody cares about Burma, or because they didn’t like how voicey my prose was or the way I wanted to integrate a ton of research into these personal narratives. A friend of mine was telling a friend of his about it at a barbeque, actually, and that friend happened to be an editor at Soft Skull. They asked for the proposal, and then said the magic words: That I could do the book however I wanted.
S.A. What's next for you? Any plans to got back to Burma?
M.M. After my editors at Mother Jones magazine, where I’ve worked for the last few years, read the book, they sort of invented this position for me as their roving human rights correspondent. We’ll just have to wait and see where that takes me next. So I don’t have any plans to go back to the Burmese border in the near future, but I know I will someday. I swear I don’t usually say things this dorky and cliché, but a big piece of my heart is there.
Mac McClelland is a writer and editor at Mother Jones. Her work has also appeared in The Nation, GQ South Africa, Orion, and Hustler, among other publications. For us Surrender is out of the Question is out now from Soft Skull Press. The book signing to event is free and open to the public.
********************************************************
The Nation - Govt to deport 500,000 workers
By Chularat Saengpassa
Published on March 3, 2010
Gothom urges authorities to be lenient with the Burmese
Starting from today, relevant authorities are getting ready to deport about half a million Burmese, Laotian and Cambodian workers because they failed to seek new work permits and/or submit requests for nationality verification within the deadline.
Yesterday was the last day for the 1.3 million or so Burmese, Laotian and Cambodian people working in Thailand to hand over requests or applications to the authorities. This is a mandatory step for workers who have already registered in Thailand's labour market in recent years.
"We will not be lenient," Employment Department's deputy director-general Supat Gukun said yesterday referring to workers who missed the deadline.
He added that his department would work closely with the police and the Immigration Bureau in enforcing the law.
"We will have to arrest and deport those alien workers who have not kept in line with prescribed procedures," Supat said, pointing out that under the procedure, registered aliens would be given access to legal protection and welfare.
Moreover, Supat insisted the nationality-verification process was not very complicated.
"For extra convenience, employers can hire one of the 12 certified private companies to handle the task of verifying the nationality of their workers for no more than Bt5,000 per head," he added.
Many employers have sought the service, with the companies earning more than a total of Bt1 billion.
The nationality-verification process has recently been made mandatory, in addition to the long-existing requirement for alien workers to carry a work permit.
The process has two main steps:
l Employers fill nationality-verification forms and submit them to the Labour Ministry, which will then forward these documents to the governments of Burma, Laos and Cambodia for verification.
l Once the documents are verified, the alien workers can return home to get passports. Thailand has given alien workers until 2012 to get their passports.
Since work permits issued to alien workers expire on March 2, they all had until yesterday to renew their permits.
Meanwhile, Human Rights and Development Foundation chairman Gothom Arya yesterday urged the government to not deport the alien workers who failed to meet the March 2 deadline.
"Some Burmese workers feel their lives are at risk if they have to go back to their country. Political and ethnical conflicts are still going on there," he said.
He also urged the government to extend the deadline for registered alien workers' nationality verification.
Gothom said if Thai authorities refused to extend the deadline, many Burmese workers would simply go underground and live here illegally.
"Some corrupt officials might then exploit these people," he said.
By Chularat Saengpassa
Published on March 3, 2010
Gothom urges authorities to be lenient with the Burmese
Starting from today, relevant authorities are getting ready to deport about half a million Burmese, Laotian and Cambodian workers because they failed to seek new work permits and/or submit requests for nationality verification within the deadline.
Yesterday was the last day for the 1.3 million or so Burmese, Laotian and Cambodian people working in Thailand to hand over requests or applications to the authorities. This is a mandatory step for workers who have already registered in Thailand's labour market in recent years.
"We will not be lenient," Employment Department's deputy director-general Supat Gukun said yesterday referring to workers who missed the deadline.
He added that his department would work closely with the police and the Immigration Bureau in enforcing the law.
"We will have to arrest and deport those alien workers who have not kept in line with prescribed procedures," Supat said, pointing out that under the procedure, registered aliens would be given access to legal protection and welfare.
Moreover, Supat insisted the nationality-verification process was not very complicated.
"For extra convenience, employers can hire one of the 12 certified private companies to handle the task of verifying the nationality of their workers for no more than Bt5,000 per head," he added.
Many employers have sought the service, with the companies earning more than a total of Bt1 billion.
The nationality-verification process has recently been made mandatory, in addition to the long-existing requirement for alien workers to carry a work permit.
The process has two main steps:
l Employers fill nationality-verification forms and submit them to the Labour Ministry, which will then forward these documents to the governments of Burma, Laos and Cambodia for verification.
l Once the documents are verified, the alien workers can return home to get passports. Thailand has given alien workers until 2012 to get their passports.
Since work permits issued to alien workers expire on March 2, they all had until yesterday to renew their permits.
Meanwhile, Human Rights and Development Foundation chairman Gothom Arya yesterday urged the government to not deport the alien workers who failed to meet the March 2 deadline.
