UN envoy 'meets prisoners in Myanmar'
Wed Feb 17, 7:49 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – A UN envoy visiting military-ruled Myanmar to inspect progress on human rights ahead of elections has met prisoners in the country's remote northwest, officials said Wednesday.
Special rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana, on the third day of a five-day trip to the Southeast Asian nation, travelled to Butheetaung prison in Rakhine state on the border with Bangladesh, they said.
"He will meet with some prisoners in Butheetaung prison. He met some prisoners already in Sittwe (the state capital) on Tuesday. He will go back to Yangon on Thursday morning," a Myanmar official told AFP.
He did not specify whether or not they were political prisoners.
But a relative of a prominent student activist who is serving a 65-year jail sentence at Butheetaung prison said they hoped Quintana's visit would bring about change.
"I haven't heard whether the UN envoy will meet with my brother. But I hope that there will be change because of the UN human rights envoy's visit there," Khin Mi Mi Kywe, a sister of Htay Kywe, told AFP.
"I visited him last month at Butheetaung. He was in good health. I hope the authorities will allow him to meet the envoy," she said.
Htay Kywe was arrested after mass protests led by Buddhist monks against the ruling junta in 2007 and he is serving his jail term in Butheetaung prison together with some of his colleagues.
Myanmar's ruling generals have promised to hold elections in 2010 but have not yet set a date. They have also continued a crackdown on dissent launched after the protests three years ago.
The UN says there are around 2,100 political detainees in the country, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for 14 of the last 20 years.
Her National League for Democracy won Myanmar's last elections in 1990 but was prevented from taking power. Her house arrest was extended by 18 months in August.
Quintana is due to return from Rakhine on Thursday to visit the notorious Insein prison in the former capital Yangon and to meet representatives of ethnic groups.
On Friday he will go to the remote new capital Naypyidaw to meet the home affairs minister, foreign minister, chief justice, chief attorney general, police chief and human rights officials before leaving Myanmar.
Wed Feb 17, 7:49 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – A UN envoy visiting military-ruled Myanmar to inspect progress on human rights ahead of elections has met prisoners in the country's remote northwest, officials said Wednesday.
Special rapporteur Tomas Ojea Quintana, on the third day of a five-day trip to the Southeast Asian nation, travelled to Butheetaung prison in Rakhine state on the border with Bangladesh, they said.
"He will meet with some prisoners in Butheetaung prison. He met some prisoners already in Sittwe (the state capital) on Tuesday. He will go back to Yangon on Thursday morning," a Myanmar official told AFP.
He did not specify whether or not they were political prisoners.
But a relative of a prominent student activist who is serving a 65-year jail sentence at Butheetaung prison said they hoped Quintana's visit would bring about change.
"I haven't heard whether the UN envoy will meet with my brother. But I hope that there will be change because of the UN human rights envoy's visit there," Khin Mi Mi Kywe, a sister of Htay Kywe, told AFP.
"I visited him last month at Butheetaung. He was in good health. I hope the authorities will allow him to meet the envoy," she said.
Htay Kywe was arrested after mass protests led by Buddhist monks against the ruling junta in 2007 and he is serving his jail term in Butheetaung prison together with some of his colleagues.
Myanmar's ruling generals have promised to hold elections in 2010 but have not yet set a date. They have also continued a crackdown on dissent launched after the protests three years ago.
The UN says there are around 2,100 political detainees in the country, including opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been detained for 14 of the last 20 years.
Her National League for Democracy won Myanmar's last elections in 1990 but was prevented from taking power. Her house arrest was extended by 18 months in August.
Quintana is due to return from Rakhine on Thursday to visit the notorious Insein prison in the former capital Yangon and to meet representatives of ethnic groups.
On Friday he will go to the remote new capital Naypyidaw to meet the home affairs minister, foreign minister, chief justice, chief attorney general, police chief and human rights officials before leaving Myanmar.
*************************************************************
Thailand plans Myanmar hydropower plant
Published: Feb. 17, 2010 at 11:13 AM
BANGKOK, Feb. 17 (UPI) -- Thailand plans to go ahead with the construction of a dam and hydropower plant in Myanmar despite opposition from civic and environmental groups.
"There will be more studies. Although this may lead to a delay, the project is not scrapped," Thailand's Energy Permanent Secretary Pornchai Rujiprapa was quoted as saying by Thailand news agency The Nation.
The proposed 1.35 gigawatt Hutgyi plant to be developed by the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand along the Salween River was expected to start commercial operations and export power to Thailand in 2015 or 2016. But the project has been stalled because of opposition.
In reporting on the proposed location for the project, The Nation said "thousands more will suffer abuses from the Burmese army's attempts to secure the site, which have resulted in several military offensives and a large buildup of troops in the area."
Environmental and ethnic minority advocacy groups Tuesday issued an open letter to Thailand Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva urging him to revise his recent order for the energy ministry to organize a committee to look into the Hutgyi dam.
Groups opposed to the project are concerned the committee would not be impartial.
"It is unacceptable to assign the ministry that supervises the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand -- the Hutgyi dam developer -- to set up a neutral body to scrutinize the project," said Pianporn Deetes of the Southeast Asia
Rivers Network, a conservation group leading protests against dam building along the Salween.
Thailand imports an estimated 60 percent of Myanmar's gas.
A representative for Thailand's energy ministry said the government is concerned that China will take over the project if work does not resume soon.
"If the Thai government doesn't go ahead with the project, then China will take it over. This is why we have to start, though there may be further delays as more time is needed to study the details of human rights violations at the dam site," the unnamed representative told Thailand's The Irrawaddy News Magazine.
Myanmar is the country formerly known as Burma.
According to the Burma Rivers Network, there is complete military control of energy development in the country and no processes that allow for information disclosure, public participation or implementation of proper standards for building of dams. Neighboring countries, the organization says, benefit by gaining electricity without bearing the social and environmental costs.
Myanmar's offshore oil and natural gas reserves have attracted considerable interest from foreign investors. The country is estimated to have reserves of 3.2 billion barrels of recoverable crude oil.
Published: Feb. 17, 2010 at 11:13 AM
BANGKOK, Feb. 17 (UPI) -- Thailand plans to go ahead with the construction of a dam and hydropower plant in Myanmar despite opposition from civic and environmental groups.
"There will be more studies. Although this may lead to a delay, the project is not scrapped," Thailand's Energy Permanent Secretary Pornchai Rujiprapa was quoted as saying by Thailand news agency The Nation.
The proposed 1.35 gigawatt Hutgyi plant to be developed by the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand along the Salween River was expected to start commercial operations and export power to Thailand in 2015 or 2016. But the project has been stalled because of opposition.
In reporting on the proposed location for the project, The Nation said "thousands more will suffer abuses from the Burmese army's attempts to secure the site, which have resulted in several military offensives and a large buildup of troops in the area."
Environmental and ethnic minority advocacy groups Tuesday issued an open letter to Thailand Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva urging him to revise his recent order for the energy ministry to organize a committee to look into the Hutgyi dam.
Groups opposed to the project are concerned the committee would not be impartial.
"It is unacceptable to assign the ministry that supervises the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand -- the Hutgyi dam developer -- to set up a neutral body to scrutinize the project," said Pianporn Deetes of the Southeast Asia
Rivers Network, a conservation group leading protests against dam building along the Salween.
Thailand imports an estimated 60 percent of Myanmar's gas.
A representative for Thailand's energy ministry said the government is concerned that China will take over the project if work does not resume soon.
"If the Thai government doesn't go ahead with the project, then China will take it over. This is why we have to start, though there may be further delays as more time is needed to study the details of human rights violations at the dam site," the unnamed representative told Thailand's The Irrawaddy News Magazine.
Myanmar is the country formerly known as Burma.
According to the Burma Rivers Network, there is complete military control of energy development in the country and no processes that allow for information disclosure, public participation or implementation of proper standards for building of dams. Neighboring countries, the organization says, benefit by gaining electricity without bearing the social and environmental costs.
Myanmar's offshore oil and natural gas reserves have attracted considerable interest from foreign investors. The country is estimated to have reserves of 3.2 billion barrels of recoverable crude oil.
*************************************************************
China's Sri Lanka port raises concern
Published: Feb. 17, 2010 at 11:08 AM
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia, Feb. 17 (UPI) -- China's construction of a port in Sri Lanka and a Chinese admiral's suggestion Beijing build a naval base in the Gulf of Aden has raised fears in the Middle East that a confrontation between China and India is looming along vital energy export routes.
Both the Asian titans, whose economies continue to expand despite the global financial meltdown, are heavily dependent on Middle Eastern oil and will become more so as supplies dwindle.
The Indians are building their naval forces across these vital shipping lanes through which some 85 percent of China's oil supplies pass along with raw materials from Africa.
Inevitably, these will increasingly encroach on Middle Eastern and African waters as Beijing seeks to protect the economic arteries on which it is becoming increasingly dependent all the way from the Persian Gulf to the South China Sea.
This is causing grave concern in India, which is vying for the same energy and mineral resources as China.
This raises the prospect, distant though it may be, of a confrontation between the two. The region is vital too for the Gulf states as an energy export and trading route as they increasingly look eastward.
There is also the possibility that one day China and the United States, which has long been the dominant naval force in the Indian Ocean, may also clash.
New Delhi views China's efforts to expand its regional clout through its "string of pearls" strategy -- ringing India with naval bases and electronic listening posts -- as an attempt to muscle into waters India has long considered its own.
Indeed, the Chinese are seeking to protect their maritime trade further east as well in the Strait of Malacca, a major shipping choke point between Malaysia and Indonesia that links the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.
Beijing wants to ensure unhindered access to the narrow waterway for its energy shipments.
The construction of the $1 billion container port at Hambantota, until recently a fishing hamlet on Sri Lanka's southeastern coast, illustrates how the Chinese thrust into the Indian Ocean is becoming more pronounced.
The deep-water port will include a development zone and an oil refinery.
Over the last few years, the Chinese have built a similar port at Gwadar on Pakistan's Arabian Sea coast, which will eventually be the terminal for pipelines carrying Gulf crude and natural gas to western China.
Another is planned at Chittagong in Bangladesh, an oil refinery terminal in the northern Bay of Bengal east of India.
These could become bases for China's growing submarine fleet, a potential threat to the arterial shipping lanes running east from the Persian Gulf.
The Chinese are reported to have established a naval base in Myanmar and intelligence surveillance bases on islands across the Bay of Bengal.
Another is reportedly being built on Marao Island in the Maldives chain that runs south toward the British base of Diego Garcia, currently manned by U.S. forces.
Beijing says it has no interest in establishing major foreign bases so far from home. But as its economy mushrooms and its naval forces swell, it will inevitably require bases to project its growing power.
China is reported to be interested in establishing facilities in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Myanmar, Pakistan and Thailand.
In December, Rear Adm. Yin Zhou, a senior officer at the Chinese navy's Equipment Research Center, proposed a naval base be established in the Gulf of Aden, which would take Chinese expansion even further west than it is now.
Ostensibly, Yin's idea was to support China's naval flotilla attached to the international anti-piracy task force deployed off Somalia.
There is no question that piracy is a growing problem, not only in the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea, but in the Strait of Malacca and elsewhere.
The International Maritime Bureau, which monitors global piracy, said there were 42 attacks on oil tankers around the world in 2009, a 40 percent increase over 2008. And most took place off Somalia and the Arabian Peninsula.
