Myanmar party plays down Suu Kyi release report
Mon Jan 25, 6:22 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Reports that a top Myanmar leader said detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi would be released in November, when her house arrest ends, have only served to lower hopes that she might be freed ahead of this year's elections, her party said Monday.
Nyan Win, a spokesman for the National League for Democracy party, said the comment purportedly made last week by Home Minister Maj. Gen. Maung Oo was "nothing new or extraordinary."
"If the media reports were correct, hopes for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's earlier release under the executive order were dashed," said Nyan Win, who is also a lawyer for the 64-year-old Suu Kyi. "Daw" is a term of respect used for older women in Myanmar, also known as Burma.
News reports on U.S.-government backed Radio Free Asia and elsewhere cited witnesses as saying Maung Oo in a Jan. 21 speech declared Suu Kyi would be freed in November. The reports said he spoke at a meeting of several hundred officials in Kyaukpadaung, a town about 350 miles (560 kilometers) north of Yangon.
Reports also quoted Maung Oo as saying the elections would be "free and fair."
Suu Kyi's party and pro-democracy activists have complained the constitution that established the polls was undemocratic and unfair. It includes provisions that bar the democracy icon from holding office and ensure the military a controlling stake in government.
Suu Kyi's party has not yet decided whether to take part in the election, the date of which has not yet been set.
Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 of the past 20 years. She was sentenced last August to 18 months' house arrest, with three months in detention awaiting the end of the trial counted toward the total.
The National League for Democracy party swept the last elections in 1990, but the results were never honored by the military, which has ruled the country since 1962.
Mon Jan 25, 6:22 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Reports that a top Myanmar leader said detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi would be released in November, when her house arrest ends, have only served to lower hopes that she might be freed ahead of this year's elections, her party said Monday.
Nyan Win, a spokesman for the National League for Democracy party, said the comment purportedly made last week by Home Minister Maj. Gen. Maung Oo was "nothing new or extraordinary."
"If the media reports were correct, hopes for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's earlier release under the executive order were dashed," said Nyan Win, who is also a lawyer for the 64-year-old Suu Kyi. "Daw" is a term of respect used for older women in Myanmar, also known as Burma.
News reports on U.S.-government backed Radio Free Asia and elsewhere cited witnesses as saying Maung Oo in a Jan. 21 speech declared Suu Kyi would be freed in November. The reports said he spoke at a meeting of several hundred officials in Kyaukpadaung, a town about 350 miles (560 kilometers) north of Yangon.
Reports also quoted Maung Oo as saying the elections would be "free and fair."
Suu Kyi's party and pro-democracy activists have complained the constitution that established the polls was undemocratic and unfair. It includes provisions that bar the democracy icon from holding office and ensure the military a controlling stake in government.
Suu Kyi's party has not yet decided whether to take part in the election, the date of which has not yet been set.
Suu Kyi has been detained for 14 of the past 20 years. She was sentenced last August to 18 months' house arrest, with three months in detention awaiting the end of the trial counted toward the total.
The National League for Democracy party swept the last elections in 1990, but the results were never honored by the military, which has ruled the country since 1962.
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Myanmar says Suu Kyi to be freed in November: witnesses
By Aung Hla Tun – Mon Jan 25, 12:51 am ET
YANGON (Reuters) – Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will be freed when her house arrest ends in November, according to a government minister quoted by witnesses on Monday, but critics said that may be too late for this year's elections.
Home Minister Major General Maung Oo told a January 21 meeting of local officials the 64-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner would be released in November, a month after many observers expect the country to hold its first parliamentary elections in two decades.
The information could not be verified independently but three people who attended the meeting said the comment was made to an audience of several hundred people in Kyaukpadaung, a town about 565 km (350 miles) north of the former capital, Yangon.
The three witnesses requested anonymity.
Suu Kyi, detained for 14 of the past 20 years, was sentenced to a further 18 months of detention last August for harboring an American who swam uninvited to her lakeside home, raising questions over whether the election will be a sham.
That incident took place in May 2009, just before an earlier period of house arrest was due to end. Taking into account the three months she spent in a prison guesthouse after the incident, her 18-month sentence would end in November.
The planned election would be the first since 1990, when Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party scored a landslide victory that the country's junta refused to recognize.
Maung Oo also said detained NLD vice-chairman Tin Oo would be released on February 13, and that the government would pursue an international-style market economy after holding "free and fair" elections, including loosening restrictions on car imports.
Tin Oo, 82, a former defense minister and retired general, has been in prison or under house arrest for more than a decade.
ELECTION TIMING NOT YET SET
Senior NLD official Khin Maung Swe said it was crucial Suu Kyi and Tin Oo were released before the election.
"The most important thing is they must be freed in good time so that they can work for national reconciliation," he said.
The military junta has not set a date for the election but has promised U.S. President Barack Obama and Southeast Asian leaders the vote would be free, fair and inclusive.
In recent months Suu Kyi has been allowed to meet the junta's liaison officer and foreign diplomats.
The NLD has not yet said whether it would take part in the elections, portrayed by the generals as a move to a multi-party democracy but derided by opponents as a sham designed to let the army retain real power.
The United States and others are reviewing policy toward the former Burma after years of sanctions and trade embargoes failed to get the junta to improve its human rights record or relax its grip on power.
Obama has offered Myanmar the prospect of better ties with Washington if it pursued democratic reform and freed political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.
By Aung Hla Tun – Mon Jan 25, 12:51 am ET
YANGON (Reuters) – Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will be freed when her house arrest ends in November, according to a government minister quoted by witnesses on Monday, but critics said that may be too late for this year's elections.
Home Minister Major General Maung Oo told a January 21 meeting of local officials the 64-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner would be released in November, a month after many observers expect the country to hold its first parliamentary elections in two decades.
The information could not be verified independently but three people who attended the meeting said the comment was made to an audience of several hundred people in Kyaukpadaung, a town about 565 km (350 miles) north of the former capital, Yangon.
The three witnesses requested anonymity.
Suu Kyi, detained for 14 of the past 20 years, was sentenced to a further 18 months of detention last August for harboring an American who swam uninvited to her lakeside home, raising questions over whether the election will be a sham.
That incident took place in May 2009, just before an earlier period of house arrest was due to end. Taking into account the three months she spent in a prison guesthouse after the incident, her 18-month sentence would end in November.
The planned election would be the first since 1990, when Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party scored a landslide victory that the country's junta refused to recognize.
Maung Oo also said detained NLD vice-chairman Tin Oo would be released on February 13, and that the government would pursue an international-style market economy after holding "free and fair" elections, including loosening restrictions on car imports.
Tin Oo, 82, a former defense minister and retired general, has been in prison or under house arrest for more than a decade.
ELECTION TIMING NOT YET SET
Senior NLD official Khin Maung Swe said it was crucial Suu Kyi and Tin Oo were released before the election.
"The most important thing is they must be freed in good time so that they can work for national reconciliation," he said.
The military junta has not set a date for the election but has promised U.S. President Barack Obama and Southeast Asian leaders the vote would be free, fair and inclusive.
In recent months Suu Kyi has been allowed to meet the junta's liaison officer and foreign diplomats.
The NLD has not yet said whether it would take part in the elections, portrayed by the generals as a move to a multi-party democracy but derided by opponents as a sham designed to let the army retain real power.
The United States and others are reviewing policy toward the former Burma after years of sanctions and trade embargoes failed to get the junta to improve its human rights record or relax its grip on power.
Obama has offered Myanmar the prospect of better ties with Washington if it pursued democratic reform and freed political prisoners, including Suu Kyi.
***************************************************************
China casts nervous eye at erstwhile ally Myanmar
By Ben Blanchard – Mon Jan 25, 12:25 am ET
RUILI, China (Reuters) – The giant red poster staring over China's Wanding border crossing with Myanmar proclaims that their "brotherly feelings will last forever."