"Some Burmese workers feel their lives are at risk if they have to go back to their country. Political and ethnical conflicts are still going on there," he said.
He also urged the government to extend the deadline for registered alien workers' nationality verification.
Gothom said if Thai authorities refused to extend the deadline, many Burmese workers would simply go underground and live here illegally.
"Some corrupt officials might then exploit these people," he said.
********************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Again, Than Shwe Mentions Election But No Date
By KO HTWE - Tuesday, March 2, 2010
Burmese junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe reaffirmed on Tuesday that an election will be held this year, but he did not name a date, in a statement released on Peasant Day and published in state-run media.
The New Light of Myanmar newspaper carried a story quoting Than Shwe: “This year an election will be held to elect members of parliament in accordance with the State Constitution of the Union of Myanmar.”
He urged farmers to elect representatives who are capable of building a peaceful, modern and developed nation, saying that they must exercise democracy correctly while warding off any disruption in state stability and community peace.
In separate statements made on Burma's Union Day on Feb. 12, Than Shwe offered assurances that the upcoming election would be free and fair.
Win Tin, a leading NLD member, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday: “It's like a roar without rain. If they plan to hold an election, they should announce the electoral law and party registration now.”
In the 1990 election, the electoral law and party registration rules were announced 18 months in advance, Win Tin said.
The NLD, which swept the last election in 1990, has not yet decided whether to take part in the election.
“The Shwegondaing Declaration,” released by the NLD in April 2009, calls for a review of the controversial Constitution, a political dialogue and the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.
In other comments, Than Shwe said the nation's rice supply far exceeds the demand of the growing population, and he urged the agricultural sector to transform itself by using more mechanized farming techniques.
Khin Maung Nyo, a Burmese economist in Rangoon, said the government's estimate of the rice harvest seemed to be sufficient.
“Once the lower part of Burma sent rice to upper Burma,” he said. “Now upper Burma sends rice to the lower part. ”
By KO HTWE - Tuesday, March 2, 2010
Burmese junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe reaffirmed on Tuesday that an election will be held this year, but he did not name a date, in a statement released on Peasant Day and published in state-run media.
The New Light of Myanmar newspaper carried a story quoting Than Shwe: “This year an election will be held to elect members of parliament in accordance with the State Constitution of the Union of Myanmar.”
He urged farmers to elect representatives who are capable of building a peaceful, modern and developed nation, saying that they must exercise democracy correctly while warding off any disruption in state stability and community peace.
In separate statements made on Burma's Union Day on Feb. 12, Than Shwe offered assurances that the upcoming election would be free and fair.
Win Tin, a leading NLD member, told The Irrawaddy on Tuesday: “It's like a roar without rain. If they plan to hold an election, they should announce the electoral law and party registration now.”
In the 1990 election, the electoral law and party registration rules were announced 18 months in advance, Win Tin said.
The NLD, which swept the last election in 1990, has not yet decided whether to take part in the election.
“The Shwegondaing Declaration,” released by the NLD in April 2009, calls for a review of the controversial Constitution, a political dialogue and the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.
In other comments, Than Shwe said the nation's rice supply far exceeds the demand of the growing population, and he urged the agricultural sector to transform itself by using more mechanized farming techniques.
Khin Maung Nyo, a Burmese economist in Rangoon, said the government's estimate of the rice harvest seemed to be sufficient.
“Once the lower part of Burma sent rice to upper Burma,” he said. “Now upper Burma sends rice to the lower part. ”
********************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Still Not Free
Tuesday, March 2, 2010
The Irrawaddy recently interviewed Tin Oo, 83, the vice-chairman of the National League for Democracy (NLD) who was recently released from almost seven years under house arrest.
Tin Oo joined the NLD at its formation during the pro-democracy uprising of 1988. He was formerly the chief of staff of Burma's armed forces.
He spoke about his mental anguish while in detention and his vision of a future for his country and his party.
Question: Can you tell us about your detention after the Depayin Massacre in 2003?
Answer: First I was taken into police custody in Depayin. Then they sent me to Kalay prison and immediately put me in solitary confinement. I expected to be there for a maximum of 30 days, but it turned into a total of eight months.
In fact, the food was fine. Any time I asked the prison guards for anything they brought it to me. For instance, cooking oil, salt, chili, onions and things that I could use to flavor my food. A doctor came to see me almost every day to check my blood pressure.
Then, one evening in February 2004, the guards came to my cell and handed me some plastic bags. All they would say is that I was to be moved somewhere else. The following afternoon, they took me away from the prison. Next thing I knew, I was on a flight from Kalay to Mandalay. I was taken to my home and told I was being placed under house arrest and charged under Section 10 (b) of the state security act.
Q: What were the differences between house arrest and life in prison?
A: Although I was at home with my family, I was unhappy being under [the junta's] control. So many restrictions were imposed regarding my movements. I couldn't meet people. I couldn't give alms to monks. I couldn't communicate with my party or talk to party members. I couldn't receive information and news.