But given China's naval expansion, it would make sense for Beijing to seek a military foothold in the Gulf of Aden, adding another strategic dimension and threat of conflict to a region already riddled with risk.
Published: Feb. 17, 2010 at 11:08 AM
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia, Feb. 17 (UPI) -- China's construction of a port in Sri Lanka and a Chinese admiral's suggestion Beijing build a naval base in the Gulf of Aden has raised fears in the Middle East that a confrontation between China and India is looming along vital energy export routes.
Both the Asian titans, whose economies continue to expand despite the global financial meltdown, are heavily dependent on Middle Eastern oil and will become more so as supplies dwindle.
The Indians are building their naval forces across these vital shipping lanes through which some 85 percent of China's oil supplies pass along with raw materials from Africa.
Inevitably, these will increasingly encroach on Middle Eastern and African waters as Beijing seeks to protect the economic arteries on which it is becoming increasingly dependent all the way from the Persian Gulf to the South China Sea.
This is causing grave concern in India, which is vying for the same energy and mineral resources as China.
This raises the prospect, distant though it may be, of a confrontation between the two. The region is vital too for the Gulf states as an energy export and trading route as they increasingly look eastward.
There is also the possibility that one day China and the United States, which has long been the dominant naval force in the Indian Ocean, may also clash.
New Delhi views China's efforts to expand its regional clout through its "string of pearls" strategy -- ringing India with naval bases and electronic listening posts -- as an attempt to muscle into waters India has long considered its own.
Indeed, the Chinese are seeking to protect their maritime trade further east as well in the Strait of Malacca, a major shipping choke point between Malaysia and Indonesia that links the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.
Beijing wants to ensure unhindered access to the narrow waterway for its energy shipments.
The construction of the $1 billion container port at Hambantota, until recently a fishing hamlet on Sri Lanka's southeastern coast, illustrates how the Chinese thrust into the Indian Ocean is becoming more pronounced.
The deep-water port will include a development zone and an oil refinery.
Over the last few years, the Chinese have built a similar port at Gwadar on Pakistan's Arabian Sea coast, which will eventually be the terminal for pipelines carrying Gulf crude and natural gas to western China.
Another is planned at Chittagong in Bangladesh, an oil refinery terminal in the northern Bay of Bengal east of India.
These could become bases for China's growing submarine fleet, a potential threat to the arterial shipping lanes running east from the Persian Gulf.
The Chinese are reported to have established a naval base in Myanmar and intelligence surveillance bases on islands across the Bay of Bengal.
Another is reportedly being built on Marao Island in the Maldives chain that runs south toward the British base of Diego Garcia, currently manned by U.S. forces.
Beijing says it has no interest in establishing major foreign bases so far from home. But as its economy mushrooms and its naval forces swell, it will inevitably require bases to project its growing power.
China is reported to be interested in establishing facilities in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Myanmar, Pakistan and Thailand.
In December, Rear Adm. Yin Zhou, a senior officer at the Chinese navy's Equipment Research Center, proposed a naval base be established in the Gulf of Aden, which would take Chinese expansion even further west than it is now.
Ostensibly, Yin's idea was to support China's naval flotilla attached to the international anti-piracy task force deployed off Somalia.
There is no question that piracy is a growing problem, not only in the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea, but in the Strait of Malacca and elsewhere.
The International Maritime Bureau, which monitors global piracy, said there were 42 attacks on oil tankers around the world in 2009, a 40 percent increase over 2008. And most took place off Somalia and the Arabian Peninsula.
But given China's naval expansion, it would make sense for Beijing to seek a military foothold in the Gulf of Aden, adding another strategic dimension and threat of conflict to a region already riddled with risk.
*************************************************************
Feb 18, 2010
Asia Times Online - Myanmar kids put factories to test
By Mon Mon Myat
YANGON - Fifteen-year-old Cho Cho Thet knows little about the world outside of the garments factory where she works.
Thet works 14 hours each day - from 7am to 9pm - seven days a week, but receives a salary of only 35,000 kyat (US$35) a month. The factory owner provides free accommodation and meals that include rice and vegetables.
"Working under a roof is better than working in the rice field under the sun or the rain. I don't feel tired at all here," Thet told Inter Press Service. The girl, after two years of working at the factory, was recently promoted from helper to operator.
When she was in second grade, Thet was pulled out from school by her mother so she could take care of her younger sister. After her mother died and her father left home, Thet, the eldest in the family, had no choice but to work.
"I had to work the whole day standing in the paddy field to grow rice whether it was raining or sunny," she said, recalling her life in their village, a three-hour drive from Yangon.
She was later able to convince her grandmother to send her to the factory where her aunt was working. "I can't make enough money if I live in the village. There is no regular income, no job except in the farming season," Thet said.
May Thu Aung, owner of the garments factory, refused to accept Thet because the girl was too young then. Thet's grandmother left her to work as a babysitter in Aung's house. Thet said she did not like the job "because I did not even want to take care of my own sister". After a few months, she was finally able to work in the factory.
"There are many young people applying for jobs in the factory, although we try to reject underage children. If we reject them today, they will come again next week with a new application in which they have changed their age," Aung said.
Aung is one of several entrepreneurs who set up a garments factory in 1996 when the country moved towards being market-oriented. She started out with 150 workers, and this number has doubled in 14 years.
Aung's factory is in an industrial zone on the outskirts of east Yangon, the former capital. It is one of the 21 industrial zones set up by the military government after a coup in 1988. According to 2006 data, more than 43,000 privately owned factories are engaged in textile manufacturing, food processing, steel production, plastic and other industrial production. About 98% of industries are private enterprises.
These have provided many job opportunities for people from the rural areas who previously could not find work after the farming season. Many youngsters work in the informal sector as well.
Working conditions in many factories do not comply with international labor standards on health and safety, child labor, working hours and pay. A recent labor dispute in a privately owned garments factory highlighted this problem. The workers were calling for higher wages and better working conditions.
"The government was placed in a situation where it had to play two roles, which is a difficult position, and it is also not a good situation for the workers," Steve Marshall, liaison officer of the International Labor Organization (ILO) in Myanmar, said in an interview.
He suggested that the employer, workers and the government sit down and negotiate a win-win situation for all those involved, in the manner of usual negotiations in other societies. "They need to find out what can be negotiated and resolved," Marshall said.
Although the ILO maintains a presence in Myanmar, it operates under a very restricted mandate and only in the areas of forced labor, child soldiers and freedom of association. When it comes to matters such as workplace health and safety and child labor, Marshall said, the ILO "sees what is happening and we have ... a lot of expertise where we could assist, but under the legal situation we are simply not allowed to do so."
The global economic downturn is compounding Myanmar's problems on poor working conditions and low pay. Many export-oriented factories were affected by the recession, one of them Aung's, which is a sub-contractor for clothing companies that export to Britain, Germany and Spain.
"Clothing orders decreased by 75% because we had no orders for eight months in 2009," Aung said. "It is quite difficult for us to keep running the factory with 300 workers because we can't afford such a big cost."
Last year, about 60 workers left Aung's factory to look for better jobs.
"There are many karaoke bars and massage parlors [in Yangon] where the young girls can make more money than if they work in the factory. How can I stop them?" Aung said. For Thet, however, working in the garments factory where she has many friends is safer than working as an entertainer. She said she could still play with the young workers in the factory compound after they finished work at 9pm.
"We sometimes play hide-and-seek; sometimes we sing and dance," Thet said. "What I enjoy most is when my boss shows movies in the compound," she said, although she has to sacrifice sleep on these occasions.
"I'm a heavy sleeper. If I watch a movie till late at night, I wake up 15 minutes before [the start of my work], shower and go straight to work. I miss breakfast that morning," Thet said.
The girl still dreams of going back to school, something she is constantly reminded of when she sees other children outside the factory on their way to their classes. "I miss my friends in school. I still want to study if I don't need to work."
(Inter Press Service)
Asia Times Online - Myanmar kids put factories to test
By Mon Mon Myat
YANGON - Fifteen-year-old Cho Cho Thet knows little about the world outside of the garments factory where she works.
Thet works 14 hours each day - from 7am to 9pm - seven days a week, but receives a salary of only 35,000 kyat (US$35) a month. The factory owner provides free accommodation and meals that include rice and vegetables.
"Working under a roof is better than working in the rice field under the sun or the rain. I don't feel tired at all here," Thet told Inter Press Service. The girl, after two years of working at the factory, was recently promoted from helper to operator.
When she was in second grade, Thet was pulled out from school by her mother so she could take care of her younger sister. After her mother died and her father left home, Thet, the eldest in the family, had no choice but to work.
"I had to work the whole day standing in the paddy field to grow rice whether it was raining or sunny," she said, recalling her life in their village, a three-hour drive from Yangon.
She was later able to convince her grandmother to send her to the factory where her aunt was working. "I can't make enough money if I live in the village. There is no regular income, no job except in the farming season," Thet said.
May Thu Aung, owner of the garments factory, refused to accept Thet because the girl was too young then. Thet's grandmother left her to work as a babysitter in Aung's house. Thet said she did not like the job "because I did not even want to take care of my own sister". After a few months, she was finally able to work in the factory.
"There are many young people applying for jobs in the factory, although we try to reject underage children. If we reject them today, they will come again next week with a new application in which they have changed their age," Aung said.
Aung is one of several entrepreneurs who set up a garments factory in 1996 when the country moved towards being market-oriented. She started out with 150 workers, and this number has doubled in 14 years.
Aung's factory is in an industrial zone on the outskirts of east Yangon, the former capital. It is one of the 21 industrial zones set up by the military government after a coup in 1988. According to 2006 data, more than 43,000 privately owned factories are engaged in textile manufacturing, food processing, steel production, plastic and other industrial production. About 98% of industries are private enterprises.
These have provided many job opportunities for people from the rural areas who previously could not find work after the farming season. Many youngsters work in the informal sector as well.
Working conditions in many factories do not comply with international labor standards on health and safety, child labor, working hours and pay. A recent labor dispute in a privately owned garments factory highlighted this problem. The workers were calling for higher wages and better working conditions.
"The government was placed in a situation where it had to play two roles, which is a difficult position, and it is also not a good situation for the workers," Steve Marshall, liaison officer of the International Labor Organization (ILO) in Myanmar, said in an interview.
He suggested that the employer, workers and the government sit down and negotiate a win-win situation for all those involved, in the manner of usual negotiations in other societies. "They need to find out what can be negotiated and resolved," Marshall said.
Although the ILO maintains a presence in Myanmar, it operates under a very restricted mandate and only in the areas of forced labor, child soldiers and freedom of association. When it comes to matters such as workplace health and safety and child labor, Marshall said, the ILO "sees what is happening and we have ... a lot of expertise where we could assist, but under the legal situation we are simply not allowed to do so."
The global economic downturn is compounding Myanmar's problems on poor working conditions and low pay. Many export-oriented factories were affected by the recession, one of them Aung's, which is a sub-contractor for clothing companies that export to Britain, Germany and Spain.
"Clothing orders decreased by 75% because we had no orders for eight months in 2009," Aung said. "It is quite difficult for us to keep running the factory with 300 workers because we can't afford such a big cost."
Last year, about 60 workers left Aung's factory to look for better jobs.
"There are many karaoke bars and massage parlors [in Yangon] where the young girls can make more money than if they work in the factory. How can I stop them?" Aung said. For Thet, however, working in the garments factory where she has many friends is safer than working as an entertainer. She said she could still play with the young workers in the factory compound after they finished work at 9pm.
