Myanmar court rejects Suu Kyi's appeal for release
Fri Feb 26, 4:59 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The highest court in military-ruled Myanmar dismissed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's latest bid for freedom Friday, turning down an appeal to end 14 years of house arrest, her lawyer said.
The Supreme Court's decision had been expected since legal rulings in Myanmar rarely favor opposition activists, and the junta appears determined to keep Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, detained through elections planned later this year.
Defense lawyer Nyan Win told reporters he would launch one final "special appeal" before the court after determining why the recent appeal had been rejected. "The court order did not mention any reasons," he said.
"Although the decision comes as no surprise, it is deeply disappointing," said British Ambassador Andrew Heyn, who attended the court session along with diplomats from Australia, France and the United States. "We continue to believe that (Suu Kyi) should be released immediately along with the other 2,000 and more other prisoners of conscience."
French Ambassador Jean Pierre Lafosse said Suu Kyi was "the victim of a sham trial."
Suu Kyi's lawyers appealed to the court last November after a lower court a month earlier upheld a decision to sentence her to 18 months of house arrest. She was convicted last August of violating the terms of her previous detention by briefly sheltering an American who swam uninvited to her lakeside home.
The 64-year-old democracy icon was initially sentenced to three years in prison with hard labor in a trial that drew global condemnation, but that sentence was commuted to 18 months of house arrest by junta chief Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 years. Her National League for Democracy won elections in 1990 by a landslide, but the military, which has ruled Myanmar since 1962, refused to cede power.
The junta has announced it will hold elections some time this year under a constitution that allows the military to maintain substantial power. It effectively bars Suu Kyi from participating in the polls, the first general elections since 1990. Suu Kyi's party has not announced whether it will contest the elections.
If the vote goes ahead as planned and Suu Kyi serves out her latest 18-month sentence, she would still be in detention during the elections.
The court ruling also denied freedom to two female companions who share Suu Kyi's house arrest. It comes nearly two weeks after the junta released Tin Oo, the 82-year-old deputy leader of Suu Kyi's party, from nearly seven years in detention.
Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been widely criticized for its continued violation of human rights, including atrocities committed by its military against ethnic minority groups. Human rights groups say the junta holds 2,100 political prisoners.
The Singapore government, which normally refrains from criticizing the junta, said "it is of course very disappointing that her appeal did not succeed."
It said a dialogue among the junta, Suu Kyi and all other political groups ahead of this year's elections "offers the best prospects for national reconciliation and the long-term political stability of Myanmar."
"We thus hope that the Myanmar authorities will, in their own interests, allow her to participate in the political process in a meaningful way as soon as possible," it said in a statement.
During a meeting with her lawyers Thursday, Suu Kyi jokingly asked them if she had been behaving well, as junta chief Than Shwe had said she could receive amnesty if she serves her time according to the prescribed regulations.
"Than Shwe already made the verdict for (Suu Kyi) and no judge will have the nerve to change it," said Aung Din, executive director of the U.S.-based U.S. Campaign for Burma, a lobby group.
"The judiciary system in Burma is just a part of the regime's oppressive mechanism," he said. "The only way to make the release of (Suu Kyi) and all political prisoners in Burma is to keep putting maximum pressure on Than Shwe and his cronies until they feel the heat."
Fri Feb 26, 4:59 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – The highest court in military-ruled Myanmar dismissed opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's latest bid for freedom Friday, turning down an appeal to end 14 years of house arrest, her lawyer said.
The Supreme Court's decision had been expected since legal rulings in Myanmar rarely favor opposition activists, and the junta appears determined to keep Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, detained through elections planned later this year.
Defense lawyer Nyan Win told reporters he would launch one final "special appeal" before the court after determining why the recent appeal had been rejected. "The court order did not mention any reasons," he said.
"Although the decision comes as no surprise, it is deeply disappointing," said British Ambassador Andrew Heyn, who attended the court session along with diplomats from Australia, France and the United States. "We continue to believe that (Suu Kyi) should be released immediately along with the other 2,000 and more other prisoners of conscience."
French Ambassador Jean Pierre Lafosse said Suu Kyi was "the victim of a sham trial."
Suu Kyi's lawyers appealed to the court last November after a lower court a month earlier upheld a decision to sentence her to 18 months of house arrest. She was convicted last August of violating the terms of her previous detention by briefly sheltering an American who swam uninvited to her lakeside home.
The 64-year-old democracy icon was initially sentenced to three years in prison with hard labor in a trial that drew global condemnation, but that sentence was commuted to 18 months of house arrest by junta chief Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 years. Her National League for Democracy won elections in 1990 by a landslide, but the military, which has ruled Myanmar since 1962, refused to cede power.
The junta has announced it will hold elections some time this year under a constitution that allows the military to maintain substantial power. It effectively bars Suu Kyi from participating in the polls, the first general elections since 1990. Suu Kyi's party has not announced whether it will contest the elections.
If the vote goes ahead as planned and Suu Kyi serves out her latest 18-month sentence, she would still be in detention during the elections.
The court ruling also denied freedom to two female companions who share Suu Kyi's house arrest. It comes nearly two weeks after the junta released Tin Oo, the 82-year-old deputy leader of Suu Kyi's party, from nearly seven years in detention.
Myanmar, also known as Burma, has been widely criticized for its continued violation of human rights, including atrocities committed by its military against ethnic minority groups. Human rights groups say the junta holds 2,100 political prisoners.
The Singapore government, which normally refrains from criticizing the junta, said "it is of course very disappointing that her appeal did not succeed."
It said a dialogue among the junta, Suu Kyi and all other political groups ahead of this year's elections "offers the best prospects for national reconciliation and the long-term political stability of Myanmar."
"We thus hope that the Myanmar authorities will, in their own interests, allow her to participate in the political process in a meaningful way as soon as possible," it said in a statement.
During a meeting with her lawyers Thursday, Suu Kyi jokingly asked them if she had been behaving well, as junta chief Than Shwe had said she could receive amnesty if she serves her time according to the prescribed regulations.
"Than Shwe already made the verdict for (Suu Kyi) and no judge will have the nerve to change it," said Aung Din, executive director of the U.S.-based U.S. Campaign for Burma, a lobby group.
"The judiciary system in Burma is just a part of the regime's oppressive mechanism," he said. "The only way to make the release of (Suu Kyi) and all political prisoners in Burma is to keep putting maximum pressure on Than Shwe and his cronies until they feel the heat."
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Thai court orders assets seized from ex-PM Thaksin
2 hrs 39 mins ago
BANGKOK (AP) – Thailand's highest court ruled Friday to seize 46 billion baht ($1.4 billion) from ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's $2.29 billion in frozen assets, saying he had abused his political power for personal gain.
The Supreme Court said seizing all the frozen wealth "would be unfair as some of it was made before Thaksin became prime minister."
The verdict brings an end to a case that began after Thaksin, a former telecommunications tycoon, was deposed by a 2006 military coup for alleged massive corruption and abuse of power.
Corruption investigations began immediately after the coup, and 76 billion baht in accounts in Thailand belonging to Thaksin and his family was frozen pending legal action.
Friday's verdict was expected be celebrated by Thaksin's foes, protested by his supporters and potentially inflame Thailand's four-year political crisis.
Security was tight around the courthouse as the nine-judge panel took 7 1/2 hours to read the verdict against Thaksin and his family. The proceedings were broadcast live on national television.
Thaksin, who faces a two-year jail term from an earlier conviction, monitored the proceedings from exile in Dubai, where he provided a commentary via a video link and Twitter.
"This is total political involvement. The government knew the result in advance," Thaksin said shortly after the verdict. "I've been prepared for the result since yesterday. I knew that I would get hit, but they are kind enough to give me back 30 billion (baht)."
An unknown portion of Thaksin's wealth was earlier moved abroad.
Hundreds of Thaksin supporters at the headquarters of the opposition Puea Thai party, which is allied to Thaksin, booed as the verdict was read. Some women began crying and one man jumped up on a chair and started screaming at a television screen showing the court proceedings.
The court ruled that Thaksin illegally concealed his ownership of stock in Shin Corp., the family's telecommunications empire, and abused his authority by crafting government policies to benefit Shin Corp.'s businesses.
The court addressed five cases of alleged "policy corruption" and ruled that in four of the five Thaksin was guilty of abusing his authority during his 2001-2006 tenure as prime minister.
One of the most prominent cases involved a US$127 million low-interest government loan to Myanmar in 2004, which the court ruled Thaksin had endorsed with the intention of securing its purchase of satellite services from Shin Satellite, then controlled by Thaksin's family.
Thaksin's government billed the loan as a way to help the impoverished military-run country finance telecommunications projects.
The court ruled that Thaksin's government set domestic satellite policies that benefited his businesses.
It also ruled that a policy to convert part of a telecommunications concession fee into an excise tax "favored Shin Corp. at the expense of the state."
The government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva hopes Friday's ruling will lead to a return of stability, but has ordered a security crackdown around the country, claiming that the pro-Thaksin "Red Shirt" movement may be planning violence.
"We hope for the best," government spokesman Panitan Wattanayagorn said before the court ruling. "Of course many people fear for the worst but we are ready to manage whatever comes."
Thaksin's critics will see the guilty verdict as the culmination of a process to cleanse Thai politics that began with protests in 2006 calling for his ouster for alleged corruption which segued into a military coup in September that year. They also accuse him of disrespecting the country's constitutional monarch, 82-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej.
His supporters will view the ruling as the latest in a series of injustices that drove a democratically elected leader from office despite two sweeping election victories. They believe he is being persecuted because the traditional urban ruling class felt threatened when he empowered the country's rural majority, which was grateful for Thaksin's innovative social welfare programs.
The passions held by the two sides led to the occupation of the seat of government for several months and the seizure of the capital's two airports for a week by Thaksin's opponents in 2008, and rioting and disruption of a conference of Asian heads of government by his supporters last year.
His Red Shirt supporters continue to rally on his behalf and have promised a "million-man" march next month.
Thaksin, who fled into exile ahead of a 2008 conviction on a conflict of interest charge, rallies his followers by video and over the Internet.
His opponents accuse him of funding the Red Shirt movement to topple the government, and hope that seizing his assets will starve the movement.
But at least one analyst says the anti-government movement will not simply fade away, even if Thaksin's cash dries up.
"It would not put an end to Thailand's crisis because now Thaksin's supporters, the Red Shirts — the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship — they have evolved into their own force to be reckoned with," says Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist from Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University.
2 hrs 39 mins ago
BANGKOK (AP) – Thailand's highest court ruled Friday to seize 46 billion baht ($1.4 billion) from ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's $2.29 billion in frozen assets, saying he had abused his political power for personal gain.