In fact, house arrest is truly detention. It is not different from prison. I did manage to hear some news about my colleagues. I heard Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to imprisonment in Insein and later put under house arrest like me. I wasn't happy about that.
The rules were changed so that I had to submit all my requests and needs in writing. For instance, they asked me to submit a letter of request when I wanted a medical check-up. The low-ranking officers didn't want to be responsible for me, so they sent my requests to higher levels. It always took time to get permission granted. It would have been a severe problem if my health had deteriorated quickly.
Likewise, when I bought a new air-conditioner, nobody from the shop would come to install it for me. In cases like this, I had to rely on one of my relatives helping me.
The more I was affected mentally, the worse my physical condition became. To overcome my suffering I focused on vipassana [meditation]. In the mornings I prayed and I read Buddhist texts. I tried to memorize Buddhist scriptures whenever I had spare time.
Later, my wife and children urged me and to write about my experiences, so I did. At first, I was enthusiastic, but as I went on, I reached depths of sorrow. Reminiscing about the pro-democracy uprising and the many unpleasant things that had taken place, got me down.
One of the saddest things in my life was when I was in the army and my young son died. He was born with a bad heart and had to be treated by a doctor regularly. I couldn't take him to hospital because, for several reasons, I had very little money. I lost him. The day after his funeral, I resigned from the army. I was detained soon after my resignation and thrown into Insein jail for seven years.
The thought of what had happened and how I had been treated frustrated me deeply while I was in prison. Writing about these tragedies and bringing those memories back to mind depressed me so much that I stopped writing.
We have a saying in Burma: “What are the three happiest days in a man's life? Answer: the day he leaves the monkhood, the day he gets married and the day he is released from prison.”
Although I have been freed from house arrest it doesn't make any difference to me.
When I was detained I shouldered a great amount of mental suffering. I am free now but still under their control. There is a guard stationed right outside my house and someone follows me whenever I go out. In effect, I am still not free.
In fact, anyone who works for democracy, human rights and peace in this country is under detention. I am not satisfied with this situation. Sometimes, I am furious and feel like I can't stand it any longer. From time to time, I have to calm myself down by adhering to the Buddha's teachings. I have to focus myself because I want to help with the work of the NLD.
When the regime sentenced several young people to 70, 80 or 100 years imprisonment, the cruelty of the act has a great mental impact on me. During Suu Kyi's trial, nothing was fair and I wanted to right the wrongs that were being done.
Q: How was your physical health while you were under house arrest?
A: Well, I have to tell you, I began suffering from hypertension when I was in prison for the first time and I continued to do so until the day I was released. I went straight to the hospital and they were in shock because I had a blood pressure of 180-110.
I take medicine and try to take care of myself. The second time I was under detention, I suffered from an irregular heart beat and I needed treatment on my urinary gland. I also had problems with my eyes, partially caused by my high blood pressure. But much of that is my own fault because I didn't pay enough attention to this problem.
Apart from religious practice and writing, I watched TV to use up my free time. I watched so many Korean soap operas. Also, I am a big sports fan. I used to watch a lot of tennis and football––Premier League, Spanish league and the Myanmar National League. I think that's why I had problems with my eyes. I am getting treatment for that now.
As I said before, while I was under house arrest I had to make written requests for treatment and wait at least one to two weeks to get that permission granted. Usually I waited, but if it was an emergency I made my own decisions.
Q: As a former chief of staff, what do you think of the current Burmese army?
A: The army used to have a good reputation when it followed the traditions laid down by its founder, Burma's independence architect Gen Aung San. I would like to see the current army regain this. All officers––whether high-raking or low-ranking––should work for the people and focus on their real duties––the security and defense of this country. That's all I want to say about the army.
Q: How highly do you rate Aung San Suu Kyi?
A: Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership skills are truly needed for Burma's democracy, human rights and peace. There is really no need to say more about her courage as she stands on the side of righteousness. She has her father's blood, energy and desire to sacrifice herself for her country. She is honest, brave and determined. She has a desire to oversee the development and prosperity of the whole nation. She is completely dedicated to her country and has risked her life for it. She is a great leader.
Q: What do you think the NLD's future role will be?
A: Since its formation, the NLD has clearly stated its role in its constitution. When the NLD contested the 1990 election, it said that although Burma had gained independence its citizens have been unable to enjoy their rights as free persons. It also said that in the struggle for liberation from military dictatorship, it would build trust through peaceful means and dialogue. The NLD still holds this belief.
Q: What would you say to the regime's leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, if you met in person?
A: Well ... I would first advise him to try to build trust among the people. For the sake of the country and the people, we should negotiate and build trust. I would tell him that he can still do so.
Tuesday, March 2, 2010
The Irrawaddy recently interviewed Tin Oo, 83, the vice-chairman of the National League for Democracy (NLD) who was recently released from almost seven years under house arrest.
Tin Oo joined the NLD at its formation during the pro-democracy uprising of 1988. He was formerly the chief of staff of Burma's armed forces.