"We sometimes play hide-and-seek; sometimes we sing and dance," Thet said. "What I enjoy most is when my boss shows movies in the compound," she said, although she has to sacrifice sleep on these occasions.
"I'm a heavy sleeper. If I watch a movie till late at night, I wake up 15 minutes before [the start of my work], shower and go straight to work. I miss breakfast that morning," Thet said.
The girl still dreams of going back to school, something she is constantly reminded of when she sees other children outside the factory on their way to their classes. "I miss my friends in school. I still want to study if I don't need to work."
(Inter Press Service)
*************************************************************
Seeking Alpha (blog) - The 7 Most Corrupt Countries and Their ETFs
by: Eric Dutram February 17, 2010
Investing in emerging and frontier markets can often help investors to diversify equity holdings and provide exposure to growth opportunities not available in advanced economies. But with any opportunity for big gains often comes significant risk, including the potential for political instability, currency revaluation, and government intervention in the private sector. There’s also the issue of corruption in the world’s developing economies. While corruption exists everywhere, it is a way of life in some countries, and has the potential to significantly impact returns on both foreign and domestic investment.
A recent corruption perception index survey from Transparency International ranked countries from least corrupt to the most corrupt, taking into account the results of 13 independent corruption surveys. The top of the list consists of countries such as New Zealand, Denmark, and Singapore (the United States ranked 19th), with countries such as Somalia, Afghanistan, and Myanmar at the very bottom.
One trend is readily apparent: the world’s developed markets dominated the top, with emerging markets lagging behind and “failed states” bringing up the rear. While investments in several of the most corrupt countries isn’t an option for U.S. investors, several that scored very poorly are available through ETFs.
Russia: 146th Out of 180
Russia has been a notoriously corrupt country since Soviet days, and despite noticeable improvements, general corruption has continued into the Putin/Medvedev era. Russia tied with Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe in this survey, putting the BRIC nation’s corruption in perspective. As just one example, Ikea recently declared that it would halt investment in Russia, due to omnipresent concerns over bribery and other payouts to obtain state services.
ETF Results: The Market Vectors Russia ETF (RSX) is up 140% over the past year, one of the best performers during that period.
Vietnam: 120th Out of 180
Recent corruption problems in Vietnam have included the use of proceeds for World Bank projects to gamble on European soccer matches, a shocking tale even in the least ethical corners of the world. Revelations like these have helped to set back this dynamic Asian economy, which is still among the fastest growing in the world.
Signs of progress are showing in Vietnam–Intel recently pledged to build a $1 billion factory without corruption–but for the time being the country remains among the most corrupt of the investable frontier markets.
ETF Results: Since its inception in August, the Market Vectors Vietnam ETF (VNM) is essentially flat, gaining 0.1%.
Indonesia: 111th Out of 180
Indonesia is a vast country both in terms of land mass and people (the nation currently ranks 4th in terms of total population). In its post-dictatorship era, the country has looked to decentralization to better manage the country. The problem is that now instead of having to pay one bribe to the federal government, many smaller bribes are required in order to appease each and every one of the many public officials that may be able to influence a project. This has led to a new kind of bribery bureaucracy that runs lockstep with the Indonesian government.
ETF Results: Market Vectors Indonesia Index ETF (IDX) has been one of the strongest equity performers over the past 52 weeks, posting a gain of 170%.
Mexico: 89th Out of 180
A major problem in Mexico is drug trafficking, as it becomes increasingly difficult to isolate the good cops from those that are being paid off by the cartels. However, President Calderon has led a sweeping campaign to attack the cartels and cut down on corruption since his recent inauguration. This campaign has seen some moderate successes but also some gruesome setbacks, and has called into question the ability of the government to protect its employees and citizens from increasingly defiant gangs.
ETF Results: The iShares MSCI Mexico Index Fund (EWW) has posted a gain of 77% over the past 52 weeks, more than double the return of the S&P 500.
Thailand: 84th Out of 180
In addition to the low public official salaries, Thailand has been a relatively unstable country politically, with 15 constitutions between 1932 and 1997 (PDF). These two factors keep Thailand among the world’s most corrupt countries, with little prospect of changes anytime soon. However, the country remains a staunch U.S. ally and the King of Thailand remains personally popular with the Thai people, despite the vast number of changes politically over the years.
ETF Results: The iShares MSCI Thailand Investable Market Index (THD) has gained 72% over the last year.
India: 84th Out of 180
Corruption in India is so widespread that there has even been talk of priests taking part in the practice by selling baptism certificates. In years past, companies such as Coca-Cola have pulled out of the country over concerns regarding their product protection laws. India has seen a volatile market over the past four years as many grow concerned over the inability to provide a decent infrastructure and other services for its citizens.
ETF Results: The iPath MSCI India Index ETN (INP) posted a gain of nearly 100% over the last year. For a complete guide to India ETFs, see this recent article.
China: 79th Out of 180
Recent cases in which communist party officials doubling as drug kingpins who amassed fortunes by taking bribes have highlighted the extent of corruption in China. The country has been able to deflect most of the international issues associated with corrupt party officials thanks in large part to its more corrupt neighbors and the country’s growing importance to the global economy.
ETF Results: The iShares FTSE/Xinhua China 25 Index Fund (FXI) is up an impressive 47% over the past year, while the Claymore/AlphaShares China Small Cap ETF (HAO) is up nearly 100% during that period.
Nice Guys Finish Last
As evidenced by the impressive returns for many of these funds, countries that are perceived as corrupt can still make excellent investment opportunities. Concerns over potential corruption can often push pricing multiples lower, creating the potential for big gains if progress towards developed status is made. Investors must first weigh the risks and costs of corruption with the chance to obtain outsized gains.
Volatility is a double-edged sword that applies on both the way up and way down. During the impressive rally of the last year, many of the world’s more corrupt markets have surged, outpacing the U.S. and other developed, stable economies by a wide margin.
by: Eric Dutram February 17, 2010
Investing in emerging and frontier markets can often help investors to diversify equity holdings and provide exposure to growth opportunities not available in advanced economies. But with any opportunity for big gains often comes significant risk, including the potential for political instability, currency revaluation, and government intervention in the private sector. There’s also the issue of corruption in the world’s developing economies. While corruption exists everywhere, it is a way of life in some countries, and has the potential to significantly impact returns on both foreign and domestic investment.
A recent corruption perception index survey from Transparency International ranked countries from least corrupt to the most corrupt, taking into account the results of 13 independent corruption surveys. The top of the list consists of countries such as New Zealand, Denmark, and Singapore (the United States ranked 19th), with countries such as Somalia, Afghanistan, and Myanmar at the very bottom.
One trend is readily apparent: the world’s developed markets dominated the top, with emerging markets lagging behind and “failed states” bringing up the rear. While investments in several of the most corrupt countries isn’t an option for U.S. investors, several that scored very poorly are available through ETFs.
Russia: 146th Out of 180
Russia has been a notoriously corrupt country since Soviet days, and despite noticeable improvements, general corruption has continued into the Putin/Medvedev era. Russia tied with Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe in this survey, putting the BRIC nation’s corruption in perspective. As just one example, Ikea recently declared that it would halt investment in Russia, due to omnipresent concerns over bribery and other payouts to obtain state services.
ETF Results: The Market Vectors Russia ETF (RSX) is up 140% over the past year, one of the best performers during that period.
Vietnam: 120th Out of 180
Recent corruption problems in Vietnam have included the use of proceeds for World Bank projects to gamble on European soccer matches, a shocking tale even in the least ethical corners of the world. Revelations like these have helped to set back this dynamic Asian economy, which is still among the fastest growing in the world.
Signs of progress are showing in Vietnam–Intel recently pledged to build a $1 billion factory without corruption–but for the time being the country remains among the most corrupt of the investable frontier markets.
ETF Results: Since its inception in August, the Market Vectors Vietnam ETF (VNM) is essentially flat, gaining 0.1%.
Indonesia: 111th Out of 180
Indonesia is a vast country both in terms of land mass and people (the nation currently ranks 4th in terms of total population). In its post-dictatorship era, the country has looked to decentralization to better manage the country. The problem is that now instead of having to pay one bribe to the federal government, many smaller bribes are required in order to appease each and every one of the many public officials that may be able to influence a project. This has led to a new kind of bribery bureaucracy that runs lockstep with the Indonesian government.
ETF Results: Market Vectors Indonesia Index ETF (IDX) has been one of the strongest equity performers over the past 52 weeks, posting a gain of 170%.
Mexico: 89th Out of 180
A major problem in Mexico is drug trafficking, as it becomes increasingly difficult to isolate the good cops from those that are being paid off by the cartels. However, President Calderon has led a sweeping campaign to attack the cartels and cut down on corruption since his recent inauguration. This campaign has seen some moderate successes but also some gruesome setbacks, and has called into question the ability of the government to protect its employees and citizens from increasingly defiant gangs.
ETF Results: The iShares MSCI Mexico Index Fund (EWW) has posted a gain of 77% over the past 52 weeks, more than double the return of the S&P 500.
Thailand: 84th Out of 180
In addition to the low public official salaries, Thailand has been a relatively unstable country politically, with 15 constitutions between 1932 and 1997 (PDF). These two factors keep Thailand among the world’s most corrupt countries, with little prospect of changes anytime soon. However, the country remains a staunch U.S. ally and the King of Thailand remains personally popular with the Thai people, despite the vast number of changes politically over the years.
ETF Results: The iShares MSCI Thailand Investable Market Index (THD) has gained 72% over the last year.
India: 84th Out of 180
Corruption in India is so widespread that there has even been talk of priests taking part in the practice by selling baptism certificates. In years past, companies such as Coca-Cola have pulled out of the country over concerns regarding their product protection laws. India has seen a volatile market over the past four years as many grow concerned over the inability to provide a decent infrastructure and other services for its citizens.
ETF Results: The iPath MSCI India Index ETN (INP) posted a gain of nearly 100% over the last year. For a complete guide to India ETFs, see this recent article.
China: 79th Out of 180
Recent cases in which communist party officials doubling as drug kingpins who amassed fortunes by taking bribes have highlighted the extent of corruption in China. The country has been able to deflect most of the international issues associated with corrupt party officials thanks in large part to its more corrupt neighbors and the country’s growing importance to the global economy.
ETF Results: The iShares FTSE/Xinhua China 25 Index Fund (FXI) is up an impressive 47% over the past year, while the Claymore/AlphaShares China Small Cap ETF (HAO) is up nearly 100% during that period.
Nice Guys Finish Last
As evidenced by the impressive returns for many of these funds, countries that are perceived as corrupt can still make excellent investment opportunities. Concerns over potential corruption can often push pricing multiples lower, creating the potential for big gains if progress towards developed status is made. Investors must first weigh the risks and costs of corruption with the chance to obtain outsized gains.
Volatility is a double-edged sword that applies on both the way up and way down. During the impressive rally of the last year, many of the world’s more corrupt markets have surged, outpacing the U.S. and other developed, stable economies by a wide margin.
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Bangkok Post - Ministry told avoid Hutgyi dam panel
Published: 17/02/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
The Energy Ministry is being pressed by environmental and ethnic minorities advocacy groups not to set up a neutral body to organise public scrutiny of a hydro-power dam project inside Burma on the Salween River.
A dozen non-governmental organisations yesterday issued an open letter to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva urging him to revise the PM's Office order assigning the Energy Ministry to set up the body to look into the Hutgyi dam.