A few kilometers away, just outside the dusty frontier town of Ruili, a border village proudly tells its few visitors that Myanmar chickens cross over the rickety bamboo fence to lay their eggs in China.
But behind the bonhomie and poems of friendship, China's relationship with its impoverished southeastern neighbor and erstwhile ally formerly known as Burma is deeply troubled.
This was bought sharply into relief last August when Myanmar's military overwhelmed and disarmed the Kokang rebel group, triggering an exodus of more than 37,000 refugees into China, prompting an unusual outburst of anger from Beijing.
"I wouldn't characterize them as friends, in the way Britain and America or Australia and New Zealand could be regarded as friends. It's often a tense and difficultrelationship," said Ian Storey, a fellow at Singapore's Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
"It's basically a marriage of convenience. The Burmese rely on China for money and armaments, and China uses its position at the U.N. Security Council to protect Burma to some extent, in return for which China gets access to the country's natural resources, and it gets a voice in ASEAN," he added.
In 1997, despite fervent U.S. and EU opposition, Myanmar joined the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, set up in 1967 as a bulwark against the spread of Communism in the region.
Logic may dictate that Myanmar and the generals who have run it for the last five decades or so would give unquestioning support to China.
China backed Myanmar following the bloody suppression of pro-democracy protests in then-capital Yangon, once called Rangoon, in 1988, and has continued to stand by the junta and sell them arms in the face of sweeping international sanctions.
In 2006, during a visit to China's southwest Yunnan province which shares a long border with Myanmar, Myanmar's Commerce Minister Tin Naing Thein thanked Beijing for being a "good neighbor" and offering "vigorous support" after the 1988 events.
Yet profound suspicion of China in Myanmar, which dates back to before independence from the British in 1948, has not changed despite Beijing's overt support in the past 20 years or so.
For years, China backed the Communist Party of Burma's armed struggle against the Myanmar government.
"Chinese soldiers wore Burmese Communist military uniform and they participated in actual battles against the Burmese armed forces," said Maung Zarni, a Myanmar expert at the London School of Economics' Center for the Study of Global Governance.
"The current leadership is made up of people who cut their teeth in the anti-communist/anti-Beijing operations in the 1950s and 1960s. It's difficult to conceive of change of heart on behalf of the Burmese generals toward Beijing."
FEAR OF UNREST
China's fear is that the kind of unrest seen last August in Kokang will be repeated with any one of a number of different ethnic rebel militias, and spill into its territory again.
The threat is especially acute as the generals gear up for an election sometime this year -- a ballot rights groups call a sham -- by trying to get rebel groups along the border to cooperate, by force if necessary.
The problem for China is most acute in Yunnan, where the long and in places remote frontier is porous, and ethnic minorities on both sides share close blood ties.
Activists say that Myanmar's army is preparing for another offensive against these rebels, including the 30,000-strong ethnic Chinese United Wa State Army (UWSA), denounced as a narcotics cartel by the United States.
That worries China, not only because of the potential for more refugees, but because, simply stated, instability on the border is bad for business.
"Anything that causes the border to shut we of course do not welcome," said Chinese jade trader Lin Mingqi, sitting in his shop stuffed full of jade bracelets, Buddhas and charms made from Burmese jade and overlooking Ruili's border post.
"We're here to do business. We don't want to have to worry about politics."
Already drugs flow easily from Myanmar into China, fuelling an AIDS epidemic in Yunnan driven by the sharing of dirty needles, as well as prostitution.
Yet Myanmar is very good at hedging its bets, playing off friend and foe alike to ensure the survival of the regime.
Luo Shengrong and Wang Aiping, two academics at Yunnan University, wrote in last month's Chinese journal Contemporary International Relations that the Kokang attack was deliberately designed to tell Beijing not to take relations for granted.
"It was done to show the West that Myanmar's military government is adjusting its foreign policy, from just facing China to starting to have frequent contact with the United States, India and other large nations, to have a balanced foreign policy," they wrote.
"(The attack) also seemed to be showing that they were reducing their reliance on China."
They noted that the operation could be construed as Myanmar trying to curry favor with the United States, by showing Washington what a useful ally Myanmar could be against China, a country viewed with mistrust by many on Capitol Hill.
The academics noted that as a "reward" for the Kokang operation, Washington lifted a visa ban on Myanmar officials to let Prime Minister Thein Sein address the United Nations in New York.
While it is hard to pinpoint exactly what Myanmar's secretive government hoped to achieve more broadly with the Kokang move, the academics' comments are a reflection of Chinese suspicion as to what their supposed friend is up to.
The neighbors have significant business ties. Bilateral trade grew more than one-quarter in 2008 to about $2.63 billion.
In late October, China's CNPC started building a crude oil port in Myanmar, part of a pipeline project aimed at cutting out the long detour oil cargoes take through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
RIVALRY
For China, any discomfort at its friendship with Myanmar may also be outweighed by another strategic consideration -- India.
While relations may have improved considerably with New Delhi since the brief border war in 1962 that poisoned ties for decades, China is a strong supporter of India's traditional enemy Pakistan.
"From China's perspective, having a close relationship with Burma gives it an additional pressure point on India because it has good relations with Pakistan and increasingly with Nepal and also with Bangladesh," said Singapore-based Storey.
"If you were sitting in New Delhi, you may see that as a policy of encircling India with friends of China."
Myanmar's wily generals realize this, and see being friends with India as an import foil to China.
"If you look at the patterns of their foreign relations, they're constantly playing one off the other. If it's not China and the U.S., it's China and India. It's a very simple but effective strategy, to keep everyone coming after you," said David Mathieson, Myanmar researcher for New York-based Human Rights Watch.
"You always see things balanced out. Say the Chinese come one month, and then the Indians comes the next, or a senior Burmese official goes to Delhi. It's just them being prudent, saying 'we don't have friends, we just have partners'."
By Ben Blanchard – Mon Jan 25, 12:25 am ET
RUILI, China (Reuters) – The giant red poster staring over China's Wanding border crossing with Myanmar proclaims that their "brotherly feelings will last forever."
A few kilometers away, just outside the dusty frontier town of Ruili, a border village proudly tells its few visitors that Myanmar chickens cross over the rickety bamboo fence to lay their eggs in China.
But behind the bonhomie and poems of friendship, China's relationship with its impoverished southeastern neighbor and erstwhile ally formerly known as Burma is deeply troubled.
This was bought sharply into relief last August when Myanmar's military overwhelmed and disarmed the Kokang rebel group, triggering an exodus of more than 37,000 refugees into China, prompting an unusual outburst of anger from Beijing.
"I wouldn't characterize them as friends, in the way Britain and America or Australia and New Zealand could be regarded as friends. It's often a tense and difficultrelationship," said Ian Storey, a fellow at Singapore's Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
"It's basically a marriage of convenience. The Burmese rely on China for money and armaments, and China uses its position at the U.N. Security Council to protect Burma to some extent, in return for which China gets access to the country's natural resources, and it gets a voice in ASEAN," he added.
In 1997, despite fervent U.S. and EU opposition, Myanmar joined the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, set up in 1967 as a bulwark against the spread of Communism in the region.
Logic may dictate that Myanmar and the generals who have run it for the last five decades or so would give unquestioning support to China.
China backed Myanmar following the bloody suppression of pro-democracy protests in then-capital Yangon, once called Rangoon, in 1988, and has continued to stand by the junta and sell them arms in the face of sweeping international sanctions.
In 2006, during a visit to China's southwest Yunnan province which shares a long border with Myanmar, Myanmar's Commerce Minister Tin Naing Thein thanked Beijing for being a "good neighbor" and offering "vigorous support" after the 1988 events.
Yet profound suspicion of China in Myanmar, which dates back to before independence from the British in 1948, has not changed despite Beijing's overt support in the past 20 years or so.
For years, China backed the Communist Party of Burma's armed struggle against the Myanmar government.