The Supreme Court said seizing all the frozen wealth "would be unfair as some of it was made before Thaksin became prime minister."
The verdict brings an end to a case that began after Thaksin, a former telecommunications tycoon, was deposed by a 2006 military coup for alleged massive corruption and abuse of power.
Corruption investigations began immediately after the coup, and 76 billion baht in accounts in Thailand belonging to Thaksin and his family was frozen pending legal action.
Friday's verdict was expected be celebrated by Thaksin's foes, protested by his supporters and potentially inflame Thailand's four-year political crisis.
Security was tight around the courthouse as the nine-judge panel took 7 1/2 hours to read the verdict against Thaksin and his family. The proceedings were broadcast live on national television.
Thaksin, who faces a two-year jail term from an earlier conviction, monitored the proceedings from exile in Dubai, where he provided a commentary via a video link and Twitter.
"This is total political involvement. The government knew the result in advance," Thaksin said shortly after the verdict. "I've been prepared for the result since yesterday. I knew that I would get hit, but they are kind enough to give me back 30 billion (baht)."
An unknown portion of Thaksin's wealth was earlier moved abroad.
Hundreds of Thaksin supporters at the headquarters of the opposition Puea Thai party, which is allied to Thaksin, booed as the verdict was read. Some women began crying and one man jumped up on a chair and started screaming at a television screen showing the court proceedings.
The court ruled that Thaksin illegally concealed his ownership of stock in Shin Corp., the family's telecommunications empire, and abused his authority by crafting government policies to benefit Shin Corp.'s businesses.
The court addressed five cases of alleged "policy corruption" and ruled that in four of the five Thaksin was guilty of abusing his authority during his 2001-2006 tenure as prime minister.
One of the most prominent cases involved a US$127 million low-interest government loan to Myanmar in 2004, which the court ruled Thaksin had endorsed with the intention of securing its purchase of satellite services from Shin Satellite, then controlled by Thaksin's family.
Thaksin's government billed the loan as a way to help the impoverished military-run country finance telecommunications projects.
The court ruled that Thaksin's government set domestic satellite policies that benefited his businesses.
It also ruled that a policy to convert part of a telecommunications concession fee into an excise tax "favored Shin Corp. at the expense of the state."
The government of Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva hopes Friday's ruling will lead to a return of stability, but has ordered a security crackdown around the country, claiming that the pro-Thaksin "Red Shirt" movement may be planning violence.
"We hope for the best," government spokesman Panitan Wattanayagorn said before the court ruling. "Of course many people fear for the worst but we are ready to manage whatever comes."
Thaksin's critics will see the guilty verdict as the culmination of a process to cleanse Thai politics that began with protests in 2006 calling for his ouster for alleged corruption which segued into a military coup in September that year. They also accuse him of disrespecting the country's constitutional monarch, 82-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej.
His supporters will view the ruling as the latest in a series of injustices that drove a democratically elected leader from office despite two sweeping election victories. They believe he is being persecuted because the traditional urban ruling class felt threatened when he empowered the country's rural majority, which was grateful for Thaksin's innovative social welfare programs.
The passions held by the two sides led to the occupation of the seat of government for several months and the seizure of the capital's two airports for a week by Thaksin's opponents in 2008, and rioting and disruption of a conference of Asian heads of government by his supporters last year.
His Red Shirt supporters continue to rally on his behalf and have promised a "million-man" march next month.
Thaksin, who fled into exile ahead of a 2008 conviction on a conflict of interest charge, rallies his followers by video and over the Internet.
His opponents accuse him of funding the Red Shirt movement to topple the government, and hope that seizing his assets will starve the movement.
But at least one analyst says the anti-government movement will not simply fade away, even if Thaksin's cash dries up.
"It would not put an end to Thailand's crisis because now Thaksin's supporters, the Red Shirts — the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship — they have evolved into their own force to be reckoned with," says Thitinan Pongsudhirak, a political scientist from Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University.
*************************************************************
Thai loan to Myanmar helped Thaksin business -judge
Fri Feb 26, 2010 6:44pm IST
BANGKOK, Feb 26 (Reuters) - A state bank loan of $121 million to Myanmar agreed by the government of ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra for satellite services benefited his business, a judge said on Friday, adding to a list of findings that could lead to the confiscation of his family's frozen wealth.
The loan "was beneficial to Thaicom and Shin Corp", one of the Supreme Court judges said in reading the verdict. A final ruling on whether to confiscate all or some of the $2.3 billion in Shinawatra family assets was due later.
Prosecutors had said Thaksin was behind the decision to grant the low-interest loan from the Export-Import Bank of Thailand to Myanmar's government in 2004 to buy services and equipment from Shin Satellite, now Thaicom THCOM.BK, a unit of Shin Corp SHIN.BK, a telecoms firm then owned by his family.
The court earlier said Thaksin had concealed his Shin Corp shares while in office and geared government telecom and satellite policies to favour the company.
Fri Feb 26, 2010 6:44pm IST
BANGKOK, Feb 26 (Reuters) - A state bank loan of $121 million to Myanmar agreed by the government of ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra for satellite services benefited his business, a judge said on Friday, adding to a list of findings that could lead to the confiscation of his family's frozen wealth.
The loan "was beneficial to Thaicom and Shin Corp", one of the Supreme Court judges said in reading the verdict. A final ruling on whether to confiscate all or some of the $2.3 billion in Shinawatra family assets was due later.
Prosecutors had said Thaksin was behind the decision to grant the low-interest loan from the Export-Import Bank of Thailand to Myanmar's government in 2004 to buy services and equipment from Shin Satellite, now Thaicom THCOM.BK, a unit of Shin Corp SHIN.BK, a telecoms firm then owned by his family.
The court earlier said Thaksin had concealed his Shin Corp shares while in office and geared government telecom and satellite policies to favour the company.
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Friday 26 February 2010
Number 10 - PM “appalled” at ASSK’s ongoing detention
The Prime Minister has expressed his disappointment on hearing that an appeal against Aung San Suu Kyi’s sentence has been denied.
Burma’s Supreme Court rejected an appeal to end the opposition leaders’ 14 years of house arrest, according to her lawyer.
Gordon Brown said the sole purpose of last year’s “show trial” has been to prevent Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part in elections later this year.
Read the PM’s statement
I am appalled and saddened that Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal against the sentence imposed by the regime has been denied.
That failed appeal is sadly no surprise.
From start to end, the sole purpose of this show trial has been to prevent Daw Suu Kyi from taking part in elections.
In my open letter to Aung San Suu Kyi in December, I said that this should be a historic year for Burma.
Free, fair and genuinely inclusive elections would allow the country to move forward, to map a new path.
But while she is kept out of political life and while over 2100 other prisoners of conscience remain incarcerated, the regime’s elections will not gain recognition nor international legitimacy.
Number 10 - PM “appalled” at ASSK’s ongoing detention
The Prime Minister has expressed his disappointment on hearing that an appeal against Aung San Suu Kyi’s sentence has been denied.
Burma’s Supreme Court rejected an appeal to end the opposition leaders’ 14 years of house arrest, according to her lawyer.
Gordon Brown said the sole purpose of last year’s “show trial” has been to prevent Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part in elections later this year.
Read the PM’s statement
I am appalled and saddened that Aung San Suu Kyi’s appeal against the sentence imposed by the regime has been denied.
That failed appeal is sadly no surprise.
From start to end, the sole purpose of this show trial has been to prevent Daw Suu Kyi from taking part in elections.
In my open letter to Aung San Suu Kyi in December, I said that this should be a historic year for Burma.
Free, fair and genuinely inclusive elections would allow the country to move forward, to map a new path.
But while she is kept out of political life and while over 2100 other prisoners of conscience remain incarcerated, the regime’s elections will not gain recognition nor international legitimacy.
*************************************************************
THAILAND: Migrant registration plan raises mass deportation fears
BANGKOK, 26 February 2010 (IRIN) - Thousands of migrant workers from Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar face possible deportation from Thailand unless they register their nationality this weekend.
Under a nationality verification (NV) scheme, migrants must register by 28 February for their work permits to be extended.
Thailand is a magnet for migrants seeking economic opportunities and the government says the process will give migrant workers legal status and better protect them from exploitative labour practices, including human trafficking and other rights violations.
However officials admit that just 500,000 people have applied to take part in the NV process so far.
And with threats of immediate deportation for those who do not comply, rights activists are worried.
“We support the policy as a concept, but the way in which that concept has been applied is simply terrible,” Andy Hall, director of the Migrant Justice Programme at the Human Rights and Development Foundation, said during a public discussion on the issue on 24 February in Bangkok.
“We have to give credit to the government for trying to sort out the illegal migration problem in Thailand, but we think the nationality verification policy has failed and is failing.”
Humanitarian “consequences”
According to the Thai Department of Employment, there are some 1.3 million legal migrant workers in the kingdom.
In addition, an estimated two million are irregular migrants, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), mainly from Myanmar.
Jackie Pollock, director of the MAP Foundation, a Thai NGO that assists migrants, warned that mass deportations of Burmese could have serious humanitarian consequences.
“There is a high likelihood the Burmese regime would close the border to stop them, so the migrants would be stuck in no man’s land because Thailand doesn’t want them either,” Pollock told IRIN.
“That’s when they start hiding out in fields and jungles,” she said, citing previous mass deportations in the late 1990s where NGOs were left to assist Burmese migrants stranded along the border.
Verification process questioned
Under the NV process, applicants are required to submit information, including their name, age and place of birth, both to the Thai government and to their home country, to confirm their identity.
So far, most of those who have complied come from Cambodia and Laos, whose governments have been sending representatives to areas where their citizens live and work in Thailand to help register them.
But the process is proving problematic for Burmese migrants, whose government only agreed late last year to set up three areas near the border with Myanmar where Burmese workers in Thailand could have their documents processed.
Before then, they were expected to travel back to their home provinces.
However, according to NGOs working with Burmese migrants, many are reluctant to provide details to the Myanmar authorities for fear their families back home could be forced to pay additional taxes and subject to other forms of pressure.
“Even if the Burmese government doesn’t have a policy to do bad things with that information now, they are worried that might change in the future,” said Hall.
The process is also expensive, with NGOs claiming each worker has to pay up to US$300 to brokers to help with the paperwork - the equivalent of several months’ wages.
According to a Human Rights Watch (HRW) report on migrant worker abuses launched this week, workers are already forced to pay up to $150 annually to brokers to renew their work permits, visas and health insurance.