He spoke about his mental anguish while in detention and his vision of a future for his country and his party.
Question: Can you tell us about your detention after the Depayin Massacre in 2003?
Answer: First I was taken into police custody in Depayin. Then they sent me to Kalay prison and immediately put me in solitary confinement. I expected to be there for a maximum of 30 days, but it turned into a total of eight months.
In fact, the food was fine. Any time I asked the prison guards for anything they brought it to me. For instance, cooking oil, salt, chili, onions and things that I could use to flavor my food. A doctor came to see me almost every day to check my blood pressure.
Then, one evening in February 2004, the guards came to my cell and handed me some plastic bags. All they would say is that I was to be moved somewhere else. The following afternoon, they took me away from the prison. Next thing I knew, I was on a flight from Kalay to Mandalay. I was taken to my home and told I was being placed under house arrest and charged under Section 10 (b) of the state security act.
Q: What were the differences between house arrest and life in prison?
A: Although I was at home with my family, I was unhappy being under [the junta's] control. So many restrictions were imposed regarding my movements. I couldn't meet people. I couldn't give alms to monks. I couldn't communicate with my party or talk to party members. I couldn't receive information and news.
In fact, house arrest is truly detention. It is not different from prison. I did manage to hear some news about my colleagues. I heard Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to imprisonment in Insein and later put under house arrest like me. I wasn't happy about that.
The rules were changed so that I had to submit all my requests and needs in writing. For instance, they asked me to submit a letter of request when I wanted a medical check-up. The low-ranking officers didn't want to be responsible for me, so they sent my requests to higher levels. It always took time to get permission granted. It would have been a severe problem if my health had deteriorated quickly.
Likewise, when I bought a new air-conditioner, nobody from the shop would come to install it for me. In cases like this, I had to rely on one of my relatives helping me.
The more I was affected mentally, the worse my physical condition became. To overcome my suffering I focused on vipassana [meditation]. In the mornings I prayed and I read Buddhist texts. I tried to memorize Buddhist scriptures whenever I had spare time.
Later, my wife and children urged me and to write about my experiences, so I did. At first, I was enthusiastic, but as I went on, I reached depths of sorrow. Reminiscing about the pro-democracy uprising and the many unpleasant things that had taken place, got me down.
One of the saddest things in my life was when I was in the army and my young son died. He was born with a bad heart and had to be treated by a doctor regularly. I couldn't take him to hospital because, for several reasons, I had very little money. I lost him. The day after his funeral, I resigned from the army. I was detained soon after my resignation and thrown into Insein jail for seven years.
The thought of what had happened and how I had been treated frustrated me deeply while I was in prison. Writing about these tragedies and bringing those memories back to mind depressed me so much that I stopped writing.
We have a saying in Burma: “What are the three happiest days in a man's life? Answer: the day he leaves the monkhood, the day he gets married and the day he is released from prison.”
Although I have been freed from house arrest it doesn't make any difference to me.
When I was detained I shouldered a great amount of mental suffering. I am free now but still under their control. There is a guard stationed right outside my house and someone follows me whenever I go out. In effect, I am still not free.
In fact, anyone who works for democracy, human rights and peace in this country is under detention. I am not satisfied with this situation. Sometimes, I am furious and feel like I can't stand it any longer. From time to time, I have to calm myself down by adhering to the Buddha's teachings. I have to focus myself because I want to help with the work of the NLD.
When the regime sentenced several young people to 70, 80 or 100 years imprisonment, the cruelty of the act has a great mental impact on me. During Suu Kyi's trial, nothing was fair and I wanted to right the wrongs that were being done.
Q: How was your physical health while you were under house arrest?
A: Well, I have to tell you, I began suffering from hypertension when I was in prison for the first time and I continued to do so until the day I was released. I went straight to the hospital and they were in shock because I had a blood pressure of 180-110.
I take medicine and try to take care of myself. The second time I was under detention, I suffered from an irregular heart beat and I needed treatment on my urinary gland. I also had problems with my eyes, partially caused by my high blood pressure. But much of that is my own fault because I didn't pay enough attention to this problem.
Apart from religious practice and writing, I watched TV to use up my free time. I watched so many Korean soap operas. Also, I am a big sports fan. I used to watch a lot of tennis and football––Premier League, Spanish league and the Myanmar National League. I think that's why I had problems with my eyes. I am getting treatment for that now.
As I said before, while I was under house arrest I had to make written requests for treatment and wait at least one to two weeks to get that permission granted. Usually I waited, but if it was an emergency I made my own decisions.
Q: As a former chief of staff, what do you think of the current Burmese army?
A: The army used to have a good reputation when it followed the traditions laid down by its founder, Burma's independence architect Gen Aung San. I would like to see the current army regain this. All officers––whether high-raking or low-ranking––should work for the people and focus on their real duties––the security and defense of this country. That's all I want to say about the army.
Q: How highly do you rate Aung San Suu Kyi?