"Chinese soldiers wore Burmese Communist military uniform and they participated in actual battles against the Burmese armed forces," said Maung Zarni, a Myanmar expert at the London School of Economics' Center for the Study of Global Governance.
"The current leadership is made up of people who cut their teeth in the anti-communist/anti-Beijing operations in the 1950s and 1960s. It's difficult to conceive of change of heart on behalf of the Burmese generals toward Beijing."
FEAR OF UNREST
China's fear is that the kind of unrest seen last August in Kokang will be repeated with any one of a number of different ethnic rebel militias, and spill into its territory again.
The threat is especially acute as the generals gear up for an election sometime this year -- a ballot rights groups call a sham -- by trying to get rebel groups along the border to cooperate, by force if necessary.
The problem for China is most acute in Yunnan, where the long and in places remote frontier is porous, and ethnic minorities on both sides share close blood ties.
Activists say that Myanmar's army is preparing for another offensive against these rebels, including the 30,000-strong ethnic Chinese United Wa State Army (UWSA), denounced as a narcotics cartel by the United States.
That worries China, not only because of the potential for more refugees, but because, simply stated, instability on the border is bad for business.
"Anything that causes the border to shut we of course do not welcome," said Chinese jade trader Lin Mingqi, sitting in his shop stuffed full of jade bracelets, Buddhas and charms made from Burmese jade and overlooking Ruili's border post.
"We're here to do business. We don't want to have to worry about politics."
Already drugs flow easily from Myanmar into China, fuelling an AIDS epidemic in Yunnan driven by the sharing of dirty needles, as well as prostitution.
Yet Myanmar is very good at hedging its bets, playing off friend and foe alike to ensure the survival of the regime.
Luo Shengrong and Wang Aiping, two academics at Yunnan University, wrote in last month's Chinese journal Contemporary International Relations that the Kokang attack was deliberately designed to tell Beijing not to take relations for granted.
"It was done to show the West that Myanmar's military government is adjusting its foreign policy, from just facing China to starting to have frequent contact with the United States, India and other large nations, to have a balanced foreign policy," they wrote.
"(The attack) also seemed to be showing that they were reducing their reliance on China."
They noted that the operation could be construed as Myanmar trying to curry favor with the United States, by showing Washington what a useful ally Myanmar could be against China, a country viewed with mistrust by many on Capitol Hill.
The academics noted that as a "reward" for the Kokang operation, Washington lifted a visa ban on Myanmar officials to let Prime Minister Thein Sein address the United Nations in New York.
While it is hard to pinpoint exactly what Myanmar's secretive government hoped to achieve more broadly with the Kokang move, the academics' comments are a reflection of Chinese suspicion as to what their supposed friend is up to.
The neighbors have significant business ties. Bilateral trade grew more than one-quarter in 2008 to about $2.63 billion.
In late October, China's CNPC started building a crude oil port in Myanmar, part of a pipeline project aimed at cutting out the long detour oil cargoes take through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
RIVALRY
For China, any discomfort at its friendship with Myanmar may also be outweighed by another strategic consideration -- India.
While relations may have improved considerably with New Delhi since the brief border war in 1962 that poisoned ties for decades, China is a strong supporter of India's traditional enemy Pakistan.
"From China's perspective, having a close relationship with Burma gives it an additional pressure point on India because it has good relations with Pakistan and increasingly with Nepal and also with Bangladesh," said Singapore-based Storey.
"If you were sitting in New Delhi, you may see that as a policy of encircling India with friends of China."
Myanmar's wily generals realize this, and see being friends with India as an import foil to China.
"If you look at the patterns of their foreign relations, they're constantly playing one off the other. If it's not China and the U.S., it's China and India. It's a very simple but effective strategy, to keep everyone coming after you," said David Mathieson, Myanmar researcher for New York-based Human Rights Watch.
"You always see things balanced out. Say the Chinese come one month, and then the Indians comes the next, or a senior Burmese official goes to Delhi. It's just them being prudent, saying 'we don't have friends, we just have partners'."
***************************************************************
Bangladesh, Myanmar to resolve border dispute-Dhaka
Sat Jan 23, 2010 11:55am GMT
DHAKA, Jan 23 (Reuters) - Bangladesh and Myanmar have agreed to resolve a maritime boundary dispute that brought their forces face to face in the Bay of Bengal in 2008 after Myanmar began oil and gas exploration, a Bangladeshi official said on Saturday.
"The important agreement was reached between the neighbouring countries at a recent meeting," Foreign Secretary Mohammad Mijarul Quayes told reporters.
He said officials from the two countries would meet soon to demarcate the border in a way that would establish Bangladesh's rights on its off-shore gas blocks.
Bangladesh sent a naval patrol to the disputed area in October 2008 after Myanmar began oil and gas exploration. Both countries also concentrated troops at strategic points along their 320-km (200-mile) border, partly demarcated by the river Naf. Myanmar withdrew its exploration teams and agreed to resolve the issue through talks.
Bangladesh had referred the issue to the United Nations for arbitration under the convention on the law of the sea.
Sat Jan 23, 2010 11:55am GMT
DHAKA, Jan 23 (Reuters) - Bangladesh and Myanmar have agreed to resolve a maritime boundary dispute that brought their forces face to face in the Bay of Bengal in 2008 after Myanmar began oil and gas exploration, a Bangladeshi official said on Saturday.
"The important agreement was reached between the neighbouring countries at a recent meeting," Foreign Secretary Mohammad Mijarul Quayes told reporters.
He said officials from the two countries would meet soon to demarcate the border in a way that would establish Bangladesh's rights on its off-shore gas blocks.
Bangladesh sent a naval patrol to the disputed area in October 2008 after Myanmar began oil and gas exploration. Both countries also concentrated troops at strategic points along their 320-km (200-mile) border, partly demarcated by the river Naf. Myanmar withdrew its exploration teams and agreed to resolve the issue through talks.
Bangladesh had referred the issue to the United Nations for arbitration under the convention on the law of the sea.
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Q+A - What do we know about Myanmar's election?
10 hours 43 mins ago
Reuters - It is expected her release will come after Myanmar's first parliamentary election in two decades, the final step in what the ruling generals call a "road map" to democracy to end nearly 50 years of military rule in the former Burma.
Critics have already dismissed the election, the date of which is yet to be announced, as a ploy to extend the junta's grip on power under the facade of a civilian government.
WHY IS MYANMAR HOLDING ELECTIONS?
Sanctions have crippled much of the resource-rich country, which was the world's top rice exporter when it won independence from Britain in 1948 after more than 120 years of colonial rule.
Although Asian trade is picking up, particularly with China, the regime's refusal to release political prisoners or halt human rights abuses have made it a pariah in the West.
Analysts say Myanmar wants to join the global economy and attract investment. The generals know they must give up power, nominally at least, to achieve this. But they appear to believe they are the only institution capable of running the country.
WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT THE POLLS?
No date has been set for the elections and the generals have yet to announce laws for how the vote will be conducted and who can stand. No election commission has been officially formed and the junta has rejected international offers of monitors.
Analysts and Western diplomats, however, believe this has all been decided already and the junta is holding out to try to get dozens of rebellious ethnic groups to take part in the process.
There is wide speculation the vote will take place sometime in October on a date deemed auspicious to the notoriously superstitious generals. Thailand's Foreign Minister told Reuters on January 14 that his Myanmar counterpart had indicated the vote would take place in the second half of the year.
Junta supremo Than Shwe has said very little about the polls, only that the public should make "correct choices."
WHO WILL HOLD THE POWER?
A new constitution, drafted by military officers and civil servants, was approved in a disputed 2008 referendum and stipulates Myanmar will be run by an elected civilian
government.
Key ministries like justice, defence and interior will be under the control of the military, which will also be granted a quarter of the 440 seats in parliament. The army commander will remain the country's most powerful figure, senior to an elected president and able to appoint key ministers and assume overall power "in times of emergency."
Than Shwe has said recently his inner circle of army generals would all be civilians. But analysts expect the generals, or their proxies, to pull the strings still.