The report also outlined the abuses that migrant workers allegedly suffer, including extortion, beatings and even extra-judicial killing, at the hands of Thai police and their employers.
Increasing vulnerability
The prospect of mass deportations was criticized by the UN Special Rapporteur on Migrants, Jorge Bustamante, who said the NV process would increase the vulnerability of irregular migrants in Thailand.
"Among the groups who may potentially be deported, there may be some who may be in need of international protection and should not be returned to the country of origin,” warned Bustamante in an 18 February statement.
"If pursued, the threats of mass expulsion will result in unprecedented human suffering and will definitely breach fundamental human rights obligations," he warned.
The Bangkok-based Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women also warned that the threat of mass deportations would increase the risk of trafficking.
“Restrictive migration policies are one of the main causes of trafficking,” it said in a 23 February statement. “If working-class migrants are not able to access legal or safe migration and labour channels, third party agents become one of their only options to access opportunities abroad.”
BANGKOK, 26 February 2010 (IRIN) - Thousands of migrant workers from Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar face possible deportation from Thailand unless they register their nationality this weekend.
Under a nationality verification (NV) scheme, migrants must register by 28 February for their work permits to be extended.
Thailand is a magnet for migrants seeking economic opportunities and the government says the process will give migrant workers legal status and better protect them from exploitative labour practices, including human trafficking and other rights violations.
However officials admit that just 500,000 people have applied to take part in the NV process so far.
And with threats of immediate deportation for those who do not comply, rights activists are worried.
“We support the policy as a concept, but the way in which that concept has been applied is simply terrible,” Andy Hall, director of the Migrant Justice Programme at the Human Rights and Development Foundation, said during a public discussion on the issue on 24 February in Bangkok.
“We have to give credit to the government for trying to sort out the illegal migration problem in Thailand, but we think the nationality verification policy has failed and is failing.”
Humanitarian “consequences”
According to the Thai Department of Employment, there are some 1.3 million legal migrant workers in the kingdom.
In addition, an estimated two million are irregular migrants, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), mainly from Myanmar.
Jackie Pollock, director of the MAP Foundation, a Thai NGO that assists migrants, warned that mass deportations of Burmese could have serious humanitarian consequences.
“There is a high likelihood the Burmese regime would close the border to stop them, so the migrants would be stuck in no man’s land because Thailand doesn’t want them either,” Pollock told IRIN.
“That’s when they start hiding out in fields and jungles,” she said, citing previous mass deportations in the late 1990s where NGOs were left to assist Burmese migrants stranded along the border.
Verification process questioned
Under the NV process, applicants are required to submit information, including their name, age and place of birth, both to the Thai government and to their home country, to confirm their identity.
So far, most of those who have complied come from Cambodia and Laos, whose governments have been sending representatives to areas where their citizens live and work in Thailand to help register them.
But the process is proving problematic for Burmese migrants, whose government only agreed late last year to set up three areas near the border with Myanmar where Burmese workers in Thailand could have their documents processed.
Before then, they were expected to travel back to their home provinces.
However, according to NGOs working with Burmese migrants, many are reluctant to provide details to the Myanmar authorities for fear their families back home could be forced to pay additional taxes and subject to other forms of pressure.
“Even if the Burmese government doesn’t have a policy to do bad things with that information now, they are worried that might change in the future,” said Hall.
The process is also expensive, with NGOs claiming each worker has to pay up to US$300 to brokers to help with the paperwork - the equivalent of several months’ wages.
According to a Human Rights Watch (HRW) report on migrant worker abuses launched this week, workers are already forced to pay up to $150 annually to brokers to renew their work permits, visas and health insurance.
The report also outlined the abuses that migrant workers allegedly suffer, including extortion, beatings and even extra-judicial killing, at the hands of Thai police and their employers.
Increasing vulnerability
The prospect of mass deportations was criticized by the UN Special Rapporteur on Migrants, Jorge Bustamante, who said the NV process would increase the vulnerability of irregular migrants in Thailand.
"Among the groups who may potentially be deported, there may be some who may be in need of international protection and should not be returned to the country of origin,” warned Bustamante in an 18 February statement.
"If pursued, the threats of mass expulsion will result in unprecedented human suffering and will definitely breach fundamental human rights obligations," he warned.
The Bangkok-based Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women also warned that the threat of mass deportations would increase the risk of trafficking.
“Restrictive migration policies are one of the main causes of trafficking,” it said in a 23 February statement. “If working-class migrants are not able to access legal or safe migration and labour channels, third party agents become one of their only options to access opportunities abroad.”
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MYANMAR: Renewed bid to fight forced labour
YANGON, 26 February 2010 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar and the International Labour Organization (ILO) have for the third time renewed an agreement aimed at tackling forced labour.
“Neither party sought any changes and there were absolutely no issues in terms of its renewal,” Steve Marshall, liaison officer for the ILO in Myanmar, told IRIN in an interview.
The agreement will come into effect on 26 February for another year.
However, Marshall said much work was still required to ensure the proper application of the agreement.
Recently, 17 people - mostly farmers who complained about forced labour, or people helping them to lodge their complaints - were imprisoned because of their involvement in ILO cases, breaching the agreement.
While 13 were subsequently released, four are still in detention.
Under the agreement, first signed in February 2007, anyone who complains about forced labour or facilitates a complaint is protected by law.
Marshall said arrests of this kind raised “serious credibility issues” as far as the implementation of the pact was concerned.
“Although harassment of this nature is reported only in respect of a minority of cases, they of course impact on the confidence of people to complain,” he said.
The agreement will examined by the ILO governing body in Geneva in March, where it will be fully reviewed, he said.
Fears of retaliation
The Myanmar government passed a law in 1999 forbidding the use of forced labour but the phenomenon is still documented in various forms by the UN and international human rights groups.
In a farming village in Kunchangone Township in the southern Ayeyarwady Delta, men are forced to work as night guards at a nearby army post, or hand over the equivalent of US$2 to the military unit.
“We don’t want to do this job, but we can’t refuse,” one angry farmer told IRIN. “If we are unlucky, we can be put on the list,” he said, referring to retaliation by the military.
Despite joint awareness-raising by the ILO and the government about the law, most perpetrators are from the military or local authorities.
Under the agreement, the agency assesses complaints directly from victims, or through a nationwide network of volunteers who act as facilitators for complainants.
The ILO compiles evidence and hands over the cases to the government for investigation, which can result in compensation to victims and prosecution of perpetrators.
Since 2007, the ILO has submitted more than 200 cases - about half concerning underage recruitment to the military.
Child soldiers
Government law states that no one younger than 18 should be in the army, but military units are under pressure to maintain their strength.
“While some kids volunteer to join up, many of the cases we get are not voluntary,” said Marshall. “In either case it is against the law.”
“A kid is walking home from the market, or home from school or at the bus stop or at the railway station, and he is approached by a broker … and either tricked or straight out abducted into the army,” he said.
The average age of child soldiers seen in cases submitted to the ILO is about 15 or 16, but there have been cases of children as young as 11.
Of all the types of forced labour, Marshall said the government was the most responsive in this area, locating the child, returning him to his family and prosecuting perpetrators.
Since 2007, the ILO has helped with the release of more than 80 children from the military, while about 30 cases are still under negotiation, he said.
Despite this, Marshall said a lot more had to be done to disseminate information about the law. “There is a large proportion of people out there who don’t know what their rights are,” he said.
“Also, in the country you have to be quite brave to exercise your rights. So the number of complaints in no way can be seen to be reflecting the size of the problems.”
Blame economics
According to the ILO and rights groups, the military regularly uses forced labour for its activities, such as sentry duty, or when camps are shifted and porters are needed to carry supplies, or in construction.
Military units are also under-funded and rely on farming to survive, and villagers are often compelled to work for them.
The practice is also used by civilian authorities, who cannot afford the labour to build roads, for example.
“A lot of forced labour is driven by a very bad economic structure. The local authorities have no money, they’ve got no resources,” said Marshall. “It’s not just a social issue; it’s an economic policy management issue as well.”
YANGON, 26 February 2010 (IRIN) - The government of Myanmar and the International Labour Organization (ILO) have for the third time renewed an agreement aimed at tackling forced labour.
“Neither party sought any changes and there were absolutely no issues in terms of its renewal,” Steve Marshall, liaison officer for the ILO in Myanmar, told IRIN in an interview.
The agreement will come into effect on 26 February for another year.
However, Marshall said much work was still required to ensure the proper application of the agreement.
Recently, 17 people - mostly farmers who complained about forced labour, or people helping them to lodge their complaints - were imprisoned because of their involvement in ILO cases, breaching the agreement.
While 13 were subsequently released, four are still in detention.
Under the agreement, first signed in February 2007, anyone who complains about forced labour or facilitates a complaint is protected by law.
Marshall said arrests of this kind raised “serious credibility issues” as far as the implementation of the pact was concerned.
“Although harassment of this nature is reported only in respect of a minority of cases, they of course impact on the confidence of people to complain,” he said.
The agreement will examined by the ILO governing body in Geneva in March, where it will be fully reviewed, he said.
Fears of retaliation
The Myanmar government passed a law in 1999 forbidding the use of forced labour but the phenomenon is still documented in various forms by the UN and international human rights groups.
In a farming village in Kunchangone Township in the southern Ayeyarwady Delta, men are forced to work as night guards at a nearby army post, or hand over the equivalent of US$2 to the military unit.
“We don’t want to do this job, but we can’t refuse,” one angry farmer told IRIN. “If we are unlucky, we can be put on the list,” he said, referring to retaliation by the military.
Despite joint awareness-raising by the ILO and the government about the law, most perpetrators are from the military or local authorities.
Under the agreement, the agency assesses complaints directly from victims, or through a nationwide network of volunteers who act as facilitators for complainants.
The ILO compiles evidence and hands over the cases to the government for investigation, which can result in compensation to victims and prosecution of perpetrators.
Since 2007, the ILO has submitted more than 200 cases - about half concerning underage recruitment to the military.
Child soldiers
Government law states that no one younger than 18 should be in the army, but military units are under pressure to maintain their strength.
“While some kids volunteer to join up, many of the cases we get are not voluntary,” said Marshall. “In either case it is against the law.”
“A kid is walking home from the market, or home from school or at the bus stop or at the railway station, and he is approached by a broker … and either tricked or straight out abducted into the army,” he said.
The average age of child soldiers seen in cases submitted to the ILO is about 15 or 16, but there have been cases of children as young as 11.
Of all the types of forced labour, Marshall said the government was the most responsive in this area, locating the child, returning him to his family and prosecuting perpetrators.