"It is unacceptable to assign the ministry which supervises the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand - the Hutgyi dam developer - to set up a neutral body to scrutinise the project," said Pianporn Deetes, of the Southeast Asia Rivers Network, the Chiang Mai-based conservation group leading protests against dam building along the Salween.
The neutral body was proposed last month by a committee studying human rights violations resulting from construction of the Hutgyi dam.
The committee, appointed by Mr Abhisit a year ago, is chaired by PM's Office Minister Sathit Wongnongtoey.
Its proposal for a neutral body to assess the dam was put to the PM's Office, where acting permanent-secretary Rapeephan Sariwat suggested that it be established by the Energy Ministry.
Ms Pianporn, a member of the Sathit committee, said the neutral body should be similar to the four-party panel formed to solve pollution problems at the Map Ta Phut industrial estate in Rayong. That panel is made up of academics and representatives from state agencies and affected villagers.
The Thai and Burmese governments signed a memorandum of understanding in 2005 to study the possibility of building dams along the Salween River. Hutgyi dam is one of six projects that have been promoted.
The 36 billion baht project is about 30 kilometres inside Buumese territory across from Mae Hong Son.
It is expected to produce 1,200 megawatts of electricity.
Published: 17/02/2010 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
The Energy Ministry is being pressed by environmental and ethnic minorities advocacy groups not to set up a neutral body to organise public scrutiny of a hydro-power dam project inside Burma on the Salween River.
A dozen non-governmental organisations yesterday issued an open letter to Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva urging him to revise the PM's Office order assigning the Energy Ministry to set up the body to look into the Hutgyi dam.
"It is unacceptable to assign the ministry which supervises the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand - the Hutgyi dam developer - to set up a neutral body to scrutinise the project," said Pianporn Deetes, of the Southeast Asia Rivers Network, the Chiang Mai-based conservation group leading protests against dam building along the Salween.
The neutral body was proposed last month by a committee studying human rights violations resulting from construction of the Hutgyi dam.
The committee, appointed by Mr Abhisit a year ago, is chaired by PM's Office Minister Sathit Wongnongtoey.
Its proposal for a neutral body to assess the dam was put to the PM's Office, where acting permanent-secretary Rapeephan Sariwat suggested that it be established by the Energy Ministry.
Ms Pianporn, a member of the Sathit committee, said the neutral body should be similar to the four-party panel formed to solve pollution problems at the Map Ta Phut industrial estate in Rayong. That panel is made up of academics and representatives from state agencies and affected villagers.
The Thai and Burmese governments signed a memorandum of understanding in 2005 to study the possibility of building dams along the Salween River. Hutgyi dam is one of six projects that have been promoted.
The 36 billion baht project is about 30 kilometres inside Buumese territory across from Mae Hong Son.
It is expected to produce 1,200 megawatts of electricity.
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The Asian Age - Burma’s rigged dreams
Shankari Sundararaman
Feb.17 : ry 12, 2010, as Burma celebrated its 63rd Union Day, Prime Minister General Than Shwe announced that the democratic transition promised to the Burmese people would take place following the elections in 2010. While the ruling military junta and the leadership are yet to give an exact date and schedule for the promised elections, there is some debate already being generated that the results may be a foregone conclusion. This is particularly so given the fact that the previous year witnessed some of the regime’s harshest human rights violations and the continued detention of over 2,000 political prisoners, including pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
In the aftermath of the election announcements there is an uneasy calm that has descended over Rangoon (Naypyidaw). Analysts say the election outcome could mean one of two things — either it will be a foregone conclusion with the military junta rigging the elections to stay in power. This option will further propel the country to the brink of a political abyss, with the junta continuing its repressive regime for years to come. The second is that the junta may actually receive a verdict that leaves it in a state of uncertainty.
In the latter case there is bound to be more pressure on the junta given that the global scenario has changed tremendously since the last election in 1990. Perhaps, international pressure to honour the verdict may be far more significant than it was in the Nineties.
In this context the main pressure may come from within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), which had debated the possibility of suspending Burma from its fold during the monk’s rebellion in September 2007. However, this fell through and the Asean remained evasive on a decision.
While election dates have not been announced yet, there are raised expectations that a more concrete decision will be taken by April 2010 when the financial reports of the Than Shwe government are due. This would allow at least a six-month interim period between the time the current government leaves its charge and the newly-elected government takes over. A popular assumption is that elections are likely to be held by October 2010. However, given that there have not yet been any details — on electoral laws and code of conduct for the forthcoming polls — the election may be shifted further.
In the run up to the 1990 elections, the electoral laws were announced well in advance, which gave the Opposition National League for Democracy the opportunity to organise a significant campaign against the State Law and Order Restoration Council. In fact, the current delay in announcing the electoral laws is being viewed as an attempt by the junta to keep a tight hold over the process so as to ensure that members associated with the military have a clear upper hand in the electoral process.
Interestingly, despite the junta’s reliance upon its members and political elites, it seeks to engage the Burmese people into believing that it remains the only arbiter of political administration within the country.
By sheer repression and human rights abuses the junta today has emerged as the only constituency that has some leverage within Burma. The leverage it has established will be difficult to shake, given the tight controls that will be in place prior to the elections.
The junta leadership has already started a process of reorganising its cadres. Most importantly, Gen. Than Shwe is determined to introduce the compulsory retirement age of 60 for junta members and allow for a new generation of leaders to emerge to take charge from the old guard. This is likely to bring in a generational shift with influences coming from a wider range of younger members. As a result of this, several senior leaders within the junta will be left with little recourse.
Given the economic situation of the country, the military leaders have always been paid low wages. Alternate means of income for the junta has resulted in their involvement in the drug trade as well as in illegal mining and logging activities. In fact, these parallel industries run with the complacency of the junta leadership in Rangoon, which turns a blind eye to it as long as some degree of administrative control remains in place.
Within the junta itself the shift is enormous. The 2008 Constitution of Burma has a provision whereby 1/4th, or 25 per cent, of the seats in Parliament will be reserved for the members of the military. This was a practice that had earlier been adopted in Indonesia where there was a reservation of 1/4th seats in Parliament for the armed forces. But, even as the Burmese junta adopted this policy, in Indonesia the transition to democracy occurred, making this clause redundant. The adoption of this in the 2008 Constitution is a reminder that the junta in Burma is unwilling to make the reversal which will place it completely under civilian control.
What is causing concern is that the shifts in the junta’s patterns are likely to create a certain sense of unease. It has been seen in cases where the military has been in power before, like in Indonesia and Thailand, that such shifts often tend to exacerbate the existing situation by creating a sense of uncertainty which leads to power struggles. In fact, if this were to occur, the cohesion factor that binds the junta together may weaken. A fractured military regime would be less able to control the outcome of the election than a tight-knit cohesive unit.
At both the regional and international levels the question of Burma remains unaddressed. Already Burma has divided the Asean politically. Asean’s inability to progress with many of its vision statements, especially in the context of the move towards a security community, have been analysed as a factor of having to pull along Burma within the fold.
The international community’s basic failure in the context of Burma has been its inability to translate outrage into policy. While condemnation for rights violations and abuses have been significant, countries have not been able to provide a framework for democratisation. This has critically impaired the manner in which the response has been orchestrated. The possibility of initiating a “six-party formula” kind of framework for Burma is yet to materialise.
Any attempt to bring about a serious change needs to involve a critical rethink among the Western countries. The policy of no engagement has not proved viable. Given its current situation, both regional and international players need to reassess their roles in Burma to ensure that the country is not further pushed into a state of political abyss.
Dr Shankari Sundararaman is an associate professor of Southeast Asian Studies at the School of International Studies, JNU
Shankari Sundararaman
Feb.17 : ry 12, 2010, as Burma celebrated its 63rd Union Day, Prime Minister General Than Shwe announced that the democratic transition promised to the Burmese people would take place following the elections in 2010. While the ruling military junta and the leadership are yet to give an exact date and schedule for the promised elections, there is some debate already being generated that the results may be a foregone conclusion. This is particularly so given the fact that the previous year witnessed some of the regime’s harshest human rights violations and the continued detention of over 2,000 political prisoners, including pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
In the aftermath of the election announcements there is an uneasy calm that has descended over Rangoon (Naypyidaw). Analysts say the election outcome could mean one of two things — either it will be a foregone conclusion with the military junta rigging the elections to stay in power. This option will further propel the country to the brink of a political abyss, with the junta continuing its repressive regime for years to come. The second is that the junta may actually receive a verdict that leaves it in a state of uncertainty.
In the latter case there is bound to be more pressure on the junta given that the global scenario has changed tremendously since the last election in 1990. Perhaps, international pressure to honour the verdict may be far more significant than it was in the Nineties.
In this context the main pressure may come from within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), which had debated the possibility of suspending Burma from its fold during the monk’s rebellion in September 2007. However, this fell through and the Asean remained evasive on a decision.
While election dates have not been announced yet, there are raised expectations that a more concrete decision will be taken by April 2010 when the financial reports of the Than Shwe government are due. This would allow at least a six-month interim period between the time the current government leaves its charge and the newly-elected government takes over. A popular assumption is that elections are likely to be held by October 2010. However, given that there have not yet been any details — on electoral laws and code of conduct for the forthcoming polls — the election may be shifted further.
In the run up to the 1990 elections, the electoral laws were announced well in advance, which gave the Opposition National League for Democracy the opportunity to organise a significant campaign against the State Law and Order Restoration Council. In fact, the current delay in announcing the electoral laws is being viewed as an attempt by the junta to keep a tight hold over the process so as to ensure that members associated with the military have a clear upper hand in the electoral process.
Interestingly, despite the junta’s reliance upon its members and political elites, it seeks to engage the Burmese people into believing that it remains the only arbiter of political administration within the country.
By sheer repression and human rights abuses the junta today has emerged as the only constituency that has some leverage within Burma. The leverage it has established will be difficult to shake, given the tight controls that will be in place prior to the elections.
The junta leadership has already started a process of reorganising its cadres. Most importantly, Gen. Than Shwe is determined to introduce the compulsory retirement age of 60 for junta members and allow for a new generation of leaders to emerge to take charge from the old guard. This is likely to bring in a generational shift with influences coming from a wider range of younger members. As a result of this, several senior leaders within the junta will be left with little recourse.
Given the economic situation of the country, the military leaders have always been paid low wages. Alternate means of income for the junta has resulted in their involvement in the drug trade as well as in illegal mining and logging activities. In fact, these parallel industries run with the complacency of the junta leadership in Rangoon, which turns a blind eye to it as long as some degree of administrative control remains in place.
Within the junta itself the shift is enormous. The 2008 Constitution of Burma has a provision whereby 1/4th, or 25 per cent, of the seats in Parliament will be reserved for the members of the military. This was a practice that had earlier been adopted in Indonesia where there was a reservation of 1/4th seats in Parliament for the armed forces. But, even as the Burmese junta adopted this policy, in Indonesia the transition to democracy occurred, making this clause redundant. The adoption of this in the 2008 Constitution is a reminder that the junta in Burma is unwilling to make the reversal which will place it completely under civilian control.
What is causing concern is that the shifts in the junta’s patterns are likely to create a certain sense of unease. It has been seen in cases where the military has been in power before, like in Indonesia and Thailand, that such shifts often tend to exacerbate the existing situation by creating a sense of uncertainty which leads to power struggles. In fact, if this were to occur, the cohesion factor that binds the junta together may weaken. A fractured military regime would be less able to control the outcome of the election than a tight-knit cohesive unit.