A: Aung San Suu Kyi's leadership skills are truly needed for Burma's democracy, human rights and peace. There is really no need to say more about her courage as she stands on the side of righteousness. She has her father's blood, energy and desire to sacrifice herself for her country. She is honest, brave and determined. She has a desire to oversee the development and prosperity of the whole nation. She is completely dedicated to her country and has risked her life for it. She is a great leader.
Q: What do you think the NLD's future role will be?
A: Since its formation, the NLD has clearly stated its role in its constitution. When the NLD contested the 1990 election, it said that although Burma had gained independence its citizens have been unable to enjoy their rights as free persons. It also said that in the struggle for liberation from military dictatorship, it would build trust through peaceful means and dialogue. The NLD still holds this belief.
Q: What would you say to the regime's leader, Snr-Gen Than Shwe, if you met in person?
A: Well ... I would first advise him to try to build trust among the people. For the sake of the country and the people, we should negotiate and build trust. I would tell him that he can still do so.
********************************************************
Mizzima News - News hunting in Burma
Tuesday, 02 March 2010 19:19 Min Aung Naing
(A note from a correspondent living in Burma)
Sometimes a hunter becomes prey. Similarly Burma's news hunters can become a victim of the news and a reporter's jailing becomes the story.
Reporters from officially registered media in Burma must also be careful with their reporting. Of course it is more dangerous for the reporters and supporters of exile based media but it's not easy for the approved reporters to stay on the regime's good side.
All publications and periodicals in Burma have to be registered with the Press Scrutiny and Registration Board under the Ministry of Information and are subject to the board's tight censorship rules. It would be a big problem if news that the regime doesn't want disclosed is printed so all of the official papers are very cautious.
Staff at officially registered media organizations must learn to operate under Burma's strict censorship system. Often they are very familiar with the name and position of the person responsible in a certain government department who has veto power over what gets published about their sector. Before an article on a particular government department is published the publisher must ensure there is no objection from the censorship board or depending on the importance of the topic someone from the department itself will act as a kind of second censorship board.
Some government ministries send letters to the censorship board in advance requesting that there be no news about their ministry. The censorship board if it wants can ask the ministry for an explanation; of course newspapers or journals do not have the same right to ask why the story will be censored.
News or interviews which cannot get passed the censorship board therefore must be published or broadcast by exile media.
According to journalism ethics, prior to an interview a reporter should state his name and the organization that he is from. For reporters working for exile media inside Burma, following official journalism rules will land them in jail. If the person being interviewed is a member of the public then he or she can simply refuse to answer and end the interview by walking away. If however the person interviewed has ties to the military, they can easily have a reporter sent to jail.
Sometimes reporters in Burma cannot continue to cover a particular story and they have to transfer all of the sources and information they have to their colleagues outside Burma. The reporters in exile can then pick up where the first reporter left off and attempt to directly contact these sources inside.
There are many obvious dangers that undercover reporters working for exile based media face. When covering a story we often have to weigh the risks posed by trying to get the news and whether it’s worth the risk to go after a particular story. Is it worth exposing ourselves to grave danger for a particular story; is the story of national importance that our fellow people must know about? Weighing the pros and cons of risking our lives for a particular story can be more difficult than actually covering the story itself. Sometimes we have to consider the long term interest and stop ourselves from being foolish and too daring. But not taking any risk would mean there would be no story at all.
We have to avoid being exposed to protect our sources and the undercover lives of our fellow reporters. We therefore have to limit ourselves from risking too much. We have to keep a low profile and work secretly. But our editors and bosses sometimes complain they haven't received enough reports from us. They might think we are lazy and are getting a salary without actually doing work. We then have to explain our situation to our bosses and editors.
People in Burma pose with smiling faces when foreigners take their photos however they become nervous when we take photos for our news reports. Taking photos of governmental departments or army personnel is even harder. So the undercover reporter must learn how to take photos secretly. If you are found taking photographs at the scene of a fire or something important, you will have to answer to the authorities. If you cannot prove that you are with a registered and approved news group then you will be sent to jail.
The prejudice that military dictators have against journalist is understandable. Even under the regime's tight censorship and harsh control, news of major events like demonstrations against rising prices, strikes, the saffron revolution and cyclone Nargis are quickly spread to the outside world. It is the journalists that regularly expose the regime's brutal and inhumane nature.
Official reporters from registered foreign news agencies in Burma have to be on good terms with the junta officials. Despite their best efforts some of them may end up being questioned for a whole day at an interrogation centre and have their equipment confiscated.
Even the official reporters of domestic registered agencies are jailed for drawing the ire of the regime. Of course the undercover journalist is in far greater danger. If they are found by the authorities, they will certainly face very long prison terms.
I once heard that police from the Police Special Branch (SB) have to monitor all the news posted and broadcast by exile opposition media and present their findings to their senior officers.
The undercover reporter therefore must be careful not to be turned into prey by Burma's other news hunters.