Since 2007, the ILO has helped with the release of more than 80 children from the military, while about 30 cases are still under negotiation, he said.
Despite this, Marshall said a lot more had to be done to disseminate information about the law. “There is a large proportion of people out there who don’t know what their rights are,” he said.
“Also, in the country you have to be quite brave to exercise your rights. So the number of complaints in no way can be seen to be reflecting the size of the problems.”
Blame economics
According to the ILO and rights groups, the military regularly uses forced labour for its activities, such as sentry duty, or when camps are shifted and porters are needed to carry supplies, or in construction.
Military units are also under-funded and rely on farming to survive, and villagers are often compelled to work for them.
The practice is also used by civilian authorities, who cannot afford the labour to build roads, for example.
“A lot of forced labour is driven by a very bad economic structure. The local authorities have no money, they’ve got no resources,” said Marshall. “It’s not just a social issue; it’s an economic policy management issue as well.”
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MCOT.Net - Laos and Myanmar further cooperation on border affairs
VIENTIANE, Feb 26 (KPL) - The 9th meeting of the central Lao-Myanmar border authorities held in Vientiane on 23 February has agreed to increase cooperation on border issues in a bid to maintain security and address any unpredicted issues that might arise along the shared border.
The meeting was co-chaired by Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Lao-Myanmar Border Committee, Mr Bounkeuth Sangsomsack, and his Myanmar counterpart, Mr Maung Myint.
The meeting discussed and exchanged information on various issues regarding the shared border. It also agreed to let local border committees on both sides to increase coordinated action and information exchanges so as to address any issues in a timely manner.
The two sides assessed progress made in implementing the outcomes of their last meeting held in Myanmar in November 2008. The areas evaluated include the navigation along the Mekong River, cooperation on combating drug-related issues and renovation of border marks.
They are also committed to further improving cooperation along the border.
The sides agreed the shared border area is fundamentally secure and facilitates people-to-people exchanges and socio-economic development efforts on both sides.
This contributes to enhancing the relations and overall cooperation between the two nations.
Laos and Myanmar share 236 km of the Mekong River as a border, with 86 markers in place indicating the boundary. (KPL)
VIENTIANE, Feb 26 (KPL) - The 9th meeting of the central Lao-Myanmar border authorities held in Vientiane on 23 February has agreed to increase cooperation on border issues in a bid to maintain security and address any unpredicted issues that might arise along the shared border.
The meeting was co-chaired by Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Lao-Myanmar Border Committee, Mr Bounkeuth Sangsomsack, and his Myanmar counterpart, Mr Maung Myint.
The meeting discussed and exchanged information on various issues regarding the shared border. It also agreed to let local border committees on both sides to increase coordinated action and information exchanges so as to address any issues in a timely manner.
The two sides assessed progress made in implementing the outcomes of their last meeting held in Myanmar in November 2008. The areas evaluated include the navigation along the Mekong River, cooperation on combating drug-related issues and renovation of border marks.
They are also committed to further improving cooperation along the border.
The sides agreed the shared border area is fundamentally secure and facilitates people-to-people exchanges and socio-economic development efforts on both sides.
This contributes to enhancing the relations and overall cooperation between the two nations.
Laos and Myanmar share 236 km of the Mekong River as a border, with 86 markers in place indicating the boundary. (KPL)
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Sat, 27th Feb 2010
KanglaOnline- Myanmar meet
The Imphal Free Press
IMPHAL, Feb 25: The 39th India-Myanmar biannual liaison meeting organised by the Myanmarese Army at Kalay, Myanmar from February 25 till March 1 has begun.
A release of the IGAR(South) said a 14 member Indian delegation led by Major General CA Krishnan left today for Myanmar to attend the meet.
The meet is a landmark event where representatives of both the Armies interact and coordinate border management activities, said a release of the IGAR(South).
KanglaOnline- Myanmar meet
The Imphal Free Press
IMPHAL, Feb 25: The 39th India-Myanmar biannual liaison meeting organised by the Myanmarese Army at Kalay, Myanmar from February 25 till March 1 has begun.
A release of the IGAR(South) said a 14 member Indian delegation led by Major General CA Krishnan left today for Myanmar to attend the meet.
The meet is a landmark event where representatives of both the Armies interact and coordinate border management activities, said a release of the IGAR(South).
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S’pore disappointed over Myanmar court ruling on Suu Kyi
Channel NewsAsia - Saturday, February 27
SINGAPORE: Singapore’s Foreign Ministry has expressed disappointment that Myanmar’s Supreme Court had rejected an appeal by Aung San Suu Kyi against her extended house arrest.
The ministry said a dialogue among the Myanmar authorities, Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political groups ahead of this year’s elections offers the best prospects for national reconciliation and the long—term political stability of Myanmar.
The said it believes that all the people of Myanmar, irrespective of political affiliation, must share these goals which are also in the interests of the entire region.
The ministry hopes that the Myanmar authorities will, in their own interests, allow her to participate in the political process in a meaningful way as soon as possible.
Singapore’s Foreign Ministry said it understands that Suu Kyi’s lawyers intend to make a Special Appeal to the Supreme Court as the last stage of the appeals process.
It added that it trusts this will be heard expeditiously.
Channel NewsAsia - Saturday, February 27
SINGAPORE: Singapore’s Foreign Ministry has expressed disappointment that Myanmar’s Supreme Court had rejected an appeal by Aung San Suu Kyi against her extended house arrest.
The ministry said a dialogue among the Myanmar authorities, Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political groups ahead of this year’s elections offers the best prospects for national reconciliation and the long—term political stability of Myanmar.
The said it believes that all the people of Myanmar, irrespective of political affiliation, must share these goals which are also in the interests of the entire region.
The ministry hopes that the Myanmar authorities will, in their own interests, allow her to participate in the political process in a meaningful way as soon as possible.
Singapore’s Foreign Ministry said it understands that Suu Kyi’s lawyers intend to make a Special Appeal to the Supreme Court as the last stage of the appeals process.
It added that it trusts this will be heard expeditiously.
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Friday, 26th February 2010
The Times of Malta - To sanction or not to sanction
John Attard Montalto
Iam unaccustomed to reading crumpled newspapers, more so when they are supposed to be complimentary copies. However, last week, on my way from Bangladesh to Myanmar, the flight attendant handed me a copy of the English edition The New Light of Myanmar and I used the creases as clues to what had attracted the attention of the previous reader.
My visit to Bangladesh had been an official one. The mission related to the tragic situation of a third of a million Rohingyas, stranded, abandoned and helpless on the frontier between Bangladesh and Myanmar. It was with them in mind that I planned to go to Myanmar, hoping that the brief visit would help me understand the refugees' country of origin.
The newspaper lived up to its name of throwing a new light on the country. It gave prominence to the achievements of the state and its ministers. The latter are all members of the armed forces, styled as Minister Major General or Minister Brigadier General according to their rank. My attention was also caught by declarations like: "Objective of the 56th anniversary of Armed Forces Day - to work hard with national people to a successful completion of elections".
Such language, as well as the fact that Myanmar has international sanctions imposed upon it, predisposed me for a country whose public services and infrastructure were run down. I could not have been more mistaken.
From the airport, I was surprised by both the aesthetics and the cleanliness. The former capital, Yangon, is a beautiful city, clean and orderly, of over five million inhabitants, so unobtrusive one would not guess the city is so densely populated. Even the roads are uncongested. I was told there were only about 400,000 cars, half of which were over 20 years old. The many colonial buildings such as the law courts, the general hospital and the ex-government ministries are in pristine condition. They date from a period when the country was known as Burma and formed part of the British Empire. Greenery abounds, while the Yangon River flows lazily along its edge.
Close to the river is one of the most astounding sites I have ever seen - the complex of the Shwedagon Pagoda. Gold-encrusted domes and innumerable jade Buddhas. The only distraction are the technicolor lights radiating from behind the heads of the said Buddhas.
The country is striking even demographically. In this population of 56 million, the largest community, 10 per cent of the population, is made up of Buddhist monks. The second largest group is the military, with an estimated four million soldiers, which must make it one of the largest armies in the world.
There is an effort to show that there is religious tolerance; the Muslim and Jewish cemeteries are almost adjacent; a Hindu temple, Christian churches and a mosque are in close proximity. However, the prevailing religion is Buddhism and I was discretely informed that one cannot get into the army if one is not a Buddhist, which is why the civil unrest led by monks in 2007 seems to have come as such a surprise to the military government.
It is the nature of the government that has led to international sanctions being imposed on Myanmar. On the day I arrived, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in the country, Tomas Ojea Quintana, was departing. He expressed his dissatisfaction that he was not told the date of the forthcoming election or allowed to meet the leader of the Opposition, Aung Sun Suu Kyi, who has been held under house arrest for 14 of the last 20 years. The fact that the reclusive military leader, Thun Shwe, delivered a snub by not meeting him did not help matters.
There is no doubt that the country needs a democratic resolution of its current tensions. However, it is not clear to me that the sanctions will help change in that direction.
In the first place, experience with sanctions generally suggests that they strengthen the hold of a government over its people. The blockages of normal trade make ordinary people more dependent on centralised distribution. Elites are less affected than the masses.
Secondly, in this particular case, the isolation of Myanmar has made the European Union more dependent on interlocutors, mainly Thailand. Should the EU be dependent on just one country, especially this particular country? We should, perhaps, change our tactics, say by using numerous intermediaries, of which Bangladesh could be one. When I met the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Dipu Moni, she explained she had already paid two visits to Myanmar and was optimistic about future collaboration.
My personal choice would be a reconsideration of the present strategy by initiating a direct approach. That could be important to exercise some influence not just over the government but also over the people of Myanmar. Indeed, the people wherever I went were not only helpful but polite and extremely hospitable. Otherwise, they might take seriously such declarations as that which appeared on the back page of my crumpled copy of The New Light of Myanmar.
Without quoting the President of Iran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, directly, the newspaper repeated his claim that the BBC and the Voice of America are the mouthpieces of MI6 and the CIA.
The current isolationist strategy enhances the prospect of pushing certain states into an alliance or having their peoples, due to the unintended consequences of sanctions, to become more wary of our good intentions.
Dr Attard Montalto is a Labour member of the European Parliament.
The Times of Malta - To sanction or not to sanction
John Attard Montalto
Iam unaccustomed to reading crumpled newspapers, more so when they are supposed to be complimentary copies. However, last week, on my way from Bangladesh to Myanmar, the flight attendant handed me a copy of the English edition The New Light of Myanmar and I used the creases as clues to what had attracted the attention of the previous reader.