At both the regional and international levels the question of Burma remains unaddressed. Already Burma has divided the Asean politically. Asean’s inability to progress with many of its vision statements, especially in the context of the move towards a security community, have been analysed as a factor of having to pull along Burma within the fold.
The international community’s basic failure in the context of Burma has been its inability to translate outrage into policy. While condemnation for rights violations and abuses have been significant, countries have not been able to provide a framework for democratisation. This has critically impaired the manner in which the response has been orchestrated. The possibility of initiating a “six-party formula” kind of framework for Burma is yet to materialise.
Any attempt to bring about a serious change needs to involve a critical rethink among the Western countries. The policy of no engagement has not proved viable. Given its current situation, both regional and international players need to reassess their roles in Burma to ensure that the country is not further pushed into a state of political abyss.
Dr Shankari Sundararaman is an associate professor of Southeast Asian Studies at the School of International Studies, JNU
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The Nation - 27,000 Burmese pass ID process
Published on February 18, 2010
Out of nearly one million Burmese workers in Thailand, 27,000 have passed the national identification process, the Department of Employment (DOE) revealed yesterday.
DOE chief Jeerasak Sukhonthachat said that some 200,000 Burmese workers applied for the process but only 26,902 completed it.
Those who applied before February 28 would be allowed to remain and work in Thailand for another two years pending the process completion, while those failing to meet the deadline would be repatriated, he said. This arrangement was already flexible because the agency previously required workers to submit their nationality identification papers by February 28 but, since there were few applicants, workers were allowed to apply to remain in Thailand while the process was ongoing.
Deputy PM Sanan Kachornprasart, who chaired the Alien Labour Management committee, would assign officials to crack down on illegal workers and repatriate them. They were getting tough because they wanted all workers to be legal, Jeerasak said.
Researcher from Migrant Working Group (MWG), Adisorn Kerdmongkol, reported the results of a survey of 273 Burmese workers in Bangkok, Samut Prakan, Pathum Thani, Chiang Mai, Tak, Ranong, Phuket and Surat Thani about the nationality identification process.
About 20 per cent didn't know about and saw no need for the nationality identification which showed, he said, a lack of good PR and proactive measures among government agencies. Some 54 per cent learned about it from unofficial sources such as friends and employers. For reasons given for not joining, 50 per cent cited fear of being arrested if they did it in person, 57 per cent were worried about the impact on their families in Burma, 48 per cent were concerned about lack of funds (as many believed it would cost up to Bt10,000), and 46 per cent said they did not understand the process.
Twenty per cent feared the Burmese government because they had fled to Thailand from political threats, human right violations and ethnicity conflicts. He urged the government to extend the nationality identification deadline and, through active PR, keep all workers well-informed.
Published on February 18, 2010
Out of nearly one million Burmese workers in Thailand, 27,000 have passed the national identification process, the Department of Employment (DOE) revealed yesterday.
DOE chief Jeerasak Sukhonthachat said that some 200,000 Burmese workers applied for the process but only 26,902 completed it.
Those who applied before February 28 would be allowed to remain and work in Thailand for another two years pending the process completion, while those failing to meet the deadline would be repatriated, he said. This arrangement was already flexible because the agency previously required workers to submit their nationality identification papers by February 28 but, since there were few applicants, workers were allowed to apply to remain in Thailand while the process was ongoing.
Deputy PM Sanan Kachornprasart, who chaired the Alien Labour Management committee, would assign officials to crack down on illegal workers and repatriate them. They were getting tough because they wanted all workers to be legal, Jeerasak said.
Researcher from Migrant Working Group (MWG), Adisorn Kerdmongkol, reported the results of a survey of 273 Burmese workers in Bangkok, Samut Prakan, Pathum Thani, Chiang Mai, Tak, Ranong, Phuket and Surat Thani about the nationality identification process.
About 20 per cent didn't know about and saw no need for the nationality identification which showed, he said, a lack of good PR and proactive measures among government agencies. Some 54 per cent learned about it from unofficial sources such as friends and employers. For reasons given for not joining, 50 per cent cited fear of being arrested if they did it in person, 57 per cent were worried about the impact on their families in Burma, 48 per cent were concerned about lack of funds (as many believed it would cost up to Bt10,000), and 46 per cent said they did not understand the process.
Twenty per cent feared the Burmese government because they had fled to Thailand from political threats, human right violations and ethnicity conflicts. He urged the government to extend the nationality identification deadline and, through active PR, keep all workers well-informed.
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The Nation - Thai green society coming closer to reality
By Watcharapong Thongrung
Published on February 18, 2010
Thailand is growing closer to becoming a green society through its firmer focus on renewable energy in the revised 2010-2030 Power Development Plan (PDP).
Expanding renewable sources of fuel to drive power plants will reduce the country's reliance on natural gas and lead to greater energy security.
Norkun Sitthiphong, deputy permanent secretary of the Energy Ministry, as chairman of the subcommittee on the PDP, said after the public hearing yesterday that the 20-year PDP stresses clean energy and energy efficiency. It has been dubbed the country's first Green PDP.
"The Green PDP is different from the 2007 PDP, as it contains the target to reduce greenhouse gases through more power plants with more renewable fuels like nuclear, hydro and clean coal - and more cogeneration plants. Demand side management will also be included in the plan," he said.
Greenhouse gases are set to be reduced from 0.546 kilogram per kilowatt hour (kWh) to 0.38-0.42.
The plan also emphasises energy security, with lower dependence on natural gas in power generation. It assumes that power reserves should exceed 20 per cent of total capacity, to avoid risk from interruption in the natural gas supplied from Burma.
Diversification away from natural gas will be assisted by the move to nuclear power and clean coal, as well as higher imports of hydropower from neighbouring countries.
Last year, 145.23 billion units of power were produced - 72.5 per cent from using natural gas, 11 per cent from coal, 8.4 per cent from hydropower, 1.6 per cent from Laos, 1.4 per cent from alternative energy and 0.12 per cent from other sources.
The PDP estimates that nuclear power would not exceed 10 per cent of total capacity, while coal energy will account for no more than 25 per cent and power from neighbouring countries like Laos and Burma no more than 25 per cent.
The Green PDP's demand forecast has been improved with support from the economic forecasting model of the National Institute of Development Administration, which predicts that the economy will expand 3.41-5.12 per cent per year during the 20-year period.
Norkun said the Energy Ministry is open to all opinions on the plan. Another public hearing is scheduled this month, and next month the plan should be ready for the National Energy Policy Council's approval.
A source from the Energy Policy and Planning Office said power demand would rise to 60 gigawatts in 2030, and reserves must equal at least 15 per cent of capacity, so total capacity must be 70GW. At 10 per cent, 7GW may need to come from seven nuclear power plants, up from five proposed in the 2007 PDP.
The newest plan however will reduce natural gas dependence by half.
"It should be decided early next year whether Thailand would embrace nuclear power. The government would base the decision on the 2010 PDP. If the nuclear power plants remain unwanted, then the government will need to find other alternative energy sources to meet power demand," the source said.
By Watcharapong Thongrung
Published on February 18, 2010
Thailand is growing closer to becoming a green society through its firmer focus on renewable energy in the revised 2010-2030 Power Development Plan (PDP).
Expanding renewable sources of fuel to drive power plants will reduce the country's reliance on natural gas and lead to greater energy security.
Norkun Sitthiphong, deputy permanent secretary of the Energy Ministry, as chairman of the subcommittee on the PDP, said after the public hearing yesterday that the 20-year PDP stresses clean energy and energy efficiency. It has been dubbed the country's first Green PDP.
"The Green PDP is different from the 2007 PDP, as it contains the target to reduce greenhouse gases through more power plants with more renewable fuels like nuclear, hydro and clean coal - and more cogeneration plants. Demand side management will also be included in the plan," he said.
Greenhouse gases are set to be reduced from 0.546 kilogram per kilowatt hour (kWh) to 0.38-0.42.
The plan also emphasises energy security, with lower dependence on natural gas in power generation. It assumes that power reserves should exceed 20 per cent of total capacity, to avoid risk from interruption in the natural gas supplied from Burma.
Diversification away from natural gas will be assisted by the move to nuclear power and clean coal, as well as higher imports of hydropower from neighbouring countries.
Last year, 145.23 billion units of power were produced - 72.5 per cent from using natural gas, 11 per cent from coal, 8.4 per cent from hydropower, 1.6 per cent from Laos, 1.4 per cent from alternative energy and 0.12 per cent from other sources.
The PDP estimates that nuclear power would not exceed 10 per cent of total capacity, while coal energy will account for no more than 25 per cent and power from neighbouring countries like Laos and Burma no more than 25 per cent.
The Green PDP's demand forecast has been improved with support from the economic forecasting model of the National Institute of Development Administration, which predicts that the economy will expand 3.41-5.12 per cent per year during the 20-year period.
Norkun said the Energy Ministry is open to all opinions on the plan. Another public hearing is scheduled this month, and next month the plan should be ready for the National Energy Policy Council's approval.
A source from the Energy Policy and Planning Office said power demand would rise to 60 gigawatts in 2030, and reserves must equal at least 15 per cent of capacity, so total capacity must be 70GW. At 10 per cent, 7GW may need to come from seven nuclear power plants, up from five proposed in the 2007 PDP.
The newest plan however will reduce natural gas dependence by half.
"It should be decided early next year whether Thailand would embrace nuclear power. The government would base the decision on the 2010 PDP. If the nuclear power plants remain unwanted, then the government will need to find other alternative energy sources to meet power demand," the source said.
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The Irrawaddy - UN Rights Envoy Meets Judges Who Jailed Activists
By BA KAUNG - Wednesday, February 17, 2010
Two judges who met the visiting UN human rights envoy to Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, on Monday are among the most notorious in the country, according to activists who said that the meeting sent a clear message that the Burmese regime would not respond to calls for judicial reform.
On Wednesday, Burma's state-run media reported that Quintana met judges Thaung Nyunt and Nyi Nyi Soe at a Rangoon hotel during the first day of his five-day visit, which ends on Feb. 19.
Both judges presided over last year's trial of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and have put many other activists behind bars in recent years.
“Thaung Nyunt acted as the most proactive henchman in the trials of members of the 88 Generation Students group in 2008,” said Nyi Nyi Hlaing, a lawyer who defended the political activists before fleeing to Thailand last year.
Since the mid-1990s, Thaung Nyunt has been the chief presiding judge at numerous trials conducted by the Insein Prison Special Court, which has sentenced thousands of political dissidents to prison.
In January 1999, he presided over the trial of more than 60 students and activists, handing out lengthy prison sentences for taking part in anti-government protests. One of the activists in the group, Thet Win Aung, died in 2006 while serving a 52-year sentence.
In November 2008, Thaung Nyunt acted as the chief justice in sentencing over 60 political dissidents, including the prominent student leaders Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, to prison terms of up to 65 years.
State media reports also mentioned Quintana's meetings with opposition lawyers and diplomats on Monday, but provided no details about the substance of the talks.
During his meeting with Suu Kyi's lawyer Nyan Win on Monday, Quintana condemned the ruling military government for detaining the Nobel Peace Prize laureate under an obsolete 1975 law.
The UN envoy has asked the regime for permission to visit Suu Kyi in detention, but he said on Monday that he had not yet received a response to his request.