Tuesday, 02 March 2010 19:19 Min Aung Naing
(A note from a correspondent living in Burma)
Sometimes a hunter becomes prey. Similarly Burma's news hunters can become a victim of the news and a reporter's jailing becomes the story.
Reporters from officially registered media in Burma must also be careful with their reporting. Of course it is more dangerous for the reporters and supporters of exile based media but it's not easy for the approved reporters to stay on the regime's good side.
All publications and periodicals in Burma have to be registered with the Press Scrutiny and Registration Board under the Ministry of Information and are subject to the board's tight censorship rules. It would be a big problem if news that the regime doesn't want disclosed is printed so all of the official papers are very cautious.
Staff at officially registered media organizations must learn to operate under Burma's strict censorship system. Often they are very familiar with the name and position of the person responsible in a certain government department who has veto power over what gets published about their sector. Before an article on a particular government department is published the publisher must ensure there is no objection from the censorship board or depending on the importance of the topic someone from the department itself will act as a kind of second censorship board.
Some government ministries send letters to the censorship board in advance requesting that there be no news about their ministry. The censorship board if it wants can ask the ministry for an explanation; of course newspapers or journals do not have the same right to ask why the story will be censored.
News or interviews which cannot get passed the censorship board therefore must be published or broadcast by exile media.
According to journalism ethics, prior to an interview a reporter should state his name and the organization that he is from. For reporters working for exile media inside Burma, following official journalism rules will land them in jail. If the person being interviewed is a member of the public then he or she can simply refuse to answer and end the interview by walking away. If however the person interviewed has ties to the military, they can easily have a reporter sent to jail.
Sometimes reporters in Burma cannot continue to cover a particular story and they have to transfer all of the sources and information they have to their colleagues outside Burma. The reporters in exile can then pick up where the first reporter left off and attempt to directly contact these sources inside.
There are many obvious dangers that undercover reporters working for exile based media face. When covering a story we often have to weigh the risks posed by trying to get the news and whether it’s worth the risk to go after a particular story. Is it worth exposing ourselves to grave danger for a particular story; is the story of national importance that our fellow people must know about? Weighing the pros and cons of risking our lives for a particular story can be more difficult than actually covering the story itself. Sometimes we have to consider the long term interest and stop ourselves from being foolish and too daring. But not taking any risk would mean there would be no story at all.
We have to avoid being exposed to protect our sources and the undercover lives of our fellow reporters. We therefore have to limit ourselves from risking too much. We have to keep a low profile and work secretly. But our editors and bosses sometimes complain they haven't received enough reports from us. They might think we are lazy and are getting a salary without actually doing work. We then have to explain our situation to our bosses and editors.
People in Burma pose with smiling faces when foreigners take their photos however they become nervous when we take photos for our news reports. Taking photos of governmental departments or army personnel is even harder. So the undercover reporter must learn how to take photos secretly. If you are found taking photographs at the scene of a fire or something important, you will have to answer to the authorities. If you cannot prove that you are with a registered and approved news group then you will be sent to jail.
The prejudice that military dictators have against journalist is understandable. Even under the regime's tight censorship and harsh control, news of major events like demonstrations against rising prices, strikes, the saffron revolution and cyclone Nargis are quickly spread to the outside world. It is the journalists that regularly expose the regime's brutal and inhumane nature.
Official reporters from registered foreign news agencies in Burma have to be on good terms with the junta officials. Despite their best efforts some of them may end up being questioned for a whole day at an interrogation centre and have their equipment confiscated.
Even the official reporters of domestic registered agencies are jailed for drawing the ire of the regime. Of course the undercover journalist is in far greater danger. If they are found by the authorities, they will certainly face very long prison terms.
I once heard that police from the Police Special Branch (SB) have to monitor all the news posted and broadcast by exile opposition media and present their findings to their senior officers.
The undercover reporter therefore must be careful not to be turned into prey by Burma's other news hunters.
********************************************************
Political inmates ‘face threats to life’
Mar 2, 2010 (DVB)–Political prisoners in Burma are being detained alongside common criminals, including death row convicts, a group of recently released prisoners have said.
The conditions are “life threatening”, according to a farmer released last month after spending four months in a prison in central Burma’s Magwe division. His sentencing on charges of alleged trespassing on government-owned property was condemned by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).
A fellow farmer sentenced under the same charges had been attacked by a prisoner named Aung Win, who was on death row, the farmer told DVB on condition of anonymity.
"Before we were released from the prison [on 17 February], U Zaw Htay was beaten up and cut on his forehead,” he said.
“We the farmers and other political inmates wrote a letter to the prison's chief asking him to move the death row convict, Aung Win, to another cell, but no action was taken until we were released from the prison.
“The prison officials are making it look like it's just a problem among prisoners but this is life threatening," he added.
Burma holds more than 2,170 political prisoners in jails around the country. This figure includes activists, politicians, journalists and lawyers, while opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is currently under house arrest.
Conditions inside jails are said to be dire, with prisoners often forced to pay bribes before receiving medical assistance.