My visit to Bangladesh had been an official one. The mission related to the tragic situation of a third of a million Rohingyas, stranded, abandoned and helpless on the frontier between Bangladesh and Myanmar. It was with them in mind that I planned to go to Myanmar, hoping that the brief visit would help me understand the refugees' country of origin.
The newspaper lived up to its name of throwing a new light on the country. It gave prominence to the achievements of the state and its ministers. The latter are all members of the armed forces, styled as Minister Major General or Minister Brigadier General according to their rank. My attention was also caught by declarations like: "Objective of the 56th anniversary of Armed Forces Day - to work hard with national people to a successful completion of elections".
Such language, as well as the fact that Myanmar has international sanctions imposed upon it, predisposed me for a country whose public services and infrastructure were run down. I could not have been more mistaken.
From the airport, I was surprised by both the aesthetics and the cleanliness. The former capital, Yangon, is a beautiful city, clean and orderly, of over five million inhabitants, so unobtrusive one would not guess the city is so densely populated. Even the roads are uncongested. I was told there were only about 400,000 cars, half of which were over 20 years old. The many colonial buildings such as the law courts, the general hospital and the ex-government ministries are in pristine condition. They date from a period when the country was known as Burma and formed part of the British Empire. Greenery abounds, while the Yangon River flows lazily along its edge.
Close to the river is one of the most astounding sites I have ever seen - the complex of the Shwedagon Pagoda. Gold-encrusted domes and innumerable jade Buddhas. The only distraction are the technicolor lights radiating from behind the heads of the said Buddhas.
The country is striking even demographically. In this population of 56 million, the largest community, 10 per cent of the population, is made up of Buddhist monks. The second largest group is the military, with an estimated four million soldiers, which must make it one of the largest armies in the world.
There is an effort to show that there is religious tolerance; the Muslim and Jewish cemeteries are almost adjacent; a Hindu temple, Christian churches and a mosque are in close proximity. However, the prevailing religion is Buddhism and I was discretely informed that one cannot get into the army if one is not a Buddhist, which is why the civil unrest led by monks in 2007 seems to have come as such a surprise to the military government.
It is the nature of the government that has led to international sanctions being imposed on Myanmar. On the day I arrived, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in the country, Tomas Ojea Quintana, was departing. He expressed his dissatisfaction that he was not told the date of the forthcoming election or allowed to meet the leader of the Opposition, Aung Sun Suu Kyi, who has been held under house arrest for 14 of the last 20 years. The fact that the reclusive military leader, Thun Shwe, delivered a snub by not meeting him did not help matters.
There is no doubt that the country needs a democratic resolution of its current tensions. However, it is not clear to me that the sanctions will help change in that direction.
In the first place, experience with sanctions generally suggests that they strengthen the hold of a government over its people. The blockages of normal trade make ordinary people more dependent on centralised distribution. Elites are less affected than the masses.
Secondly, in this particular case, the isolation of Myanmar has made the European Union more dependent on interlocutors, mainly Thailand. Should the EU be dependent on just one country, especially this particular country? We should, perhaps, change our tactics, say by using numerous intermediaries, of which Bangladesh could be one. When I met the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Dipu Moni, she explained she had already paid two visits to Myanmar and was optimistic about future collaboration.
My personal choice would be a reconsideration of the present strategy by initiating a direct approach. That could be important to exercise some influence not just over the government but also over the people of Myanmar. Indeed, the people wherever I went were not only helpful but polite and extremely hospitable. Otherwise, they might take seriously such declarations as that which appeared on the back page of my crumpled copy of The New Light of Myanmar.
Without quoting the President of Iran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, directly, the newspaper repeated his claim that the BBC and the Voice of America are the mouthpieces of MI6 and the CIA.
The current isolationist strategy enhances the prospect of pushing certain states into an alliance or having their peoples, due to the unintended consequences of sanctions, to become more wary of our good intentions.
Dr Attard Montalto is a Labour member of the European Parliament.
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Japan Today - No. of asylum seekers in Japan drops sharply in 2009
Friday 26th February, 03:16 PM JST
TOKYO — The number of foreign nationals applying for refugee status in Japan fell to 1,388 in 2009, down 211 from the previous year when the number hit an all-time high, the Justice Ministry said Friday. The ministry attributed the fall to a substantial decrease of 411 in the number of asylum seekers from Myanmar.
The political situation in Myanmar may have changed two years after anti-government demonstrations raged in the country in 2007 in response to the suppression of the pro-democracy movement there, an official at the ministry’s Immigration Bureau said. Thirty people were recognized as refugees in the reporting year, including those who filed for refugee status applications before 2009, down 27 from 2008, the ministry said.
People from Myanmar accounted for 568 of the total applications in 2009, followed by 234 from Sri Lanka, 94 from Turkey, 92 from Pakistan and 59 from India.
The applications from Sri Lanka represented a sharp increase from 90 in 2008. Internal conflict continued in the country until May 2009.
The ministry said a record 501 people were refused refugee status but given special permits to stay in Japan on humanitarian grounds in 2009, up 141 from the previous year.
Of the 531 people who were either recognized as refugees or obtained special permits, 478 came from Myanmar, the ministry said.
Friday 26th February, 03:16 PM JST
TOKYO — The number of foreign nationals applying for refugee status in Japan fell to 1,388 in 2009, down 211 from the previous year when the number hit an all-time high, the Justice Ministry said Friday. The ministry attributed the fall to a substantial decrease of 411 in the number of asylum seekers from Myanmar.
The political situation in Myanmar may have changed two years after anti-government demonstrations raged in the country in 2007 in response to the suppression of the pro-democracy movement there, an official at the ministry’s Immigration Bureau said. Thirty people were recognized as refugees in the reporting year, including those who filed for refugee status applications before 2009, down 27 from 2008, the ministry said.
People from Myanmar accounted for 568 of the total applications in 2009, followed by 234 from Sri Lanka, 94 from Turkey, 92 from Pakistan and 59 from India.
The applications from Sri Lanka represented a sharp increase from 90 in 2008. Internal conflict continued in the country until May 2009.
The ministry said a record 501 people were refused refugee status but given special permits to stay in Japan on humanitarian grounds in 2009, up 141 from the previous year.
Of the 531 people who were either recognized as refugees or obtained special permits, 478 came from Myanmar, the ministry said.
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ReliefWeb - UKAID IN BURMA
Source: United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID)
Date: 31 Jan 2010
Development and political progress cannot be separated in Burma. A genuine and sustained move towards political reconciliation, accountable government and respect for human rights is essential for long-term development and poverty reduction. The Department for International Development (DFID) works closely with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as part of the UK's overall approach towards Burma.
DFID's approach is consistent with the European Union Common Position on Burma. UK policy is to use targeted sanctions to encourage the Burmese government to make progress towards political reconciliation and respect for human rights, while avoiding measures which hurt ordinary Burmese people. We do not give economic aid to Burma, but we are able to provide assistance which helps to address the severe humanitarian and development needs of many of its people. Working through the United Nations and reputable international and local NGOs, we are able to make a real impact on the lives of poor people without benefitting the Burmese government. DFID's country office in Burma is able to monitor the use of our funding and provide assurance that it is delivered effectively.
DFID's expanding programme of development and humanitarian assistance in Burma is pursuing the following key objectives:
• To address humanitarian needs, with a focus on health, education and rural growth;
• To support the foundations for democracy and long-term poverty reduction; and
• To provide humanitarian support for conflict-affected populations.
Political change will eventually come to Burma. The Prime Minister has made clear that, should there be genuine progress towards political reconciliation and respect for human rights in Burma, the UK would be ready to work with the international community to provide a substantial package of economic assistance to the country.
Source: United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID)
Date: 31 Jan 2010
Development and political progress cannot be separated in Burma. A genuine and sustained move towards political reconciliation, accountable government and respect for human rights is essential for long-term development and poverty reduction. The Department for International Development (DFID) works closely with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office as part of the UK's overall approach towards Burma.
DFID's approach is consistent with the European Union Common Position on Burma. UK policy is to use targeted sanctions to encourage the Burmese government to make progress towards political reconciliation and respect for human rights, while avoiding measures which hurt ordinary Burmese people. We do not give economic aid to Burma, but we are able to provide assistance which helps to address the severe humanitarian and development needs of many of its people. Working through the United Nations and reputable international and local NGOs, we are able to make a real impact on the lives of poor people without benefitting the Burmese government. DFID's country office in Burma is able to monitor the use of our funding and provide assurance that it is delivered effectively.
DFID's expanding programme of development and humanitarian assistance in Burma is pursuing the following key objectives:
• To address humanitarian needs, with a focus on health, education and rural growth;
• To support the foundations for democracy and long-term poverty reduction; and
• To provide humanitarian support for conflict-affected populations.
Political change will eventually come to Burma. The Prime Minister has made clear that, should there be genuine progress towards political reconciliation and respect for human rights in Burma, the UK would be ready to work with the international community to provide a substantial package of economic assistance to the country.
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The Irrawaddy - Junta Highlights Beijing Ties, as Talks with Armed Groups Continue
By WAI MOE - Friday, February 26, 2010
Beijing's importance to Burma's ruling regime was in the spotlight today, as state-run media gave extensive coverage to a new Sino-Burmese hydropower project and Chinese military officials attended a meeting between Burmese negotiators and ethnic Wa leaders over the issue of forming border guard forces.
All three official mouthpieces of the regime carried front page stories covering a signing ceremony on Thursday to mark an agreement between Burma’s Ministry of Electric Power (1) and two Chinese companies—Hanergy Holding Group Ltd and Goldwater Resources Ltd—involved in the Upper Salween (Kunglong) Hydropower project.
The project, the second largest of its kind on the Salween River, with a projected energy-generating capacity of 2,400 kilowatts (less than half that of the 7,100-kilowatt Tasang dam), will be located in Kunglong, near the Chinese border and the territory of the cease-fire United Wa State Army (UWSA).
While officials of the Chinese companies traveled to Naypyidaw for the signing ceremony, a UWSA delegation led by leader Bao Youxiang went to Tangyan, controlled by the Burmese army, to meet with the junta’s top negotiator, Lt-Gen Ye Myint, to discuss the regime's plan to dismantle cease-fire armies and reconstitute them as border guard forces under Burmese command.
According to sources on the Sino-Burmese border, Bao Youxiang was accompanied by at least three Chinese military officials during his meeting with Ye Myint, who is also the regime's military intelligence chief, on Thursday.
It was the Wa leader's first trip to Burmese army-controlled territory since junta troops overran the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, an ethnic Kokang army allied to the UWSA, in late August 2009.