On his third day in Burma, Quintana is continuing his tour of prisons in the western part of the country and meeting with local NGOs to assess human rights conditions there.
The UN envoy was allowed on Tuesday to visit Sittwe prison in Arakan State and meet with some of the political prisoners detained there. He also plans to visit other townships in the area, according to the UN Information Office in Burma.
“Quintana met with more than 21 local NGOs in Arakan State and is going to visit Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships in the Arakan state,” news agencies quoted a UN official as saying on Tuesday.
Eighteen political prisoners, including an 88 Generation leader, Htay Kywe, are currently detained at Buthidaung Prison.
To reach the prison, located 1,174 km northwest of Rangoon, family members of prisoners must typically travel for up to a week from the former capital.
In the areas the UN envoy is visiting, there are reported cases of forced labor, recruitment of child soldiers and land confiscation by the regime's army.
On the day Quintana arrived in Burma, the regime sentenced veteran activist Naw Ohn Hla and three other dissidents to two years in prison on charges of “inciting activities which undermine the public order.” The activists repeatedly visited Shwedagon Pagoda, Burma's holiest shrine, to pray for the release of Suu Kyi and more than 2,000 other political prisoners.
The move was seen by many observers as a slap to the visiting UN envoy, who has called on the junta to reform its courts to guarantee impartial and transparent trials.
Quintana's third visit to the country started on Monday morning and is due to end on Friday. He is expected to meet some key ministers in Naypyidaw, and is due to visit Rangoon's notorious Insein Prison. He will make a report on his findings to the UN Human Rights Council in March, according to the UN Human Rights office in Thailan
By BA KAUNG - Wednesday, February 17, 2010
Two judges who met the visiting UN human rights envoy to Burma, Tomás Ojea Quintana, on Monday are among the most notorious in the country, according to activists who said that the meeting sent a clear message that the Burmese regime would not respond to calls for judicial reform.
On Wednesday, Burma's state-run media reported that Quintana met judges Thaung Nyunt and Nyi Nyi Soe at a Rangoon hotel during the first day of his five-day visit, which ends on Feb. 19.
Both judges presided over last year's trial of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and have put many other activists behind bars in recent years.
“Thaung Nyunt acted as the most proactive henchman in the trials of members of the 88 Generation Students group in 2008,” said Nyi Nyi Hlaing, a lawyer who defended the political activists before fleeing to Thailand last year.
Since the mid-1990s, Thaung Nyunt has been the chief presiding judge at numerous trials conducted by the Insein Prison Special Court, which has sentenced thousands of political dissidents to prison.
In January 1999, he presided over the trial of more than 60 students and activists, handing out lengthy prison sentences for taking part in anti-government protests. One of the activists in the group, Thet Win Aung, died in 2006 while serving a 52-year sentence.
In November 2008, Thaung Nyunt acted as the chief justice in sentencing over 60 political dissidents, including the prominent student leaders Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, to prison terms of up to 65 years.
State media reports also mentioned Quintana's meetings with opposition lawyers and diplomats on Monday, but provided no details about the substance of the talks.
During his meeting with Suu Kyi's lawyer Nyan Win on Monday, Quintana condemned the ruling military government for detaining the Nobel Peace Prize laureate under an obsolete 1975 law.
The UN envoy has asked the regime for permission to visit Suu Kyi in detention, but he said on Monday that he had not yet received a response to his request.
On his third day in Burma, Quintana is continuing his tour of prisons in the western part of the country and meeting with local NGOs to assess human rights conditions there.
The UN envoy was allowed on Tuesday to visit Sittwe prison in Arakan State and meet with some of the political prisoners detained there. He also plans to visit other townships in the area, according to the UN Information Office in Burma.
“Quintana met with more than 21 local NGOs in Arakan State and is going to visit Buthidaung and Maungdaw Townships in the Arakan state,” news agencies quoted a UN official as saying on Tuesday.
Eighteen political prisoners, including an 88 Generation leader, Htay Kywe, are currently detained at Buthidaung Prison.
To reach the prison, located 1,174 km northwest of Rangoon, family members of prisoners must typically travel for up to a week from the former capital.
In the areas the UN envoy is visiting, there are reported cases of forced labor, recruitment of child soldiers and land confiscation by the regime's army.
On the day Quintana arrived in Burma, the regime sentenced veteran activist Naw Ohn Hla and three other dissidents to two years in prison on charges of “inciting activities which undermine the public order.” The activists repeatedly visited Shwedagon Pagoda, Burma's holiest shrine, to pray for the release of Suu Kyi and more than 2,000 other political prisoners.
The move was seen by many observers as a slap to the visiting UN envoy, who has called on the junta to reform its courts to guarantee impartial and transparent trials.
Quintana's third visit to the country started on Monday morning and is due to end on Friday. He is expected to meet some key ministers in Naypyidaw, and is due to visit Rangoon's notorious Insein Prison. He will make a report on his findings to the UN Human Rights Council in March, according to the UN Human Rights office in Thailan
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The Irrawaddy - Another Strike in Rangoon, as Labor Unrest Continues
By BA KAUNG - Wednesday, February 17, 2010
In a sign of growing labor unrest, garment factory workers in Rangoon launched a sit-in strike on Wednesday evening to call for a pay increase and better working conditions. Security has been tightened around the affected factory area, with about 15 riot police trucks deployed.
The strike started around 4 pm yesterday at the Sky garment factory in the western part of Insein Township in Rangoon, and about 100 factory workers participated in the strike, calling for an increase in basic salary, better overtime pay and days off on public holidays, a local resident said.
“The problem still continues in that factory,” confirmed a senior official from the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), adding that government officials, factory owners and workers are now negotiating over the workers' demands.
The event follows last week's labor strikes by thousands of factory workers in Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone, about 11 km from the center of Rangoon. The government sent hundreds of riot police to the area. The workers were demanding an increase of 10,000 kyat (US $10) in salary and ended the strike after employers agreed to pay half the amount.
“The workers want an increase of 100 kyat ($0.10) for overtime pay and an increase of basic salary,” said a local resident, adding that riot police trucks, a police custody van and a fire engine are still deployed near the factory.
The official from the UMFCCI said that the unrest is related to recent pay hikes for government employees. Public servants' monthly salaries were raised by a flat rate of 20,000 kyat ($20) in January.
Rangoon sources said that workers in garment factories in other townships have also been demanding increased pay, and the factory owners agreed to talk over the demand, telling them not to launch a strike and contact the media.
By BA KAUNG - Wednesday, February 17, 2010
In a sign of growing labor unrest, garment factory workers in Rangoon launched a sit-in strike on Wednesday evening to call for a pay increase and better working conditions. Security has been tightened around the affected factory area, with about 15 riot police trucks deployed.
The strike started around 4 pm yesterday at the Sky garment factory in the western part of Insein Township in Rangoon, and about 100 factory workers participated in the strike, calling for an increase in basic salary, better overtime pay and days off on public holidays, a local resident said.
“The problem still continues in that factory,” confirmed a senior official from the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI), adding that government officials, factory owners and workers are now negotiating over the workers' demands.
The event follows last week's labor strikes by thousands of factory workers in Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone, about 11 km from the center of Rangoon. The government sent hundreds of riot police to the area. The workers were demanding an increase of 10,000 kyat (US $10) in salary and ended the strike after employers agreed to pay half the amount.
“The workers want an increase of 100 kyat ($0.10) for overtime pay and an increase of basic salary,” said a local resident, adding that riot police trucks, a police custody van and a fire engine are still deployed near the factory.
The official from the UMFCCI said that the unrest is related to recent pay hikes for government employees. Public servants' monthly salaries were raised by a flat rate of 20,000 kyat ($20) in January.
Rangoon sources said that workers in garment factories in other townships have also been demanding increased pay, and the factory owners agreed to talk over the demand, telling them not to launch a strike and contact the media.
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The Irrawaddy - Abbot's Opposition Stalls BGF Plan in Karen State
By WAI MOE - Wednesday, February 17, 2010
MAE SOT, Thailand—Approval by the Karen ceasefire group Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) of the regime's plan for a border guard force (BGF) has been stalled because of opposition from the DKBA's spiritual leader.
A DKBA source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Irrawaddy that the influential abbot, Ashin Sujana, “was angry after he learned about the BGF and scolded high ranking officials from the DKBA. He thinks the BGF plan is not good for the Karen people and the development of Karen State.”
The DKBA agreed to the BGF plan shortly after the regime announced it in April, 2009. The DKBA source said the group had come under no regime pressure to transform itself into the BGF.
Ashin Sujana (also spelled as Ashin Thuzana), the 68 year-old abbot of Myingyigu Monastery in Karen State, is reportedly in hospital in Bangkok receiving treatment for a long-standing lung problem. Burmese military officials reportedly offered to admit him to a military hospital in Rangoon, but he chose a private clinic in the Thai capital.
The revered abbot has been active for several decades in the promotion of Buddhism in Karen State and has been responsible for the construction of several pagodas there.
His Buddhist activities won the support of Buddhist soldiers of the Karen National Liberation Army(KNLA), the military wing of the Karen National Union (KNU).
The then Christian-dominated KNU leadership led by the late Gen Saw Bo Mya saw the construction of Buddhist pagodas at strategic sites as a threat, sparking a conflict in late 1994 with the KNLA’s complement of about 400 Buddhist soldiers. The conflict led to the downfall of the KNU’s headquarters at Manerplaw in Jan,1995, and to the formation of the DKBA.
Although Ashin Sujana was named as the DKBA's mentor from the time it was formed, he met KNU leaders on the Thai-Burmese border in October 2009 and called for Karen unity.
“He met with the KNU for the sake of the Karen people,” said the source. “He always thinks about peace, loving kindness and the development of the Karen State.”
Some Burmese dissidents at the Thai-Burmese border said the regime's crackdown on demonstrating monks in Sept, 2007 might have led to the abbot's change of mind on the BGF.
“As a Buddhist monk, he was definitely distressed by the crackdown,” one said. “He might have seen it as an assault on Buddhism.”
Many of Ashin Sujana’s relatives are Christians. His cousin, Pado Aung San, the former chief of the KNU’s forestry department, who leads another Karen ceasefire group, is a member of the Seventh-day Adventist Church.
Since its formation 15 years ago, the DKBA has been used by the regime as a proxy force in its campaigns to control insurgency in Karen and Mon states. The DKBA now controls most of the Thai-Burmese border areas that were previously KNU territory.
The DKBA claims it has 6,000 troops, more than 10 times the number when it was formed, and it has plans to expand its force to 9,000—which would make it Burma's second largest non-state armed group.
By WAI MOE - Wednesday, February 17, 2010
MAE SOT, Thailand—Approval by the Karen ceasefire group Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) of the regime's plan for a border guard force (BGF) has been stalled because of opposition from the DKBA's spiritual leader.
A DKBA source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told The Irrawaddy that the influential abbot, Ashin Sujana, “was angry after he learned about the BGF and scolded high ranking officials from the DKBA. He thinks the BGF plan is not good for the Karen people and the development of Karen State.”
The DKBA agreed to the BGF plan shortly after the regime announced it in April, 2009. The DKBA source said the group had come under no regime pressure to transform itself into the BGF.
Ashin Sujana (also spelled as Ashin Thuzana), the 68 year-old abbot of Myingyigu Monastery in Karen State, is reportedly in hospital in Bangkok receiving treatment for a long-standing lung problem. Burmese military officials reportedly offered to admit him to a military hospital in Rangoon, but he chose a private clinic in the Thai capital.