Analysts predict that the ruling junta will intensify arrests and intimidation of opposition members in the run-up to elections, rumoured to be in October this year, as it looks to tighten its grip on power.
Both Washington and the UN have demanded the release of all political prisoners as a prerequisite for free and fair elections.
Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew
Mar 2, 2010 (DVB)–Political prisoners in Burma are being detained alongside common criminals, including death row convicts, a group of recently released prisoners have said.
The conditions are “life threatening”, according to a farmer released last month after spending four months in a prison in central Burma’s Magwe division. His sentencing on charges of alleged trespassing on government-owned property was condemned by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).
A fellow farmer sentenced under the same charges had been attacked by a prisoner named Aung Win, who was on death row, the farmer told DVB on condition of anonymity.
"Before we were released from the prison [on 17 February], U Zaw Htay was beaten up and cut on his forehead,” he said.
“We the farmers and other political inmates wrote a letter to the prison's chief asking him to move the death row convict, Aung Win, to another cell, but no action was taken until we were released from the prison.
“The prison officials are making it look like it's just a problem among prisoners but this is life threatening," he added.
Burma holds more than 2,170 political prisoners in jails around the country. This figure includes activists, politicians, journalists and lawyers, while opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is currently under house arrest.
Conditions inside jails are said to be dire, with prisoners often forced to pay bribes before receiving medical assistance.
Analysts predict that the ruling junta will intensify arrests and intimidation of opposition members in the run-up to elections, rumoured to be in October this year, as it looks to tighten its grip on power.
Both Washington and the UN have demanded the release of all political prisoners as a prerequisite for free and fair elections.
Reporting by Nan Kham Kaew
********************************************************
Burma import tax ‘to double’
Mar 2, 2010 (DVB)–The Burmese government is to alter its valuation of the Burmese kyat to the dollar, resulting in a doubling of tax on imported goods along the China-Burma border, a businessman there said.
Imported goods are subject to a tax based on a percentage of their value. As foreign goods are valued in US dollars the Burmese government translates this into kyat.
Customs and excise had been valuing the dollar at 450 kyat but now it is reportedly adjusting this rate upwards to 1,000 kyat, the businessman told DVB.
“It’s a way of doubling the tax take without doubling the tax rate; they [the junta] have done this sort of trick before,” said Sean Turnell, Burma economics expert at Macquarie University, Australia. He added that the official government exchange rate is set at six kyat to the dollar.
“It’s a particularly bad one to impose because tariffs have a cost. Burma desperately needs the modern goods they can get from elsewhere but it’s likely to be quite ineffective.” Turnell said.
The move will signal further price hikes on imported goods coming overland from China. Burma is part of a newly enacted free trade agreement (FTA) betwen Southeast Asian nations and China, which is now the largest in the world in terms of population, covering 1.9 billion people.
The four weaker economies in what is known as the Associaiton of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and Burma, are exempted from the requirement to slash 90 percent of tariffs until 2015.
“The areas it will affect are the formal economy; the informal and illegal economy probably won’t be affected at all but probably they [people in these sectors] will just try that little bit harder to evade [taxes],” said Turnell.
“The areas that it affects are the areas that the country really needs. The big barrier for Burma is that they are still stuck in that informal subsistence economy.”
Already Burma is viewed as having a relatively inefficient or poor purchasing power parity for many consumer goods that are from their far more prosperous neighbours.
Items such as mobile phones and motor bikes are all more expensive in Burma than in Thailand, for instance, and the situation is the same for gas, despite the abundance of offshore fields that Burma owns. This is a result of a lack of a manufacturing base, infrastructure and a sound financial system.
“Burma’s government shouldn’t be facing any cash shortfall at all because of the gas reserves and the revenues from that, but those revenues don’t properly enter Burma,” Turnell said.
"They are deliberately hidden offshore, but general government activity is heavily underfunded and on a whole range of issues we are seeing precisely this at the moment, I am getting reports all the time about arbitrary taxation increases,” he concluded.
Reporting by Joseph Allchin and Ahunt Phone Myat
Mar 2, 2010 (DVB)–The Burmese government is to alter its valuation of the Burmese kyat to the dollar, resulting in a doubling of tax on imported goods along the China-Burma border, a businessman there said.
Imported goods are subject to a tax based on a percentage of their value. As foreign goods are valued in US dollars the Burmese government translates this into kyat.
Customs and excise had been valuing the dollar at 450 kyat but now it is reportedly adjusting this rate upwards to 1,000 kyat, the businessman told DVB.
“It’s a way of doubling the tax take without doubling the tax rate; they [the junta] have done this sort of trick before,” said Sean Turnell, Burma economics expert at Macquarie University, Australia. He added that the official government exchange rate is set at six kyat to the dollar.
“It’s a particularly bad one to impose because tariffs have a cost. Burma desperately needs the modern goods they can get from elsewhere but it’s likely to be quite ineffective.” Turnell said.