In November, Bao Youxiang sent a letter to Ye Myint explaining why the UWSA could not accept the border guard force plan. A source close to the UWSA delegation said that he reiterated his position on Thursday.
Bao Youxiang’s decision to go to Tangyan came after Chinese officials pressured the UWSA to resume talks with the junta, the source said, adding that he agreed only after Chinese officials promised to ensure his safety.
Earlier this month, Ye Myint offered to meet with the Wa leader in Lashio, the headquarters of the Burmese army’s Northeast Regional Military Command. Bao Youxiang declined the invitation, citing health reasons. The UWSA said talks could be held in Wa territory, but Ye Myint rejected the offer.
Meanwhile, negotiations between Ye Myint and the eastern Shan State-based National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) appear to be on hold, after the group's leader Sai Lin (also known as Lin Mingxian) said that he could not travel to to Kengtung, the headquarters of the Triangle Regional Military Command, for a planned meeting.
However, on Thursday, three senior NDAA officials—two vice presidents, Hsan Per and Hsang Lu, and Chief of Staff Kham Mawng—met Col Than Htut Thein, a chief of staff from Kengtung, in Mongyu, near the NDAA's Mongla headquarters.
According to The Shan Herald Agency for News, Than Htut Thein pressured the NDAA officials to give the border guard force idea a nod by saying that time was running out. He did not, however, say whether the junta would resolve the issue politically or militarily.
Earlier this week, the junta’s prime minister, Gen Thein Sein, traveled to Kachin State along with Lt-Gen Tha Aye, chief of the army’s Bureau of Special Operations (1), which oversees the north, northwest and central regional military commands.
The trip was reportedly related to planned talks with the Kachin Independence Organization, another cease-fire group that is resisting calls to transform its armed wing into a border guard force.
By WAI MOE - Friday, February 26, 2010
Beijing's importance to Burma's ruling regime was in the spotlight today, as state-run media gave extensive coverage to a new Sino-Burmese hydropower project and Chinese military officials attended a meeting between Burmese negotiators and ethnic Wa leaders over the issue of forming border guard forces.
All three official mouthpieces of the regime carried front page stories covering a signing ceremony on Thursday to mark an agreement between Burma’s Ministry of Electric Power (1) and two Chinese companies—Hanergy Holding Group Ltd and Goldwater Resources Ltd—involved in the Upper Salween (Kunglong) Hydropower project.
The project, the second largest of its kind on the Salween River, with a projected energy-generating capacity of 2,400 kilowatts (less than half that of the 7,100-kilowatt Tasang dam), will be located in Kunglong, near the Chinese border and the territory of the cease-fire United Wa State Army (UWSA).
While officials of the Chinese companies traveled to Naypyidaw for the signing ceremony, a UWSA delegation led by leader Bao Youxiang went to Tangyan, controlled by the Burmese army, to meet with the junta’s top negotiator, Lt-Gen Ye Myint, to discuss the regime's plan to dismantle cease-fire armies and reconstitute them as border guard forces under Burmese command.
According to sources on the Sino-Burmese border, Bao Youxiang was accompanied by at least three Chinese military officials during his meeting with Ye Myint, who is also the regime's military intelligence chief, on Thursday.
It was the Wa leader's first trip to Burmese army-controlled territory since junta troops overran the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, an ethnic Kokang army allied to the UWSA, in late August 2009.
In November, Bao Youxiang sent a letter to Ye Myint explaining why the UWSA could not accept the border guard force plan. A source close to the UWSA delegation said that he reiterated his position on Thursday.
Bao Youxiang’s decision to go to Tangyan came after Chinese officials pressured the UWSA to resume talks with the junta, the source said, adding that he agreed only after Chinese officials promised to ensure his safety.
Earlier this month, Ye Myint offered to meet with the Wa leader in Lashio, the headquarters of the Burmese army’s Northeast Regional Military Command. Bao Youxiang declined the invitation, citing health reasons. The UWSA said talks could be held in Wa territory, but Ye Myint rejected the offer.
Meanwhile, negotiations between Ye Myint and the eastern Shan State-based National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) appear to be on hold, after the group's leader Sai Lin (also known as Lin Mingxian) said that he could not travel to to Kengtung, the headquarters of the Triangle Regional Military Command, for a planned meeting.
However, on Thursday, three senior NDAA officials—two vice presidents, Hsan Per and Hsang Lu, and Chief of Staff Kham Mawng—met Col Than Htut Thein, a chief of staff from Kengtung, in Mongyu, near the NDAA's Mongla headquarters.
According to The Shan Herald Agency for News, Than Htut Thein pressured the NDAA officials to give the border guard force idea a nod by saying that time was running out. He did not, however, say whether the junta would resolve the issue politically or militarily.
Earlier this week, the junta’s prime minister, Gen Thein Sein, traveled to Kachin State along with Lt-Gen Tha Aye, chief of the army’s Bureau of Special Operations (1), which oversees the north, northwest and central regional military commands.
The trip was reportedly related to planned talks with the Kachin Independence Organization, another cease-fire group that is resisting calls to transform its armed wing into a border guard force.
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The Irrawaddy - Two Burmese Politicians Urge Support for Election
Friday, February 26, 2010
Two opposition politicians on Thursday urged Burmese political parties and organizations in exile to support the miltary governement's election to be held late this year.
Thu Wai and Khin Zaw Win, former political prisoners now based in Rangoon, attended the 7th Conference of the Burma Media Association in Chiang Mai, Thailand.
“We should grab the opportunity that's coming to us,” said Thu Wai, the chairman of the Rangoon-based Democratic Party, recently formed to participate in the election. “We could find the solution of some long-term problems here. I'd like to encourage you to vote for democracy.”
He said the military regime that has held state power for more than 20 years will hold the election because it wants to reform the country. A civilian government will emerge after the election, he said, in spite of the flawed 2008 Constitution.
“It will be worse if we don't participate in the election, and this will encourage the military government to hold on to power,” he said. “How long could a Constituion that the public doesn't like last? It will be easier to amend the Constitution when more state power is in the hands of a civilian government.”
At the three-day conference, media representatives and politicians discussed the Constitution, a creation of the military government designed to keep it in power. Many observers said that they thought it would be difficult to amend the document.
Khin Zaw Win said that the public must be involved in the formation of democracy through the election, after which efforts could be made to amend the Constituion.
“Darkness has already covered us,” he said. “The public will suffer more if people step aside [now].”
He noted that the junta still prohibits freedom of speech in the media, and for the election to be fair there must be more free expression.
“So far, we all see that the situation is not perfect,” he said. “The situation could become even worse.”
He said the exiled media must try to provide relevant information and explore topical issues if Burma's domestic newspapers and journals are not allowed the freedom to select stories and to provide a forum for opposing views.
Khin Zaw Win, a dentist and pro-democracy activist, was an officer in the United Nations. He was imprisoned for 11 years and was released in 2005.
A third political activist at the conference, Moe Thee Zun, said he was pessimistic that the election would lead to any significant changes or national reconciliation.
He said that in 1990 he adivsed the National League for Democracy (NLD) not to join in the election because the miltary government could not be trusted. After the NLD's landslide victory, the military regime refused to honor the election results.
The three-day Burma Media Conference was attended by more than 100 people representing the news media, politicians, bloggers and nongovernmental organizations.
Friday, February 26, 2010
Two opposition politicians on Thursday urged Burmese political parties and organizations in exile to support the miltary governement's election to be held late this year.
Thu Wai and Khin Zaw Win, former political prisoners now based in Rangoon, attended the 7th Conference of the Burma Media Association in Chiang Mai, Thailand.
“We should grab the opportunity that's coming to us,” said Thu Wai, the chairman of the Rangoon-based Democratic Party, recently formed to participate in the election. “We could find the solution of some long-term problems here. I'd like to encourage you to vote for democracy.”
He said the military regime that has held state power for more than 20 years will hold the election because it wants to reform the country. A civilian government will emerge after the election, he said, in spite of the flawed 2008 Constitution.
“It will be worse if we don't participate in the election, and this will encourage the military government to hold on to power,” he said. “How long could a Constituion that the public doesn't like last? It will be easier to amend the Constitution when more state power is in the hands of a civilian government.”
At the three-day conference, media representatives and politicians discussed the Constitution, a creation of the military government designed to keep it in power. Many observers said that they thought it would be difficult to amend the document.
Khin Zaw Win said that the public must be involved in the formation of democracy through the election, after which efforts could be made to amend the Constituion.
“Darkness has already covered us,” he said. “The public will suffer more if people step aside [now].”
He noted that the junta still prohibits freedom of speech in the media, and for the election to be fair there must be more free expression.
“So far, we all see that the situation is not perfect,” he said. “The situation could become even worse.”
He said the exiled media must try to provide relevant information and explore topical issues if Burma's domestic newspapers and journals are not allowed the freedom to select stories and to provide a forum for opposing views.
Khin Zaw Win, a dentist and pro-democracy activist, was an officer in the United Nations. He was imprisoned for 11 years and was released in 2005.
A third political activist at the conference, Moe Thee Zun, said he was pessimistic that the election would lead to any significant changes or national reconciliation.
He said that in 1990 he adivsed the National League for Democracy (NLD) not to join in the election because the miltary government could not be trusted. After the NLD's landslide victory, the military regime refused to honor the election results.
The three-day Burma Media Conference was attended by more than 100 people representing the news media, politicians, bloggers and nongovernmental organizations.
*************************************************************
Little Hope for Burma's Political Prisoners
Friday, 26 February 2010 19:02 Larry Jagan
BANGKOK (Mizzima) - The United Nations special rapporteur for human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana believes there that the country’s political prisoners will not be freed any time soon. “There seems to be no movement on political prisoners since my last trip [a year ago],” the UN envoy told Mizzima in an interview in Bangkok a few days ago. “In fact the government continues to deny that there are any prisoners of conscience.”
At the same time more critics of the government and activists have been imprisoned on spurious charges. And political prioners already in jail mounted protests to coincide with the UN envoys visit.
Scores of prisoners in at least two jails have gone on hunger strike, according to an organistion that monitors the situation of Burma’s political prisoners, and more than seventy in the Buthidaung jail, which Mr Quintana visited during his trip to the west of the country. Tthe regime’s total disregard for the envoy was underlined when five more political activists – a monk and five female activists – were given stiff jail sentences in the middle of his visit.
“There were few positives from the trip,” Mr Quinata told Mizzima, apart from being allowed to visit Northern Rakhine State and meet 15 political prisoners in three different prisons.
“They were not prepared to discuss the forthcoming elections in any detail, though it was clear from my visit that unofficial campaigning has started even though the electoral law has not been published,” he told Mizzima.