The revered abbot has been active for several decades in the promotion of Buddhism in Karen State and has been responsible for the construction of several pagodas there.
His Buddhist activities won the support of Buddhist soldiers of the Karen National Liberation Army(KNLA), the military wing of the Karen National Union (KNU).
The then Christian-dominated KNU leadership led by the late Gen Saw Bo Mya saw the construction of Buddhist pagodas at strategic sites as a threat, sparking a conflict in late 1994 with the KNLA’s complement of about 400 Buddhist soldiers. The conflict led to the downfall of the KNU’s headquarters at Manerplaw in Jan,1995, and to the formation of the DKBA.
Although Ashin Sujana was named as the DKBA's mentor from the time it was formed, he met KNU leaders on the Thai-Burmese border in October 2009 and called for Karen unity.
“He met with the KNU for the sake of the Karen people,” said the source. “He always thinks about peace, loving kindness and the development of the Karen State.”
Some Burmese dissidents at the Thai-Burmese border said the regime's crackdown on demonstrating monks in Sept, 2007 might have led to the abbot's change of mind on the BGF.
“As a Buddhist monk, he was definitely distressed by the crackdown,” one said. “He might have seen it as an assault on Buddhism.”
Many of Ashin Sujana’s relatives are Christians. His cousin, Pado Aung San, the former chief of the KNU’s forestry department, who leads another Karen ceasefire group, is a member of the Seventh-day Adventist Church.
Since its formation 15 years ago, the DKBA has been used by the regime as a proxy force in its campaigns to control insurgency in Karen and Mon states. The DKBA now controls most of the Thai-Burmese border areas that were previously KNU territory.
The DKBA claims it has 6,000 troops, more than 10 times the number when it was formed, and it has plans to expand its force to 9,000—which would make it Burma's second largest non-state armed group.
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The Irrawaddy Magazine - A Town of Widows
By PHYU PHYU THIN - FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
In a country where the government provides minimal general health care, citizens must take up the fight against HIV infection themselves.
A relatively prosperous transport hub for family-run trucking businesses, Kyaukpadaung’s high incidence of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV/AIDS) among its population is a major downside to the township’s heavy dependence on the transportation industry.
With the 1,500-meter peak of Mt Popa nearby bringing cooler breezes and water to an otherwise arid region of eastern Mandalay Division, Kyaukpadang’s location at a major crossroads near the geographical center of Burma favored the town’s development as a trucking center. With larger businesses operating up to 100 trucks, many of the town’s residents are employed in the industry, spending weeks at a time on the road.
On Burma’s roads at night, teenage students are known to flag down trucks with flashlights, hitching rides and lifting skirts, passing from truck to truck, leaving sordid memories and sexually transmitted diseases.
Even if the drivers are aware of the problem and want to protect themselves, condoms are often unavailable in rural stores dimly lit by oil-lamps, where snacks, tobacco and liquor are sold along with the services of garishly made-up teenagers in a tin hut out back. As a result, when men return to their families in Kyaukpadaung, they often take HIV/AIDS with them.
Kyaukpadaung was an ideal place for our group to put our HIV/AIDS prevention and care training into action. As youth members of the National League for Democracy, we had been selected by NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi to train at the UN Development Programme office in Rangoon.
On my first visit, I went to the town to help organize assistance from our group. By working with Kyaukpadaung’s people, we helped them to learn how to confront the disease as a community. They have become aware of how HIV is spread and are now more adept at preventing infection among newborn infants and children.
Those infected by HIV/AIDS now encourage each other to be open about their affliction, and many are willing to talk about their disease and have formed their own support group to assist each other.
They are ready to help others experiencing difficulties, such as when antiretroviral medicines fail to arrive on schedule due to supply problems in Rangoon or breakdowns in Burma’s antiquated transportation. Those who have remaining stocks of medicine willingly share with those who have run out and will be repaid in kind when new supplies arrive.
When one member suffers from an ailment such as diarrhea, another will help out at his or her home for the whole day if necessary, washing clothes, providing rehydration fluids and performing essential chores, often returning home late at night.
In many places it creates a stigma to announce HIV infection, but in Kyaukpadaung, not only do infected residents make themselves known to each other, they openly announce that they have been “bitten by A,” a local idiom meaning they are HIV positive, and they have no qualms about talking to the media or seeing their names in print.
If HIV victims in other towns could be as open as those of Kyaukpadaung, it would be a significant step in preventing the spread of the disease. The network that started in Kyaukpadaung has spread to Wundwin Township in Mandalay Division, and to Aunglan (Myayde), Magwe, Taungdwingyi and Yenanggyaung townships in Magwe Division and to some parts of Rangoon.
Shortage of funds exacerbated by the general poverty endemic in Burma is a constant problem. Network members must work hard to raise money to pay for treatment for fellow members or help new victims.
The HIV group in Yenanggyaung has even managed to raise enough surplus funding to open a grocery stall in the market, where HIV network members work in rotation. Two network members supervise the shop, managing its finances and assisting with travel expenses for infected patients who need to go to Rangoon for treatment.
Because the government spends so little money on health and education, support groups are usually the only means available for maintaining health among HIV victims and preventing more infection.
Of the self-help support groups set up so far, the Kyaukpadaung group is the most effective. I went to the town to teach but found I learned from its people. They were the only group that dared openly invite me, an NLD member the military government brands as an “infamous political activist.”
On my second visit, I went there on a pilgrimage, as well as to evade the authorities, who were trying to arrest me. The locals took me to various places around town, including the homes of some residents who may have been providing financial help to Kyaukpadaung’s HIV/AIDS network.
Before I left town, I overheard some youths in a tea shop cajoling each other to make sure they took condoms if they went to a karaoke bar. A sign on the outskirts of the town said, “Bon Voyage,” and I remembered the words of one HIV patient.
“Ma Phyu,” he said, “every second house in my town is the home of a widow.”
Phyu Phyu Thin, 37, has cared for HIV and AIDS patients since 2002, providing counseling and education, sending them to clinics and providing accommodation in Rangoon to those coming for treatment from outlying areas. Due to her political affiliation and strong support for the NLD, she faces harassment in her work and has been arrested and jailed on several occasions.
By PHYU PHYU THIN - FEBRUARY, 2010 - VOLUME 18 NO.2
In a country where the government provides minimal general health care, citizens must take up the fight against HIV infection themselves.
A relatively prosperous transport hub for family-run trucking businesses, Kyaukpadaung’s high incidence of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV/AIDS) among its population is a major downside to the township’s heavy dependence on the transportation industry.
With the 1,500-meter peak of Mt Popa nearby bringing cooler breezes and water to an otherwise arid region of eastern Mandalay Division, Kyaukpadang’s location at a major crossroads near the geographical center of Burma favored the town’s development as a trucking center. With larger businesses operating up to 100 trucks, many of the town’s residents are employed in the industry, spending weeks at a time on the road.
On Burma’s roads at night, teenage students are known to flag down trucks with flashlights, hitching rides and lifting skirts, passing from truck to truck, leaving sordid memories and sexually transmitted diseases.
Even if the drivers are aware of the problem and want to protect themselves, condoms are often unavailable in rural stores dimly lit by oil-lamps, where snacks, tobacco and liquor are sold along with the services of garishly made-up teenagers in a tin hut out back. As a result, when men return to their families in Kyaukpadaung, they often take HIV/AIDS with them.
Kyaukpadaung was an ideal place for our group to put our HIV/AIDS prevention and care training into action. As youth members of the National League for Democracy, we had been selected by NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi to train at the UN Development Programme office in Rangoon.
On my first visit, I went to the town to help organize assistance from our group. By working with Kyaukpadaung’s people, we helped them to learn how to confront the disease as a community. They have become aware of how HIV is spread and are now more adept at preventing infection among newborn infants and children.
Those infected by HIV/AIDS now encourage each other to be open about their affliction, and many are willing to talk about their disease and have formed their own support group to assist each other.
They are ready to help others experiencing difficulties, such as when antiretroviral medicines fail to arrive on schedule due to supply problems in Rangoon or breakdowns in Burma’s antiquated transportation. Those who have remaining stocks of medicine willingly share with those who have run out and will be repaid in kind when new supplies arrive.
When one member suffers from an ailment such as diarrhea, another will help out at his or her home for the whole day if necessary, washing clothes, providing rehydration fluids and performing essential chores, often returning home late at night.
In many places it creates a stigma to announce HIV infection, but in Kyaukpadaung, not only do infected residents make themselves known to each other, they openly announce that they have been “bitten by A,” a local idiom meaning they are HIV positive, and they have no qualms about talking to the media or seeing their names in print.
If HIV victims in other towns could be as open as those of Kyaukpadaung, it would be a significant step in preventing the spread of the disease. The network that started in Kyaukpadaung has spread to Wundwin Township in Mandalay Division, and to Aunglan (Myayde), Magwe, Taungdwingyi and Yenanggyaung townships in Magwe Division and to some parts of Rangoon.
Shortage of funds exacerbated by the general poverty endemic in Burma is a constant problem. Network members must work hard to raise money to pay for treatment for fellow members or help new victims.
The HIV group in Yenanggyaung has even managed to raise enough surplus funding to open a grocery stall in the market, where HIV network members work in rotation. Two network members supervise the shop, managing its finances and assisting with travel expenses for infected patients who need to go to Rangoon for treatment.
Because the government spends so little money on health and education, support groups are usually the only means available for maintaining health among HIV victims and preventing more infection.
Of the self-help support groups set up so far, the Kyaukpadaung group is the most effective. I went to the town to teach but found I learned from its people. They were the only group that dared openly invite me, an NLD member the military government brands as an “infamous political activist.”
On my second visit, I went there on a pilgrimage, as well as to evade the authorities, who were trying to arrest me. The locals took me to various places around town, including the homes of some residents who may have been providing financial help to Kyaukpadaung’s HIV/AIDS network.
Before I left town, I overheard some youths in a tea shop cajoling each other to make sure they took condoms if they went to a karaoke bar. A sign on the outskirts of the town said, “Bon Voyage,” and I remembered the words of one HIV patient.
“Ma Phyu,” he said, “every second house in my town is the home of a widow.”
Phyu Phyu Thin, 37, has cared for HIV and AIDS patients since 2002, providing counseling and education, sending them to clinics and providing accommodation in Rangoon to those coming for treatment from outlying areas. Due to her political affiliation and strong support for the NLD, she faces harassment in her work and has been arrested and jailed on several occasions.
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Ten farmers, who complained to ILO, released
Wednesday, 17 February 2010 20:13 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Ten farmers, who were arrested and sent to Thayet prison after they complained to the International Labour Organization (ILO), regarding their cultivable land being seized, were released today.
The Magwe court had sentenced them to four months in prison each but they were released as they were in judicial custody for the same period. But another accused Ma Aye Win has to serve five more months.
"Though the farmers pleaded not guilty the trial court sentenced them to four months each," Han Win Aung, younger brother of one farmer Than Soe, said.
The 'Yone Seik' sugar mill owned by Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. seized about 2,000 acres of their farmlands and forced them to grow sugarcane in 2008. The farmers complained to the ILO office, for which they were arrested.
A part of the land was returned to the farmers and they were permitted to cultivate last March. But sugar mill officials implicated them in cases filed under section 447 of the Penal Code (trespassing), section 427 of Penal Code (mischief) when they began cultivation.