The move will signal further price hikes on imported goods coming overland from China. Burma is part of a newly enacted free trade agreement (FTA) betwen Southeast Asian nations and China, which is now the largest in the world in terms of population, covering 1.9 billion people.
The four weaker economies in what is known as the Associaiton of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos and Burma, are exempted from the requirement to slash 90 percent of tariffs until 2015.
“The areas it will affect are the formal economy; the informal and illegal economy probably won’t be affected at all but probably they [people in these sectors] will just try that little bit harder to evade [taxes],” said Turnell.
“The areas that it affects are the areas that the country really needs. The big barrier for Burma is that they are still stuck in that informal subsistence economy.”
Already Burma is viewed as having a relatively inefficient or poor purchasing power parity for many consumer goods that are from their far more prosperous neighbours.
Items such as mobile phones and motor bikes are all more expensive in Burma than in Thailand, for instance, and the situation is the same for gas, despite the abundance of offshore fields that Burma owns. This is a result of a lack of a manufacturing base, infrastructure and a sound financial system.
“Burma’s government shouldn’t be facing any cash shortfall at all because of the gas reserves and the revenues from that, but those revenues don’t properly enter Burma,” Turnell said.
"They are deliberately hidden offshore, but general government activity is heavily underfunded and on a whole range of issues we are seeing precisely this at the moment, I am getting reports all the time about arbitrary taxation increases,” he concluded.
Reporting by Joseph Allchin and Ahunt Phone Myat
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Wa opium ‘damages China-Burma relations’
Mar 2, 2010 (DVB)–Burma’s intelligence chief has reportedly told the leader of the Wa ethnic army that its hand in the cross-border opium trade into China is damaging bilateral relations.
The two held high-profile talks last week, with initial reports claiming that the focus was on the government’s plans to transform the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Burma’s largest ceasefire group, into a border guard force (BGF).
But new reports allege that the BGF issue took a back seat while intelligence chief Ye Myint pressed UWSA leader Bao Youxobiang on drug production and the possible removal of UWSA troops in the southern Wa region of Burma’s northeastern Shan state.
Under an agreement with former Burmese intelligence chief Khin Nyunt, who was ousted in 2004, the Wa had been given control of the said territory along the Thai-Burma border.
"[Ye Myint] questioned whether we had any ideas about 'security issues' along the China-Burma border, especially regarding drugs,” a Wa commander told DVB. “He said the drugs going into China came from [UWSA] and it was damaging the country's relations with China.”
The Wa army is thought to play a leading role in Burma’s opium trade, which up until the mid-1990s had been the world’s largest, before being usurped by Afghanistan.
The commander said however that the opium poppies were being grown by non-UWSA people who live on the edge of Wa territory, and who had been granted permission to grow drugs by the government's regional military commander.
“[Ye Myint] also stressed that we [UWSA and government] should hold frequent meetings and negotiate,” said the commander. “He also mentioned that [the government] now wants the land back which was given to us when General Khin Nyunt was in power."
According to sources on the China-Burma border, the UWSA continues to refuse proposals to transform into a border guard force, which would bring them under the control of the Burmese junta.
Although it has said it agrees “in principle” to the plan, it will not incorporate government officials into its ranks; one of the conditions the junta has imposed on the transformation.
Reporting by Aye Nai
Mar 2, 2010 (DVB)–Burma’s intelligence chief has reportedly told the leader of the Wa ethnic army that its hand in the cross-border opium trade into China is damaging bilateral relations.
The two held high-profile talks last week, with initial reports claiming that the focus was on the government’s plans to transform the United Wa State Army (UWSA), Burma’s largest ceasefire group, into a border guard force (BGF).
But new reports allege that the BGF issue took a back seat while intelligence chief Ye Myint pressed UWSA leader Bao Youxobiang on drug production and the possible removal of UWSA troops in the southern Wa region of Burma’s northeastern Shan state.
Under an agreement with former Burmese intelligence chief Khin Nyunt, who was ousted in 2004, the Wa had been given control of the said territory along the Thai-Burma border.
"[Ye Myint] questioned whether we had any ideas about 'security issues' along the China-Burma border, especially regarding drugs,” a Wa commander told DVB. “He said the drugs going into China came from [UWSA] and it was damaging the country's relations with China.”
The Wa army is thought to play a leading role in Burma’s opium trade, which up until the mid-1990s had been the world’s largest, before being usurped by Afghanistan.
The commander said however that the opium poppies were being grown by non-UWSA people who live on the edge of Wa territory, and who had been granted permission to grow drugs by the government's regional military commander.
“[Ye Myint] also stressed that we [UWSA and government] should hold frequent meetings and negotiate,” said the commander. “He also mentioned that [the government] now wants the land back which was given to us when General Khin Nyunt was in power."
According to sources on the China-Burma border, the UWSA continues to refuse proposals to transform into a border guard force, which would bring them under the control of the Burmese junta.
Although it has said it agrees “in principle” to the plan, it will not incorporate government officials into its ranks; one of the conditions the junta has imposed on the transformation.
Reporting by Aye Nai
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