Than Shwe and Maung Aye, another ageing strongman, will likely retire and hand power to army proteges who will ensure they are insulated from any future purges. Junta number three Thura Shwe Mann, 62, is widely tipped to take the top post.
WHY IS AUNG SAN SUU KYI SIDELINED?
The hugely popular Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, remains the biggest threat to the military, as shown when her National League for Democracy (NLD) party won the 1990 poll in a landslide, a result the regime ignored.
Because of her rousing speeches, ability to mobilise pro-democracy rallies and popular appeal among more than a dozen armed ethnic groups who deeply resent the Burmese generals, the junta has kept her in detention for 15 of the past 21 years.
It is unlikely she will be freed before the polls, for fear of her influence on the public.
WHO WILL BE ALLOWED TO TAKE PART?
The junta recognises 10 political parties. The NLD, the National Unity Party and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy were the top three performers in the 1990 polls. The NLD has not yet said whether it would run.
There are divisions inside the NLD between older members who reject the constitution and younger modernisers who believe a boycott could render the NLD a spent political force.
Detained or not, Suu Kyi herself will not be running for office. A clause in the current and previous constitutions means her marriage to a foreigner -- late British academic Michael Aris -- and the British citizenship of her children disqualify her.
Analysts say the junta will form its own nominee parties fronted by civilian proxies. With more than 2,000 political activists in prison -- and probably barred from running even if released -- the polls are not expected to be inclusive.
WILL THE WEST MAINTAIN SANCTIONS?
If Suu Kyi and other detained opposition activists are released ahead of the elections, and allowed to participate, this may sway the West to review sanctions and possibly lift them.
Some pro-democracy advocates say sanctions have been counterproductive, serving only to impoverish the people and make the junta more hidebound. Still, Washington remains adamant sanctions will stand until political prisoners are released.
An election that brings change without a full transition to democracy would sharpen the debate over whether sanctions are effective at a time when the United States appears willing to give the much derided political process a chance.
Engagement by Asian neighbours has done nothing to loosen the junta's grip.
10 hours 43 mins ago
Reuters - It is expected her release will come after Myanmar's first parliamentary election in two decades, the final step in what the ruling generals call a "road map" to democracy to end nearly 50 years of military rule in the former Burma.
Critics have already dismissed the election, the date of which is yet to be announced, as a ploy to extend the junta's grip on power under the facade of a civilian government.
WHY IS MYANMAR HOLDING ELECTIONS?
Sanctions have crippled much of the resource-rich country, which was the world's top rice exporter when it won independence from Britain in 1948 after more than 120 years of colonial rule.
Although Asian trade is picking up, particularly with China, the regime's refusal to release political prisoners or halt human rights abuses have made it a pariah in the West.
Analysts say Myanmar wants to join the global economy and attract investment. The generals know they must give up power, nominally at least, to achieve this. But they appear to believe they are the only institution capable of running the country.
WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT THE POLLS?
No date has been set for the elections and the generals have yet to announce laws for how the vote will be conducted and who can stand. No election commission has been officially formed and the junta has rejected international offers of monitors.
Analysts and Western diplomats, however, believe this has all been decided already and the junta is holding out to try to get dozens of rebellious ethnic groups to take part in the process.
There is wide speculation the vote will take place sometime in October on a date deemed auspicious to the notoriously superstitious generals. Thailand's Foreign Minister told Reuters on January 14 that his Myanmar counterpart had indicated the vote would take place in the second half of the year.
Junta supremo Than Shwe has said very little about the polls, only that the public should make "correct choices."
WHO WILL HOLD THE POWER?
A new constitution, drafted by military officers and civil servants, was approved in a disputed 2008 referendum and stipulates Myanmar will be run by an elected civilian
government.
Key ministries like justice, defence and interior will be under the control of the military, which will also be granted a quarter of the 440 seats in parliament. The army commander will remain the country's most powerful figure, senior to an elected president and able to appoint key ministers and assume overall power "in times of emergency."
Than Shwe has said recently his inner circle of army generals would all be civilians. But analysts expect the generals, or their proxies, to pull the strings still.
Than Shwe and Maung Aye, another ageing strongman, will likely retire and hand power to army proteges who will ensure they are insulated from any future purges. Junta number three Thura Shwe Mann, 62, is widely tipped to take the top post.
WHY IS AUNG SAN SUU KYI SIDELINED?
The hugely popular Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, remains the biggest threat to the military, as shown when her National League for Democracy (NLD) party won the 1990 poll in a landslide, a result the regime ignored.
Because of her rousing speeches, ability to mobilise pro-democracy rallies and popular appeal among more than a dozen armed ethnic groups who deeply resent the Burmese generals, the junta has kept her in detention for 15 of the past 21 years.
It is unlikely she will be freed before the polls, for fear of her influence on the public.
WHO WILL BE ALLOWED TO TAKE PART?
The junta recognises 10 political parties. The NLD, the National Unity Party and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy were the top three performers in the 1990 polls. The NLD has not yet said whether it would run.
There are divisions inside the NLD between older members who reject the constitution and younger modernisers who believe a boycott could render the NLD a spent political force.
Detained or not, Suu Kyi herself will not be running for office. A clause in the current and previous constitutions means her marriage to a foreigner -- late British academic Michael Aris -- and the British citizenship of her children disqualify her.
Analysts say the junta will form its own nominee parties fronted by civilian proxies. With more than 2,000 political activists in prison -- and probably barred from running even if released -- the polls are not expected to be inclusive.
WILL THE WEST MAINTAIN SANCTIONS?
If Suu Kyi and other detained opposition activists are released ahead of the elections, and allowed to participate, this may sway the West to review sanctions and possibly lift them.
Some pro-democracy advocates say sanctions have been counterproductive, serving only to impoverish the people and make the junta more hidebound. Still, Washington remains adamant sanctions will stand until political prisoners are released.
An election that brings change without a full transition to democracy would sharpen the debate over whether sanctions are effective at a time when the United States appears willing to give the much derided political process a chance.
Engagement by Asian neighbours has done nothing to loosen the junta's grip.
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Five facts about China-Myanmar relations
January 25, 2010. 12:19 am
(Reuters) - Here are five facts about the complex relationship between China and Myanmar:
* Burma, as the country was then known, was one of the first countries to recognise the People's Republic of China in 1949. But relations soured in the 1960s following anti-Chinese riots in Rangoon (now called Yangon).
* Following a crackdown on pro-democracy protesters across the country in 1988, the West imposed broad sanctions on Myanmar. China stepped into the void, providing aid and weapons and ramping up trade. China has continued to provide broad diplomatic support for Myanmar's military government.
* China has invested more than $1 billion (621 million pounds) in Myanmar, primarily in the mining sector, and is the country's fourth largest foreign investor, state media say. Bilateral trade grew more than one-quarter in 2008 to about $2.63 billion. Chinese firms are also heavily involved in logging in Myanmar.
* Myanmar gives China access to the Indian Ocean, not only for imports of oil and gas and exports from landlocked south-western Chinese provinces, but also potentially for military bases or listening posts.
In October, China's CNPC started building a crude oil port in Myanmar, part of a pipeline project aimed at cutting out the long detour oil cargoes take through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
* The relationship has had rocky patches of late. In August, refugees flooded across into China following fighting on the Myanmar side of the border, angering Beijing.
In 2007, China's Foreign Ministry published an unflattering account of Myanmar's new jungle capital Naypyidaw, expressing surprise that the poor country would consider such an expensive move without even first telling its supposed Chinese friends.
January 25, 2010. 12:19 am
(Reuters) - Here are five facts about the complex relationship between China and Myanmar:
* Burma, as the country was then known, was one of the first countries to recognise the People's Republic of China in 1949. But relations soured in the 1960s following anti-Chinese riots in Rangoon (now called Yangon).