The Argentinian lawyer was also frustrated that he was not allowed to see the country’s most famous political prisoner, Aung San Suu Kyi who is currently under house arrest, where she has spent more than 15 of the last 21 years.
“Of course I was disappointed not to meet her, and even though I had made my desire to talk to her about the forthcoming elections, I never expected to be given permission to see her.”
The envoy is scheduled to give a detailed report on Burma’s human rights situation to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva next month from this, his third mission to the country since his appointment two years ago.
“But my mission should not be judged by whether the regime makes any concessions or not,” he said. “It’s a process – and the fact that they allow me to visit and continue the dialogue on human rights is very positive.” Otherwise the envoy seemed very down-beat in his over-all assessment of the trip.
The Argentinian also complained about the Burmese authorities approach to his five-day visit. For one thing, he said, there was never any advance warning of the agenda. “It was a day-to-day programme,” he said. This did not permit him and his team to prepare properly and reduced the effectiveness of his mission, UN sources told Mizzima on condition of anonymity.
There is no doubt though that Mr Quintana’s visit to Rakhine State in western Burma to see for himself the conditions of Burmese Muslims there was a significant concession by the regime. This is the first time a senior UN envoy has been allowed in that region – though the UN country team do have projects and people in the area. He visited both the regional capital Sittwe and Buthidaung in the north of the state -- where the worse abuses against Burmese Muslims are alledged to take place.
Perhaps even more significantly he was allowed to be accompanied by the two senior representatives of the International Labour Organization in Rangoon, who are actively involved in checking reports of forced labour in the country.
During his mission there he was also allowed to visit Buthidaung prison where he met five political prisoners, including one of the ten local leaders of the Myanmar Muslim Association of Maungdaw -- who have been sentenced to some 13 years for allegedly holding a meeting to discuss the constitution in 2007 – and a senior Shan leader, Tun Nyo who is now 79. Both were in very poor health, the envoy said.
“Curiously the conditions in the jail have improved over the last six months, the prisonsers told me,” Mr Quintana told Mizzima. “But no one seemed to know why. They assumed it was maybe to do with election preparations,” he added. “But the conditions remain a matter of grave concern,” he added.
“It is essential that the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] to be allowed to resume their prison visits,” he stressed. ICRC suspended these at the end of 2005 because of the interference of government officials. As a result many prisoners do not the medicines they need or soap.
More importantly the ICRC used to provide a channel of communications with the prisoners’ families. “I was the first visitor ever to Buthidaung prison,” he told Mizzima. “And while I thank the authorities for this opportunity, it is intolerable that some have had no contact with their love-ones since being transferred there – in some case that has been years.”
ICRC’s access to the prisons is something that has been in every report the envoy has put before the UN, and will feature prominently in his fourth report, the next to be submitted to the Human Rights Council in Geneva soon. It was also something that the envoy said he raised persistently and firmly at every opportunity, with the home minister, the attorney general and the chief justice. But the envoy remained pessimistic that the regime will take any notice.
Both Indonesia and China have also been quietly encouraging the junta to soften its stance towards ICRC behind the scenes. Most countries, even those with blemished human rights’ records, understand that the ICRC should be allowed to do its work unhindered by government interference.
“That the ICRC is not permitted to do carry out its full mandate is shameful, since this is considered worldwide to be a minimum standard of cooperation with the international community,” Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s South East Asia researcher based in Bangkok told Mizzima.
On Mr Quintana’s other two major concerns – the release of political prisoners and the forthcoming election – the regime remained equally intransigent.
“I don’t expect any progress soon [on the release of political prisoners],” he said. During his talks with the representatives of the regime he continued to stress the need to release all political prisoners before the elections if the process was to at all believable.
“These are well-educated and capable people who could participate in the election and help make the whole process credible I told the authorities,” he said.
But on the elections as a whole he found the senior representatives of the junta he met relatively uncompromising. No one was prepared to discuss the elections in any detail – all they would say was that the legal framework is being prepared and the electoral law will be released in time. The UN envoy was obviously frustrated at the regime’s apparent obstinance.
“But its important to have access to the authorities to be able to discuss human rights issues and explain what is needed to be done to meet international standards,” he said. “We can at least explain what is needed.”
When he met the Home Minister, Maung Oo, the Attorney General and the Chief Justice, he left the UN’s handbook on free and fair elections for their reference. Few people though, including the envoy, expect the regime to consult in any way.
“Barring an Election Law that marks a radical departure from its past and present laws and practices, the government is unlikely to allow political parties to participate fully--and meaningfully -- in the elections process,” said Mr Zawacki.
“Politicians and political parties must able to communicate freely with both the domestic and international media,” he added. “Unfortunately, all the signs are that the only views acceptable to the government will be its own, with no room at all for a debate of any kind.”
The key people involved in the elections that Mr Quintana met also categorically rejected any involvement of international observers. “They aren’t needed,” he was told.
The envoy also took the opportunity to discuss acceptable approaches to demonstrations with the police chief, Khin Yi.
The issue was raised in terms of future protests rather than the brutal handling of the monk-led marches in 2007. “It’s important to peacefully control demonstrations, and force needs to be used proportionately,” he told the senior policeman.
Tin Oo, the deputy leader of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party the National League for Democracy, was freed on the even of Mr Quintana’s mission to Burma after nearly seven years in detention. But during his visit five other dissidents were imprisoned – including a Buddhist abbot and four women activists.
The four women were arrested last October after being accused of offering Buddhist monks alms that included religious literature, said Nyan Win, spokesman for the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by detained Nobel Peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. The women used to hold prayer services at Yangon's Shwedagon pagoda for Ms Suu Kyi's release.
The Buddhist monk, Gaw Thita was given seven years jail for violating immigration laws by making a trip to Taiwan last year, said his lawyer Aung Thein. He was also convicted of unlawful association and failing to declare possession of foreign currency.
On top of that, six detained political activists in Rangoon’s infamous Insein jail went on hunger strike a day before the UN envoy was due to visit the prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPP-B), a Thailand-based Burmese human rights group. They launched their week-long hunger strike after complaining that the prison authorities were denying them what they called “basic human requirements”. It was due to end on Thursday 25th February.
In a letter smuggled out of the prison, the political detainees complained that the rice that was given to prisoners was stale and mixed with small stones. “The bean soup and the sour vegetable soup often have insects in it and are dirty. We only get meat twice a week ... and we get no salt,” said the letter.
The prisoners are denied appropriate medical attention or needed medicines, and are not allowed sufficient exercise, complained the prisoners.
In the letter activists said that although prisoners were allowed to receive books and newspapers from their relatives, all reading material was heavily censored. “Sometimes the pages are torn [out] and the books censored,” said the letter. “There is no regular access to newspapers, [and] when they do arrive, are often out of date,” compllined the letter.
The prisoners are also not allowed paper or pens. “If a prisoner is found with paper or pens, they are sent to the punishment cell called the ‘Dog Cell’, said the letter. “We are not allowed to write to our families,” the prisoners complained.
Last week, according to Mulim activists in Rakhune state, more than 70 inmates of Buthidaung prison also went on hunger strike in protest at the insufficient food rations. Their protests erupted after the prisoners, mostly non-Burmese, were denied a meeting with Mr Quintana when he visited Buthidaung prison.
But on the positive side, Mr Quintan found a child soldier – who had been sentenced to 7 years for desertion. He had been conscripted when he was 16, seized off the street in hi school uniform on the way home. He was arrested when he went home to see his sick mother less than six months after he was forcibly recruited.
When the envoy raised it with the Home Minister he at least responded positively, and maybe released soon. The ILO is following up the case.
But human rights groups still fear that these high-profile visits are only used by the regime for their own ends.
“When visits by UN envoys fail to achieve any progress, they allow the country to still claim it is cooperating with the UN, and leave the UN itself with little choice but to claim that the visits themselves constitute progress,” aid Mr Zawacki. “But in this case the special rapportteur is making it clear that the failure is the government’s fault.”
Although no spectacular break-throughs may result from this visit, the fact that senior members of the regime are engaged with representatives of the international community is significant, especially on human rights. Some Burmese leaders at the very top are hearing what the government needs to be done, especially if the elections are to be credible and to meet international human rights’ norms.
“If anyone expects that fundamental human rights changes are going to come about strictly through UN visits and other efforts they're ignoring 20 years of history,” said Mr Zawacki. “Change will only come from within,” he added.
And the real problem is that the senior general Than Shwe, who makes all the decisions, may not be listening to any of it.
Friday, 26 February 2010 19:02 Larry Jagan
BANGKOK (Mizzima) - The United Nations special rapporteur for human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana believes there that the country’s political prisoners will not be freed any time soon. “There seems to be no movement on political prisoners since my last trip [a year ago],” the UN envoy told Mizzima in an interview in Bangkok a few days ago. “In fact the government continues to deny that there are any prisoners of conscience.”
At the same time more critics of the government and activists have been imprisoned on spurious charges. And political prioners already in jail mounted protests to coincide with the UN envoys visit.
Scores of prisoners in at least two jails have gone on hunger strike, according to an organistion that monitors the situation of Burma’s political prisoners, and more than seventy in the Buthidaung jail, which Mr Quintana visited during his trip to the west of the country. Tthe regime’s total disregard for the envoy was underlined when five more political activists – a monk and five female activists – were given stiff jail sentences in the middle of his visit.
“There were few positives from the trip,” Mr Quinata told Mizzima, apart from being allowed to visit Northern Rakhine State and meet 15 political prisoners in three different prisons.
“They were not prepared to discuss the forthcoming elections in any detail, though it was clear from my visit that unofficial campaigning has started even though the electoral law has not been published,” he told Mizzima.
The Argentinian lawyer was also frustrated that he was not allowed to see the country’s most famous political prisoner, Aung San Suu Kyi who is currently under house arrest, where she has spent more than 15 of the last 21 years.
“Of course I was disappointed not to meet her, and even though I had made my desire to talk to her about the forthcoming elections, I never expected to be given permission to see her.”
The envoy is scheduled to give a detailed report on Burma’s human rights situation to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva next month from this, his third mission to the country since his appointment two years ago.
“But my mission should not be judged by whether the regime makes any concessions or not,” he said. “It’s a process – and the fact that they allow me to visit and continue the dialogue on human rights is very positive.” Otherwise the envoy seemed very down-beat in his over-all assessment of the trip.
The Argentinian also complained about the Burmese authorities approach to his five-day visit. For one thing, he said, there was never any advance warning of the agenda. “It was a day-to-day programme,” he said. This did not permit him and his team to prepare properly and reduced the effectiveness of his mission, UN sources told Mizzima on condition of anonymity.