The Aung Lan township court sentenced them to varying prison terms from nine months to four and-a-half years on 16 October last year. The farmers filed appeal cases in Magwe Divisional court.
Advocate Aung Thein said the case is a stark reminder of the lack of an independent judiciary in Burma.
"The court gave the farmers only four months prison term each after the ILO officer came and negotiated with the authorities. Negotiation and intervention can change judicial power and the course of the justice delivery system. This speaks of a non-independent judiciary in Burma," he opined to Mizzima.
ILO Executive Director Mr. Kery Tapiola met families of the arrested farmers in Than Soe's house in Sangalay village, Aung Lan Township last month. Than Soe is one of the arrested farmers.
The ILO official then met Labour Department Director General Col. Chit Shein and other officials in Naypyitaw.
Most of the farmers, who lodged the complaint at the ILO office were released today, but Zaw Htay who assisted the farmers in filing the complaint at the ILO office is still serving a 10 year prison term in Thayet prison after being charged under the Official Secrets Act.
Their lawyer Pho Phyu was charged with the Associations Act and creating obstacles for the government administrative machinery. The Magwe Divisional Court sentenced him to four years in prison and he is now serving time in Thayet prison.
Wednesday, 17 February 2010 20:13 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Ten farmers, who were arrested and sent to Thayet prison after they complained to the International Labour Organization (ILO), regarding their cultivable land being seized, were released today.
The Magwe court had sentenced them to four months in prison each but they were released as they were in judicial custody for the same period. But another accused Ma Aye Win has to serve five more months.
"Though the farmers pleaded not guilty the trial court sentenced them to four months each," Han Win Aung, younger brother of one farmer Than Soe, said.
The 'Yone Seik' sugar mill owned by Myanmar Economic Holdings Ltd. seized about 2,000 acres of their farmlands and forced them to grow sugarcane in 2008. The farmers complained to the ILO office, for which they were arrested.
A part of the land was returned to the farmers and they were permitted to cultivate last March. But sugar mill officials implicated them in cases filed under section 447 of the Penal Code (trespassing), section 427 of Penal Code (mischief) when they began cultivation.
The Aung Lan township court sentenced them to varying prison terms from nine months to four and-a-half years on 16 October last year. The farmers filed appeal cases in Magwe Divisional court.
Advocate Aung Thein said the case is a stark reminder of the lack of an independent judiciary in Burma.
"The court gave the farmers only four months prison term each after the ILO officer came and negotiated with the authorities. Negotiation and intervention can change judicial power and the course of the justice delivery system. This speaks of a non-independent judiciary in Burma," he opined to Mizzima.
ILO Executive Director Mr. Kery Tapiola met families of the arrested farmers in Than Soe's house in Sangalay village, Aung Lan Township last month. Than Soe is one of the arrested farmers.
The ILO official then met Labour Department Director General Col. Chit Shein and other officials in Naypyitaw.
Most of the farmers, who lodged the complaint at the ILO office were released today, but Zaw Htay who assisted the farmers in filing the complaint at the ILO office is still serving a 10 year prison term in Thayet prison after being charged under the Official Secrets Act.
Their lawyer Pho Phyu was charged with the Associations Act and creating obstacles for the government administrative machinery. The Magwe Divisional Court sentenced him to four years in prison and he is now serving time in Thayet prison.
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Teenagers found after millitary kidnap
Feb 17,2010 (DVB)-Two teenagers, one of whom was under age, who disappeared in Rangoon’s North Okkalapa township last year, have been found to have been recruited by the army, according to their parents.
20 year old Aung Myo Thein and his brother Aung Kyaw Thu, 17, residents of North Okkalapa disappeared on the 24th of April last year when they went out to find part time jobs during the summer holiday.
Their father Thein Htun who has been searching for them all year recently found out that Aung Myo Thein was at the army’s communication outpost in Mingaladon township but he still has not found his younger son.
Lawyer Aye Myint, leader of Guiding Star legal advocacy group based in Bago with focus on child soldiers and forced labour cases, said a complaint has been filed at the International Labour Organisation’s liaison office in Rangoon.
“The parents have found Aye Myo Thein whose name and other personal details, such as the parent’s name and address, were changed [by the army] during training at Phaung Gyi [near Rangoon] army training centre,” said Aye Myint.
“The younger boy, Aung Kyaw Thu, was also in the army according to Aye Myo Thein. But his whereabouts are still unknown.”
He said the army will not let Aung Myo Thein quit and return home as he is already over 20.
Including Aung Kyaw Thu, there have been nine child soldiers cases received by Guiding Star since start of this year.
Reporting by Naw Noreen
Feb 17,2010 (DVB)-Two teenagers, one of whom was under age, who disappeared in Rangoon’s North Okkalapa township last year, have been found to have been recruited by the army, according to their parents.
20 year old Aung Myo Thein and his brother Aung Kyaw Thu, 17, residents of North Okkalapa disappeared on the 24th of April last year when they went out to find part time jobs during the summer holiday.
Their father Thein Htun who has been searching for them all year recently found out that Aung Myo Thein was at the army’s communication outpost in Mingaladon township but he still has not found his younger son.
Lawyer Aye Myint, leader of Guiding Star legal advocacy group based in Bago with focus on child soldiers and forced labour cases, said a complaint has been filed at the International Labour Organisation’s liaison office in Rangoon.
“The parents have found Aye Myo Thein whose name and other personal details, such as the parent’s name and address, were changed [by the army] during training at Phaung Gyi [near Rangoon] army training centre,” said Aye Myint.
“The younger boy, Aung Kyaw Thu, was also in the army according to Aye Myo Thein. But his whereabouts are still unknown.”
He said the army will not let Aung Myo Thein quit and return home as he is already over 20.
Including Aung Kyaw Thu, there have been nine child soldiers cases received by Guiding Star since start of this year.
Reporting by Naw Noreen
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Tin Oo's speaks after captivity
Feb 17, 2010 (DVB)-DVB were one of the first to interview the National League for Democracy (NLD) deputy, Tin Oo after his release from 6-years under house arrest.
In this exclusive interview the 83-year old discussed the proposed election, the military, his hopes, and being released from incarceration.
Now that you have been released, how do you feel?
It doesn’t feel good as I’m the only one to be freed. There are still a lot of political prisoners remaining and I want them to be freed too. Actually, it can’t be considered that I’m free; I’m only being let out for the time being.
Are you seeing any changes for when you went in?
I don’t see many significant changes. I haven’t been to many places yet [after being released.] I was at the Shwedagon Pagoda [on Sunday] and prayed for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Also I visited to [the NLD] chairman [U Aung Shwe’s] house and met with him, U Lwin and U Lun Tin*.
What do you wish for the most at the moment?
I wish for open negotiation, dialogue and peace for the people and the country.
We learnt that you are keeping with the stance of the Shwegondine Declaration**. But the government has said that it is impossible to meet the demands of the declaration, such as revising the 2008 constitution.How much hope are you keeping on this?
The NLD has kept with this stance so as to find answers to the problems via dialogue and is continually making that call, as well as for the release of political prisoners and such. But nothing has happened and we are still firm on that stance. Regarding the 2010 elections, there has been no details whatsoever released; such as the elections laws or political party registry law. So just like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said, it is not yet time [to make any decision.]
As you know, the [military government] has appointed a large role for itself in the basic constitution. As a former Defence Chief, how practical do you think this is for the democratisation in Burma?
Having a government formed of only those who win the people’s vote is the main essence of democracy. But now, [the military] will take up 25 percent [of the parliamentary seats] as well as taking up its own space in regional organisations and this is completely not democratic at all. If we are to be a democratic nation, then we have to practice true democracy measures such as allowing freedom of expression, freedom to discuss and form organisations. But in reality, the military will have its members take part everywhere, including [civilian organisations] so it will [dominate] 100 percent of the power in the government even though the constitution said there will be 75 percent civilians [in the government.]
So we can never expect to have a system in our country where the military stays in its own place and does not engage in politics?
We can still hope. Why not? The army is merely a unique organisation among the nation’s services. So it should have the same servant principles. Changes will occur according to the will of the people. Changes take place slowly, by finding answers step by step.
What was your view of politics when you were in the army as an official?
I looked to a peaceful nation, independently shared rule by the upper house, the lower house and ethnic representatives in the parliament.
When you were Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, the military leaders now were junior officials in the army. Are there suggestions you want to make to them?
I would like to tell them to welcome ideas from the people and to pay them respect. It would be a wonderful situation if the members of the Tattmadaw treated people with due respect and did things aimed at the happiness of the public.
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*NLD Central Executive Committee Members **The declaration at which the NLD declared that they would not compete in the 2010 election because of the 2008 constitution
Feb 17, 2010 (DVB)-DVB were one of the first to interview the National League for Democracy (NLD) deputy, Tin Oo after his release from 6-years under house arrest.
In this exclusive interview the 83-year old discussed the proposed election, the military, his hopes, and being released from incarceration.
Now that you have been released, how do you feel?
It doesn’t feel good as I’m the only one to be freed. There are still a lot of political prisoners remaining and I want them to be freed too. Actually, it can’t be considered that I’m free; I’m only being let out for the time being.
Are you seeing any changes for when you went in?
I don’t see many significant changes. I haven’t been to many places yet [after being released.] I was at the Shwedagon Pagoda [on Sunday] and prayed for the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Also I visited to [the NLD] chairman [U Aung Shwe’s] house and met with him, U Lwin and U Lun Tin*.
What do you wish for the most at the moment?
I wish for open negotiation, dialogue and peace for the people and the country.
We learnt that you are keeping with the stance of the Shwegondine Declaration**. But the government has said that it is impossible to meet the demands of the declaration, such as revising the 2008 constitution.How much hope are you keeping on this?
The NLD has kept with this stance so as to find answers to the problems via dialogue and is continually making that call, as well as for the release of political prisoners and such. But nothing has happened and we are still firm on that stance. Regarding the 2010 elections, there has been no details whatsoever released; such as the elections laws or political party registry law. So just like Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said, it is not yet time [to make any decision.]
As you know, the [military government] has appointed a large role for itself in the basic constitution. As a former Defence Chief, how practical do you think this is for the democratisation in Burma?
Having a government formed of only those who win the people’s vote is the main essence of democracy. But now, [the military] will take up 25 percent [of the parliamentary seats] as well as taking up its own space in regional organisations and this is completely not democratic at all. If we are to be a democratic nation, then we have to practice true democracy measures such as allowing freedom of expression, freedom to discuss and form organisations. But in reality, the military will have its members take part everywhere, including [civilian organisations] so it will [dominate] 100 percent of the power in the government even though the constitution said there will be 75 percent civilians [in the government.]
So we can never expect to have a system in our country where the military stays in its own place and does not engage in politics?
We can still hope. Why not? The army is merely a unique organisation among the nation’s services. So it should have the same servant principles. Changes will occur according to the will of the people. Changes take place slowly, by finding answers step by step.
What was your view of politics when you were in the army as an official?
I looked to a peaceful nation, independently shared rule by the upper house, the lower house and ethnic representatives in the parliament.
When you were Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, the military leaders now were junior officials in the army. Are there suggestions you want to make to them?
I would like to tell them to welcome ideas from the people and to pay them respect. It would be a wonderful situation if the members of the Tattmadaw treated people with due respect and did things aimed at the happiness of the public.
----
*NLD Central Executive Committee Members **The declaration at which the NLD declared that they would not compete in the 2010 election because of the 2008 constitution
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