* Following a crackdown on pro-democracy protesters across the country in 1988, the West imposed broad sanctions on Myanmar. China stepped into the void, providing aid and weapons and ramping up trade. China has continued to provide broad diplomatic support for Myanmar's military government.
* China has invested more than $1 billion (621 million pounds) in Myanmar, primarily in the mining sector, and is the country's fourth largest foreign investor, state media say. Bilateral trade grew more than one-quarter in 2008 to about $2.63 billion. Chinese firms are also heavily involved in logging in Myanmar.
* Myanmar gives China access to the Indian Ocean, not only for imports of oil and gas and exports from landlocked south-western Chinese provinces, but also potentially for military bases or listening posts.
In October, China's CNPC started building a crude oil port in Myanmar, part of a pipeline project aimed at cutting out the long detour oil cargoes take through the congested and strategically vulnerable Malacca Strait.
* The relationship has had rocky patches of late. In August, refugees flooded across into China following fighting on the Myanmar side of the border, angering Beijing.
In 2007, China's Foreign Ministry published an unflattering account of Myanmar's new jungle capital Naypyidaw, expressing surprise that the poor country would consider such an expensive move without even first telling its supposed Chinese friends.
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Karen flee Myanmar army attacks: rights groups
Sun Jan 24, 4:02 am ET
BANGKOK (AFP) – Aid groups on Sunday expressed concern for more than 2,000 ethnic Karen villagers hiding in the eastern Myanmar jungle after they fled their homes to escape attacks by government soldiers.
The exodus took place in the past week as Myanmar's army shot and killed three villagers, burned down homes and forced a number of people into labour, according to humanitarian group Free Burma Rangers (FBR).
"There are no large-scale offensives at this time but over 2,000 people have been displaced in attacks this week while villagers were shot to death by Burma Army patrols," said a statement from FBR, which uses the country's former name.
Similar army crackdowns in recent years in the eastern region, where the ruling junta has been battling Christian-majority Karen rebels for decades, have forced huge numbers of villagers to flee their homes.
Tens of thousands of these refugees live in camps across the border in Thailand but those displaced this week are hiding in the Myanmar jungle, according to the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People (CIDKP), an aid group.
"They could not bring many materials, especially blankets, and now the cool season is very cold and they do not light fires because if the (army) see them they will be shot," said Saw Steve of the Thailand-based CIDKP.
"If the (army) operation still goes on they will be in trouble. If they have to hide in the jungle there will be health problems," he said, confirming that around 2,000 villagers had fled and could run out of food.
Analysts say the junta wants to rid the country of the last vestiges of activity by ethnic insurgents, who seek greater autonomy, before holding national elections promised some time this year.
Around 4,000 villagers escaped to Thailand in June when the regime stepped up its campaign against the Karen rebels, one of the few remaining ethnic insurgent groups yet to sign a peace deal with the junta.
In August thousands of refugees poured across the border into China from the northeast of Myanmar, after deadly clashes between junta forces and ethnic Chinese rebels.
Sun Jan 24, 4:02 am ET
BANGKOK (AFP) – Aid groups on Sunday expressed concern for more than 2,000 ethnic Karen villagers hiding in the eastern Myanmar jungle after they fled their homes to escape attacks by government soldiers.
The exodus took place in the past week as Myanmar's army shot and killed three villagers, burned down homes and forced a number of people into labour, according to humanitarian group Free Burma Rangers (FBR).
"There are no large-scale offensives at this time but over 2,000 people have been displaced in attacks this week while villagers were shot to death by Burma Army patrols," said a statement from FBR, which uses the country's former name.
Similar army crackdowns in recent years in the eastern region, where the ruling junta has been battling Christian-majority Karen rebels for decades, have forced huge numbers of villagers to flee their homes.
Tens of thousands of these refugees live in camps across the border in Thailand but those displaced this week are hiding in the Myanmar jungle, according to the Committee for Internally Displaced Karen People (CIDKP), an aid group.
"They could not bring many materials, especially blankets, and now the cool season is very cold and they do not light fires because if the (army) see them they will be shot," said Saw Steve of the Thailand-based CIDKP.
"If the (army) operation still goes on they will be in trouble. If they have to hide in the jungle there will be health problems," he said, confirming that around 2,000 villagers had fled and could run out of food.
Analysts say the junta wants to rid the country of the last vestiges of activity by ethnic insurgents, who seek greater autonomy, before holding national elections promised some time this year.
Around 4,000 villagers escaped to Thailand in June when the regime stepped up its campaign against the Karen rebels, one of the few remaining ethnic insurgent groups yet to sign a peace deal with the junta.
In August thousands of refugees poured across the border into China from the northeast of Myanmar, after deadly clashes between junta forces and ethnic Chinese rebels.
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'India has turned blind eye to Myanmar movement'
Wasfia Jalali - STAFF WRITER 13:23 HRS IST
Jaipur, Jan 24 (PTI) One of the many supporters of Aung Sang Suu Kyi who is waging a lonely battle for greater rights in Myanmar, activist and author Ma Thida feels that despite being the world's largest democracy, India has turned a blind eye to its eastern neighbour.
As a doctor and activist, who spent months locked in a prison where she came very close to death, Ma Thida finds the "ignorance" of the Indian government and its people towards Myanmar as a sad experience.
In Jaipur to attend Literature Festival, she talked about her country's expectations from India and how she feels the rich resources in Myanmar turned out to be a "bad luck" for its people.
"India, especially the Indian government has turned out to be very ignorant about what's going on in Myanmar," she told PTI in an interview.
Wasfia Jalali - STAFF WRITER 13:23 HRS IST
Jaipur, Jan 24 (PTI) One of the many supporters of Aung Sang Suu Kyi who is waging a lonely battle for greater rights in Myanmar, activist and author Ma Thida feels that despite being the world's largest democracy, India has turned a blind eye to its eastern neighbour.
As a doctor and activist, who spent months locked in a prison where she came very close to death, Ma Thida finds the "ignorance" of the Indian government and its people towards Myanmar as a sad experience.
In Jaipur to attend Literature Festival, she talked about her country's expectations from India and how she feels the rich resources in Myanmar turned out to be a "bad luck" for its people.
"India, especially the Indian government has turned out to be very ignorant about what's going on in Myanmar," she told PTI in an interview.
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The Huffington Post - Amnesty International: Hey India, Help Free Aung San Suu Kyi!
Posted by: Govind Acharya, January 24, 2010 at 5:14 PM
India should use it's democratic cred and influence as a rising global power to help Aung San Suu Kyi and other Prisoners of Conscience (POC) in Myanmar.
In 1993, the Government of India, outraged by the continued detention of Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of the National League for Democracy, awarded their highest honor to the pro-democracy leader, the Jawaharlal Nehru Award. In the late 1990s, then Indian Defense Minister George Fernandes assailed the Myanmar junta's lack of protection for human rights. The Government of India, whether led by Congress (I), by the BJP or by the Janata Dal have made it a policy to encourage the protection of human rights in Myanmar (widely known as Burma, but Amnesty International follows the United Nations naming conventions).
But now, not a peep from the Indian Government.
On May 14, 2009, Aung San Suu Kyi and two of her assistants, Khin Khin Win and Khin Khin Win's daughter, were taken from Daw Suu Kyi's home to Insein Prison. Insein Prison is known to be a harsh facility with substandard conditions of detention including poor food and poor medical care. For 14 of the past 20 years, Aung San Suu Kyi has endured unofficial detention, house arrest and restrictions on her movement. But, she is just one of the hundreds of POCs that have been languishing in prisons in Myanmar (also called Burma). You can take action to help free Aung San Suu Kyi.
India proudly trumpets (rightfully so) that it is the "world's largest democracy". In fact, despite the human rights violations in the country, India can be justifiably proud of its vibrant civil society and chaotic yet stable and functional political system. India can be a model for other countries in the global south as they manage a possible transition from American hegemony.