There is no doubt though that Mr Quintana’s visit to Rakhine State in western Burma to see for himself the conditions of Burmese Muslims there was a significant concession by the regime. This is the first time a senior UN envoy has been allowed in that region – though the UN country team do have projects and people in the area. He visited both the regional capital Sittwe and Buthidaung in the north of the state -- where the worse abuses against Burmese Muslims are alledged to take place.
Perhaps even more significantly he was allowed to be accompanied by the two senior representatives of the International Labour Organization in Rangoon, who are actively involved in checking reports of forced labour in the country.
During his mission there he was also allowed to visit Buthidaung prison where he met five political prisoners, including one of the ten local leaders of the Myanmar Muslim Association of Maungdaw -- who have been sentenced to some 13 years for allegedly holding a meeting to discuss the constitution in 2007 – and a senior Shan leader, Tun Nyo who is now 79. Both were in very poor health, the envoy said.
“Curiously the conditions in the jail have improved over the last six months, the prisonsers told me,” Mr Quintana told Mizzima. “But no one seemed to know why. They assumed it was maybe to do with election preparations,” he added. “But the conditions remain a matter of grave concern,” he added.
“It is essential that the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] to be allowed to resume their prison visits,” he stressed. ICRC suspended these at the end of 2005 because of the interference of government officials. As a result many prisoners do not the medicines they need or soap.
More importantly the ICRC used to provide a channel of communications with the prisoners’ families. “I was the first visitor ever to Buthidaung prison,” he told Mizzima. “And while I thank the authorities for this opportunity, it is intolerable that some have had no contact with their love-ones since being transferred there – in some case that has been years.”
ICRC’s access to the prisons is something that has been in every report the envoy has put before the UN, and will feature prominently in his fourth report, the next to be submitted to the Human Rights Council in Geneva soon. It was also something that the envoy said he raised persistently and firmly at every opportunity, with the home minister, the attorney general and the chief justice. But the envoy remained pessimistic that the regime will take any notice.
Both Indonesia and China have also been quietly encouraging the junta to soften its stance towards ICRC behind the scenes. Most countries, even those with blemished human rights’ records, understand that the ICRC should be allowed to do its work unhindered by government interference.
“That the ICRC is not permitted to do carry out its full mandate is shameful, since this is considered worldwide to be a minimum standard of cooperation with the international community,” Benjamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s South East Asia researcher based in Bangkok told Mizzima.
On Mr Quintana’s other two major concerns – the release of political prisoners and the forthcoming election – the regime remained equally intransigent.
“I don’t expect any progress soon [on the release of political prisoners],” he said. During his talks with the representatives of the regime he continued to stress the need to release all political prisoners before the elections if the process was to at all believable.
“These are well-educated and capable people who could participate in the election and help make the whole process credible I told the authorities,” he said.
But on the elections as a whole he found the senior representatives of the junta he met relatively uncompromising. No one was prepared to discuss the elections in any detail – all they would say was that the legal framework is being prepared and the electoral law will be released in time. The UN envoy was obviously frustrated at the regime’s apparent obstinance.
“But its important to have access to the authorities to be able to discuss human rights issues and explain what is needed to be done to meet international standards,” he said. “We can at least explain what is needed.”
When he met the Home Minister, Maung Oo, the Attorney General and the Chief Justice, he left the UN’s handbook on free and fair elections for their reference. Few people though, including the envoy, expect the regime to consult in any way.
“Barring an Election Law that marks a radical departure from its past and present laws and practices, the government is unlikely to allow political parties to participate fully--and meaningfully -- in the elections process,” said Mr Zawacki.
“Politicians and political parties must able to communicate freely with both the domestic and international media,” he added. “Unfortunately, all the signs are that the only views acceptable to the government will be its own, with no room at all for a debate of any kind.”
The key people involved in the elections that Mr Quintana met also categorically rejected any involvement of international observers. “They aren’t needed,” he was told.
The envoy also took the opportunity to discuss acceptable approaches to demonstrations with the police chief, Khin Yi.
The issue was raised in terms of future protests rather than the brutal handling of the monk-led marches in 2007. “It’s important to peacefully control demonstrations, and force needs to be used proportionately,” he told the senior policeman.
Tin Oo, the deputy leader of Aung San Suu Kyi’s party the National League for Democracy, was freed on the even of Mr Quintana’s mission to Burma after nearly seven years in detention. But during his visit five other dissidents were imprisoned – including a Buddhist abbot and four women activists.
The four women were arrested last October after being accused of offering Buddhist monks alms that included religious literature, said Nyan Win, spokesman for the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by detained Nobel Peace prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi. The women used to hold prayer services at Yangon's Shwedagon pagoda for Ms Suu Kyi's release.
The Buddhist monk, Gaw Thita was given seven years jail for violating immigration laws by making a trip to Taiwan last year, said his lawyer Aung Thein. He was also convicted of unlawful association and failing to declare possession of foreign currency.
On top of that, six detained political activists in Rangoon’s infamous Insein jail went on hunger strike a day before the UN envoy was due to visit the prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPP-B), a Thailand-based Burmese human rights group. They launched their week-long hunger strike after complaining that the prison authorities were denying them what they called “basic human requirements”. It was due to end on Thursday 25th February.
In a letter smuggled out of the prison, the political detainees complained that the rice that was given to prisoners was stale and mixed with small stones. “The bean soup and the sour vegetable soup often have insects in it and are dirty. We only get meat twice a week ... and we get no salt,” said the letter.
The prisoners are denied appropriate medical attention or needed medicines, and are not allowed sufficient exercise, complained the prisoners.
In the letter activists said that although prisoners were allowed to receive books and newspapers from their relatives, all reading material was heavily censored. “Sometimes the pages are torn [out] and the books censored,” said the letter. “There is no regular access to newspapers, [and] when they do arrive, are often out of date,” compllined the letter.
The prisoners are also not allowed paper or pens. “If a prisoner is found with paper or pens, they are sent to the punishment cell called the ‘Dog Cell’, said the letter. “We are not allowed to write to our families,” the prisoners complained.
Last week, according to Mulim activists in Rakhune state, more than 70 inmates of Buthidaung prison also went on hunger strike in protest at the insufficient food rations. Their protests erupted after the prisoners, mostly non-Burmese, were denied a meeting with Mr Quintana when he visited Buthidaung prison.
But on the positive side, Mr Quintan found a child soldier – who had been sentenced to 7 years for desertion. He had been conscripted when he was 16, seized off the street in hi school uniform on the way home. He was arrested when he went home to see his sick mother less than six months after he was forcibly recruited.
When the envoy raised it with the Home Minister he at least responded positively, and maybe released soon. The ILO is following up the case.
But human rights groups still fear that these high-profile visits are only used by the regime for their own ends.
“When visits by UN envoys fail to achieve any progress, they allow the country to still claim it is cooperating with the UN, and leave the UN itself with little choice but to claim that the visits themselves constitute progress,” aid Mr Zawacki. “But in this case the special rapportteur is making it clear that the failure is the government’s fault.”
Although no spectacular break-throughs may result from this visit, the fact that senior members of the regime are engaged with representatives of the international community is significant, especially on human rights. Some Burmese leaders at the very top are hearing what the government needs to be done, especially if the elections are to be credible and to meet international human rights’ norms.
“If anyone expects that fundamental human rights changes are going to come about strictly through UN visits and other efforts they're ignoring 20 years of history,” said Mr Zawacki. “Change will only come from within,” he added.
And the real problem is that the senior general Than Shwe, who makes all the decisions, may not be listening to any of it.
*************************************************************
S Korea blocks Burmese migrants
Feb 26, 2010 (DVB)–South Korea has suspended permits for Burmese migrant workers after Korean police discovered “illegal activity” being carried out by migrants, although it declined to say what these were.
The temporary suspension was announced by the South Korean embassy in Rangoon, and targeted the Shwe Inwa agency which sends Burmese workers abroad, an official from a similar agency in Rangoon told DVB.
“The letter said that as long as the Korean police harbour doubts about the dishonest activities of the said company, the permit is to be suspended. Now that doubt is confirmed,” he said.
The South Korean embassy in Rangoon refused to elaborate on the exact reasons for the suspension, although it did confirm that the announcement had been made.
The so-called Employment Permit System (EPS) with which Burmese workers are supplied directly to South Korea started in November 2007.
Burmese workers who want to work in South Korea have to study the Korean language and culture prior to going, and only those who pass the exams are selected, the official said.
“Workers who pass the language exams are announced online straight away, in association with Shwe Inwa and the Korean labour department,” he said. “Employers choose the people they like from them and send those who are eligible.”
The permit costs around $US1000, and migrants receive wages of up to $US900 per month, making it popular in a country in which the average wage stands at less than $US200 per year, according to the US state department.
As of October 2008, more than 33,000 people took the Korean language exams across Burma, while only 1300 were chosen and sent to South Korea.
Over 2000 people in Rangoon are currently waiting to be sent to South Korea through EPS, a staff of Shwe Inwa told DVB on condition of anonymity.
Reporting by Min Lwin
Feb 26, 2010 (DVB)–South Korea has suspended permits for Burmese migrant workers after Korean police discovered “illegal activity” being carried out by migrants, although it declined to say what these were.
The temporary suspension was announced by the South Korean embassy in Rangoon, and targeted the Shwe Inwa agency which sends Burmese workers abroad, an official from a similar agency in Rangoon told DVB.
“The letter said that as long as the Korean police harbour doubts about the dishonest activities of the said company, the permit is to be suspended. Now that doubt is confirmed,” he said.
The South Korean embassy in Rangoon refused to elaborate on the exact reasons for the suspension, although it did confirm that the announcement had been made.
The so-called Employment Permit System (EPS) with which Burmese workers are supplied directly to South Korea started in November 2007.
Burmese workers who want to work in South Korea have to study the Korean language and culture prior to going, and only those who pass the exams are selected, the official said.
“Workers who pass the language exams are announced online straight away, in association with Shwe Inwa and the Korean labour department,” he said. “Employers choose the people they like from them and send those who are eligible.”
The permit costs around $US1000, and migrants receive wages of up to $US900 per month, making it popular in a country in which the average wage stands at less than $US200 per year, according to the US state department.
As of October 2008, more than 33,000 people took the Korean language exams across Burma, while only 1300 were chosen and sent to South Korea.
Over 2000 people in Rangoon are currently waiting to be sent to South Korea through EPS, a staff of Shwe Inwa told DVB on condition of anonymity.
Reporting by Min Lwin
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