So India is at a crossroads in its foreign policy, it can either confidently lead by example and show the rest of the world that no matter how poor its citizens are, a vibrant civil society and mobilized poor does not mean instability and poor economic growth. Or, it can react fearfully and defensively to China's influence by copying their foreign policy style in the world, which in my opinion is predicated on short-term economic considerations over longer term goodwill of civil society.
Of course, as a human rights activist, I would urge India to be a confident and bold player in their foreign policy and seek to influence the course of human rights in Myanmar in a positive manner by helping to free Aung San Suu Kyi. Of course taking a realpolitik and short term approach to relations with Myanmar might have some short term gains- a natural gas contract here, help with fighting various insurgencies there. It creates a great amount of goodwill of Myanmar's military junta secluded in their oasis of their brand spanking new capital of Naypyitaw, where apparently citizens of Myanmar are not even allowed to visit. But, those folks won't be around forever and when the day comes and Myanmar is free this short term strategy will fall apart and those that have been urging Myanmar to improve its human rights will be the ones who will have influence. The question is whether civil society in Burma appreciate the cynical approach that helped to prolong their agony at the expense of India's energy needs.
Posted by: Govind Acharya, January 24, 2010 at 5:14 PM
India should use it's democratic cred and influence as a rising global power to help Aung San Suu Kyi and other Prisoners of Conscience (POC) in Myanmar.
In 1993, the Government of India, outraged by the continued detention of Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of the National League for Democracy, awarded their highest honor to the pro-democracy leader, the Jawaharlal Nehru Award. In the late 1990s, then Indian Defense Minister George Fernandes assailed the Myanmar junta's lack of protection for human rights. The Government of India, whether led by Congress (I), by the BJP or by the Janata Dal have made it a policy to encourage the protection of human rights in Myanmar (widely known as Burma, but Amnesty International follows the United Nations naming conventions).
But now, not a peep from the Indian Government.
On May 14, 2009, Aung San Suu Kyi and two of her assistants, Khin Khin Win and Khin Khin Win's daughter, were taken from Daw Suu Kyi's home to Insein Prison. Insein Prison is known to be a harsh facility with substandard conditions of detention including poor food and poor medical care. For 14 of the past 20 years, Aung San Suu Kyi has endured unofficial detention, house arrest and restrictions on her movement. But, she is just one of the hundreds of POCs that have been languishing in prisons in Myanmar (also called Burma). You can take action to help free Aung San Suu Kyi.
India proudly trumpets (rightfully so) that it is the "world's largest democracy". In fact, despite the human rights violations in the country, India can be justifiably proud of its vibrant civil society and chaotic yet stable and functional political system. India can be a model for other countries in the global south as they manage a possible transition from American hegemony.
So India is at a crossroads in its foreign policy, it can either confidently lead by example and show the rest of the world that no matter how poor its citizens are, a vibrant civil society and mobilized poor does not mean instability and poor economic growth. Or, it can react fearfully and defensively to China's influence by copying their foreign policy style in the world, which in my opinion is predicated on short-term economic considerations over longer term goodwill of civil society.
Of course, as a human rights activist, I would urge India to be a confident and bold player in their foreign policy and seek to influence the course of human rights in Myanmar in a positive manner by helping to free Aung San Suu Kyi. Of course taking a realpolitik and short term approach to relations with Myanmar might have some short term gains- a natural gas contract here, help with fighting various insurgencies there. It creates a great amount of goodwill of Myanmar's military junta secluded in their oasis of their brand spanking new capital of Naypyitaw, where apparently citizens of Myanmar are not even allowed to visit. But, those folks won't be around forever and when the day comes and Myanmar is free this short term strategy will fall apart and those that have been urging Myanmar to improve its human rights will be the ones who will have influence. The question is whether civil society in Burma appreciate the cynical approach that helped to prolong their agony at the expense of India's energy needs.
***************************************************************
EarthTimes - Myanmar to privatize all fuel stations by March, source says
Posted : Mon, 25 Jan 2010 12:27:51 GMT
Yangon - Myanmar plans to privatize its state-owned petrol and diesel stations by end of March, according to business community source. "We have been informed by authorities that private companies are to take over all state-owned fuel stations by March 31," a prominent businessman who requested anonymity said.
The military government has strictly controlled all fuel-related business including filling stations since 1962.
"It was very surprising to learn the importing and selling of petrol and diesel was to be transferred suddenly to the private sector," he said.
The ruling junta recently announced the privatization of more than 100 businesses and properties, but petrol stations were not included in the list.
"We have just formed an association under the Union of Myanmar federation of chambers of commerce and industries to take it over from government and run this business," a businessman involved in the discussions told the German Press Agency dpa.
Tay Za, a leading tycoon in Myanmar with close ties to top junta generals, will head the new association, the source said.
"I think we will see more privatizations in various sectors before election," he said.
There are more than 250 fuel stations nationwide, according to the official website of the Energy Ministry.
Posted : Mon, 25 Jan 2010 12:27:51 GMT
Yangon - Myanmar plans to privatize its state-owned petrol and diesel stations by end of March, according to business community source. "We have been informed by authorities that private companies are to take over all state-owned fuel stations by March 31," a prominent businessman who requested anonymity said.
The military government has strictly controlled all fuel-related business including filling stations since 1962.
"It was very surprising to learn the importing and selling of petrol and diesel was to be transferred suddenly to the private sector," he said.
The ruling junta recently announced the privatization of more than 100 businesses and properties, but petrol stations were not included in the list.
"We have just formed an association under the Union of Myanmar federation of chambers of commerce and industries to take it over from government and run this business," a businessman involved in the discussions told the German Press Agency dpa.
Tay Za, a leading tycoon in Myanmar with close ties to top junta generals, will head the new association, the source said.
"I think we will see more privatizations in various sectors before election," he said.
There are more than 250 fuel stations nationwide, according to the official website of the Energy Ministry.
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January 25, 2010 09:39 AM
Myanmar Seeks Foreign Market For Sculptures
YANGON, Jan 25 (Bernama) -- Myanmar has been seeking foreign market for sale of wooden sculptures created with cyclone-downed trees and a total of 800 sculptures of 116 designs have been sold to a Beijing culture and arts company of China, sources with the Central Cooperative Society said.
Most of the exported sculptures are of Chinese and Myanmar traditional design and style, China's Xinhua news agency reported.
There are altogether over 2,000 post-Nargis sculptures in Myanmar with Asian and European traditional styles, animals, ethnic minorities, religion, furniture and modern statues, it said.
In March last year, a cyclone-related sculpture contest was held in Yangon, participated by a total of 200 woodcarvers in the country, Xinhua quoted as saying.
During the cyclone storm that swept Myanmar on May 2-3, 2008, more than 10,000 old-aged trees and other shade-providing ones were blown down, of which 6,000 were put upright.
These stem roots of trees of 30 to 100 years of age are sold freely to both domestic and foreign entrepreneurs for use in sculpture and decoration.
Besides, Myanmar has opened a wood garden at the People's Square in Yangon created with stem roots and branches from the cyclone-downed trees.
Myanmar Seeks Foreign Market For Sculptures
YANGON, Jan 25 (Bernama) -- Myanmar has been seeking foreign market for sale of wooden sculptures created with cyclone-downed trees and a total of 800 sculptures of 116 designs have been sold to a Beijing culture and arts company of China, sources with the Central Cooperative Society said.
Most of the exported sculptures are of Chinese and Myanmar traditional design and style, China's Xinhua news agency reported.
There are altogether over 2,000 post-Nargis sculptures in Myanmar with Asian and European traditional styles, animals, ethnic minorities, religion, furniture and modern statues, it said.
In March last year, a cyclone-related sculpture contest was held in Yangon, participated by a total of 200 woodcarvers in the country, Xinhua quoted as saying.
During the cyclone storm that swept Myanmar on May 2-3, 2008, more than 10,000 old-aged trees and other shade-providing ones were blown down, of which 6,000 were put upright.
These stem roots of trees of 30 to 100 years of age are sold freely to both domestic and foreign entrepreneurs for use in sculpture and decoration.
Besides, Myanmar has opened a wood garden at the People's Square in Yangon created with stem roots and branches from the cyclone-downed trees.
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Defense Industry Daily - More MiG-29s for Myanmar
24-Jan-2010 17:27 EST
In late December 2009, reports surfaced that Myanmar (formerly Burma) had signed a EUR 400 million (about $571 million) deal with Russia’s Rosoboronexport for 20 MiG-29D fighters. Some sources add a deal for more Mi-35 attack helicopters, and place the entire package at EUR 450 million. The Russian bid reportedly beat a Chinese offer to supply 4+ generation J-10/ FC-20 fighters, or the cheaper JF-17/ FC-1 Thunder lightweight fighter. Implicitly, it also edged out neighboring Malaysia, who is preparing to sell its MiG-29N fleet at a discounted price. This is good news for RAC-MiG, whose financial troubles and low order volume led to a shotgun merger with Russia’s state-owned United Aircraft Corporation, government bailouts, and doubts about the long-term future of its technologies.
By comparison, the Tripartite Core Group (UN, ASEAN, and Burma’s Junta) launched [PDF] a 3-year Post-[Cyclone] Nargis Recovery and Preparedness Plan (PONREPP) in February 2009, appealing for international donations of $691 million…
Myanmar’s air force ordered 12 MiG-29s from Russia in 2001, to supplement a fleet that mostly relies on Chinese F-7 (MiG-21 copy) and J-6/ Q-5 (MiG-19 copy and heavily modified MiG-19 derivative) fighters. Current levels of readiness among the regime’s existing aircraft types are uncertain, and in late January 2010, one of those F-7s crashed, killing the pilot. This is not uncommon with MiG-21s and their derivatives, which can be challenging to fly safely.
China has close relations with Myanmar, and remains one of its main international supporters, so its presence as Russia’s main arms competitor in Myanmar is hardly surprising. Russia’s MiGs gave it a foothold of its own, and the SPDC regime is also cooperating with Russia to build a nuclear power plant, reportedly a Russian 10-megawatt design with low enriched (under 20% U-235) uranium.
Those relations with Russia can be a somewhat touchy subject, it seems. Recently, the SPDC regime sentenced 2 government officials to death for leaking information about state visits to North Korea and to Russia, and about underground tunnels being built around the new capital with North Korean help.
24-Jan-2010 17:27 EST
In late December 2009, reports surfaced that Myanmar (formerly Burma) had signed a EUR 400 million (about $571 million) deal with Russia’s Rosoboronexport for 20 MiG-29D fighters. Some sources add a deal for more Mi-35 attack helicopters, and place the entire package at EUR 450 million. The Russian bid reportedly beat a Chinese offer to supply 4+ generation J-10/ FC-20 fighters, or the cheaper JF-17/ FC-1 Thunder lightweight fighter. Implicitly, it also edged out neighboring Malaysia, who is preparing to sell its MiG-29N fleet at a discounted price. This is good news for RAC-MiG, whose financial troubles and low order volume led to a shotgun merger with Russia’s state-owned United Aircraft Corporation, government bailouts, and doubts about the long-term future of its technologies.
By comparison, the Tripartite Core Group (UN, ASEAN, and Burma’s Junta) launched [PDF] a 3-year Post-[Cyclone] Nargis Recovery and Preparedness Plan (PONREPP) in February 2009, appealing for international donations of $691 million…
Myanmar’s air force ordered 12 MiG-29s from Russia in 2001, to supplement a fleet that mostly relies on Chinese F-7 (MiG-21 copy) and J-6/ Q-5 (MiG-19 copy and heavily modified MiG-19 derivative) fighters. Current levels of readiness among the regime’s existing aircraft types are uncertain, and in late January 2010, one of those F-7s crashed, killing the pilot. This is not uncommon with MiG-21s and their derivatives, which can be challenging to fly safely.
China has close relations with Myanmar, and remains one of its main international supporters, so its presence as Russia’s main arms competitor in Myanmar is hardly surprising. Russia’s MiGs gave it a foothold of its own, and the SPDC regime is also cooperating with Russia to build a nuclear power plant, reportedly a Russian 10-megawatt design with low enriched (under 20% U-235) uranium.
Those relations with Russia can be a somewhat touchy subject, it seems. Recently, the SPDC regime sentenced 2 government officials to death for leaking information about state visits to North Korea and to Russia, and about underground tunnels being built around the new capital with North Korean help.
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Times of India - Myanmar nod to joint ops against N-E militants
Vishwa Mohan, TNN, 25 January 2010, 02:02am
NEW DELHI: In a major boost for India, Myanmar is learnt to have agreed to launch "coordinated operations" to flush out north-east militants from its territory -- quite similar to what Bhutan did against ULFA by launching `Operation All Clear' in December 2003.
Besides, the neighbouring country's ruling junta has also promised to track down elusive ULFA commander-in-chief Paresh Baruah who is believed to be hiding somewhere in Myanmar's Kachin province bordering China.
These assurances were given at the three-day home secretary-level talks between the two countries which concluded in Myanmar's capital Nay Pay Taw on Thursday.
A senior home ministry official said, "Security forces of India and Myanmar will conduct coordinated operations in their respective territories in the next two-three months. The objective of the operations is that no militant should escape to the other side after facing heat on one side."
The Indian delegation, led by home secretary G K Pillai, included senior officials from Army and military intelligence including DGMI Lt Gen R K Loomba, unlike previous such meetings where generally home ministry officials used to outnumber others.
Though the official here did not specify when such coordinated operations would begin, he hinted that it would "more or less be like what Bhutan did six years ago".
"Indian Army and paramilitary personnel will lay a dragnet within Indian territory to nab the fleeing militants. The proposed operation on the other side will be solely carried out by Myanmar without any manpower or artillery support from Indian Army," said the official.
Bhutan had launched `Operation All Clear' on December 15, 2003 which resulted in elimination of at least 160 militants and arrests of hundreds of other ULFA cadres including its ideologues Bhimkanta Buragohain and Mithinga Daimari.
Besides ULFA, other north-east outfits including NSCN(IM), NSCN(K), PLA and UNLF too have their camps within Myanmarese territory. While ULFA has camps in the Kachin province bordering China, the other outfits have been operating from areas bordering India which touches Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram.
Referring to Baruah, the official said, "We have conveyed to the Myanmar delegation that we have information that the ULFA military chief is hiding in their territory and they assured us to track him down."
The Indian side also held detailed discussions with the Myanmar contingent led by Brigadier General Phone Swe on issues like activities of smugglers along the border, cross-border movement of insurgents, border trade and cross-border projects.
"The meeting was very positive as Myanmar assured us that it will address all our security concerns and promised to carry forward the cordial relations between the two countries," the official said.
Vishwa Mohan, TNN, 25 January 2010, 02:02am
NEW DELHI: In a major boost for India, Myanmar is learnt to have agreed to launch "coordinated operations" to flush out north-east militants from its territory -- quite similar to what Bhutan did against ULFA by launching `Operation All Clear' in December 2003.
Besides, the neighbouring country's ruling junta has also promised to track down elusive ULFA commander-in-chief Paresh Baruah who is believed to be hiding somewhere in Myanmar's Kachin province bordering China.
These assurances were given at the three-day home secretary-level talks between the two countries which concluded in Myanmar's capital Nay Pay Taw on Thursday.
A senior home ministry official said, "Security forces of India and Myanmar will conduct coordinated operations in their respective territories in the next two-three months. The objective of the operations is that no militant should escape to the other side after facing heat on one side."
The Indian delegation, led by home secretary G K Pillai, included senior officials from Army and military intelligence including DGMI Lt Gen R K Loomba, unlike previous such meetings where generally home ministry officials used to outnumber others.
Though the official here did not specify when such coordinated operations would begin, he hinted that it would "more or less be like what Bhutan did six years ago".
"Indian Army and paramilitary personnel will lay a dragnet within Indian territory to nab the fleeing militants. The proposed operation on the other side will be solely carried out by Myanmar without any manpower or artillery support from Indian Army," said the official.
Bhutan had launched `Operation All Clear' on December 15, 2003 which resulted in elimination of at least 160 militants and arrests of hundreds of other ULFA cadres including its ideologues Bhimkanta Buragohain and Mithinga Daimari.
Besides ULFA, other north-east outfits including NSCN(IM), NSCN(K), PLA and UNLF too have their camps within Myanmarese territory. While ULFA has camps in the Kachin province bordering China, the other outfits have been operating from areas bordering India which touches Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram.
Referring to Baruah, the official said, "We have conveyed to the Myanmar delegation that we have information that the ULFA military chief is hiding in their territory and they assured us to track him down."
The Indian side also held detailed discussions with the Myanmar contingent led by Brigadier General Phone Swe on issues like activities of smugglers along the border, cross-border movement of insurgents, border trade and cross-border projects.
"The meeting was very positive as Myanmar assured us that it will address all our security concerns and promised to carry forward the cordial relations between the two countries," the official said.
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Interconnectionworld - Bangladesh, Myanmar agree on equity and equidistance principles in demarcating bay boundary
Dhaka, Jan. 23 -- Bangladesh and Myanmar came closer in demarcating the maritime boundary as the two neighbors have agreed on the principles of equity and equidistance for apportioning their territorial waters in the Bay of Bengal. The agreement came at the fifth technical committee meeting between the two countries held in Chittagong on January 8-9, Foreign Secretary Mijarul Quayes disclosed at a press briefing at the Foreign Ministry today (Saturday).
"This is a very positive development," said the Foreign Secretary about the breakthrough that may head off the disputants from the international court of settlement into a bilateral deal on demarcation of the disputed area of the bay.
Myanmar earlier had not accepted Bangladesh's proposal for demarcating the maritime boundary on equity basis. And Bangladesh went to the international court of dispute settlement with Myanmar as well as India, the other clamant on the continental shelf of the bay.
The Foreign Secretary hoped that the talks would now make progress since the criteria of demarcation have been worked out.
Dhaka, Jan. 23 -- Bangladesh and Myanmar came closer in demarcating the maritime boundary as the two neighbors have agreed on the principles of equity and equidistance for apportioning their territorial waters in the Bay of Bengal. The agreement came at the fifth technical committee meeting between the two countries held in Chittagong on January 8-9, Foreign Secretary Mijarul Quayes disclosed at a press briefing at the Foreign Ministry today (Saturday).
"This is a very positive development," said the Foreign Secretary about the breakthrough that may head off the disputants from the international court of settlement into a bilateral deal on demarcation of the disputed area of the bay.
Myanmar earlier had not accepted Bangladesh's proposal for demarcating the maritime boundary on equity basis. And Bangladesh went to the international court of dispute settlement with Myanmar as well as India, the other clamant on the continental shelf of the bay.
The Foreign Secretary hoped that the talks would now make progress since the criteria of demarcation have been worked out.
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VOA News - Burmese Migrant Workers Fear New Thai Work Permit Rules
Ron Corben | Bangkok 21 January 2010
"There are individuals who are in real fear about providing information that might cause the government of Myanmar [Burma] to retaliate or to take action against the families." - International Labor Office migration expert Thetis Mangahas
Burmese migrant workers in Thailand fear new immigration and work permit procedures will make life harder for them and their families back home. Thai authorities say the new procedures will curb illegal migration but rights activists say the measures threaten the migrants' security.
The Thai cabinet has recently ordered migrant workers to verify their nationality to qualify for work permits.
The new guidelines cover over one million legal Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, as well as more than 200,000 workers from Laos and Cambodia.
Under the guidelines announced Tuesday, migrant workers must begin the new work permit procedures by February 28th or risk deportation.
The Thai government says the new rules are meant to control the flow of illegal migrants, now estimated to number three million. Panitan Wattanaygorn, a government spokesman, says the influx of illegal migrants has reached a critical stage.
"I think the situation is very critical had they not begun to implement this kind of policies or procedures," he said. "So the National Security Council sees this as a major concern for Thai security and they want to implement the law. But the law has to be adjusted so they have come up with this new proposal because we need foreign workers in Thailand," he said.
Thailand has long relied on migrant workers, who usually take tough, low-paying jobs in the construction, farming and fishing industries.
The government has been talking with officials in Burma, Laos and Cambodia since 2004 on ways to clarify the status of migrant workers.
The Lao and Cambodian governments agreed to send officials to Thailand so their nationals could verify their nationality without leaving the country.
Officials in Burma, also called Myanmar, refused to send staff to Thailand. Instead, Burmese workers must go to registration offices just across the border to complete the process.
Thetis Mangahas, a migration expert with the International Labor Office, says while a comprehensive migration policy is necessary, the new rules trouble Burmese workers.
Mangahas says the workers worry about how the information they provide will be used.
"There are individuals who are in real fear about providing information that might cause the government of Myanmar [Burma] to retaliate or to take action against the families. So you have a very complicated situation here and it's really as a result of policies which have not been thought through," said Mangahas.
There are reports that when a worker files the paperwork to start the new process, Burmese officials use the address to harass families for additional taxes.
Joseph Serrani is the foreign affairs coordinator with the Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma, an organization that offers training courses for Burmese migrants. He says the workers have little confidence in the Burmese government's national verification policy.
"Because of the past experiences of the government in Burma and the way they have treated their people most migrants see this as another opportunity for the government in Burma to exploit them further. So most migrants see this as an opportunity for the Burmese government to regularize them, somehow tax them," he said.
Na Bamoom Maha works as a nanny in Bangkok. She fears being sent back to Burma.
She says if the migrant workers fail to go through the verification process it may result in a crackdown against illegal and undocumented migrant workers. She says her family in Burma says if she cannot stay with a work permit, she should return home.
There also are risks with crossing the border. Young women, for instance, can become victims of human traffickers. Other workers may be forced to pay bribes to get the paperwork done. Some workers fear losing their jobs because they have to take time off to go to the border.
Migrant rights workers say some Burmese may go underground, rather than risk crossing the border.
The new rules also mean new costs for migrants - up to two month's wages. They have to pay for the new documents and the trip to the border, and often have to pay fees to the labor brokers who get them jobs.
Debbie Stothardt is with the activist group the Alternate ASEAN Network, which campaigns for political reforms in Burma.
"It is ironic and it's tragic that the lowest income earners doing the dirtiest, dangerous jobs are actually being forced to go through this process which is expensive and far too complicated," she said.
Despite the complaints of rights activists, the Thai government remains determined to implement the new guidelines. But experts on migrant labor in the region say the policy could be counterproductive, by driving more migrants to work illegally and putting them at risk of abuses by unscrupulous employers.
Ron Corben | Bangkok 21 January 2010
"There are individuals who are in real fear about providing information that might cause the government of Myanmar [Burma] to retaliate or to take action against the families." - International Labor Office migration expert Thetis Mangahas
Burmese migrant workers in Thailand fear new immigration and work permit procedures will make life harder for them and their families back home. Thai authorities say the new procedures will curb illegal migration but rights activists say the measures threaten the migrants' security.
The Thai cabinet has recently ordered migrant workers to verify their nationality to qualify for work permits.
The new guidelines cover over one million legal Burmese migrant workers in Thailand, as well as more than 200,000 workers from Laos and Cambodia.
Under the guidelines announced Tuesday, migrant workers must begin the new work permit procedures by February 28th or risk deportation.
The Thai government says the new rules are meant to control the flow of illegal migrants, now estimated to number three million. Panitan Wattanaygorn, a government spokesman, says the influx of illegal migrants has reached a critical stage.
"I think the situation is very critical had they not begun to implement this kind of policies or procedures," he said. "So the National Security Council sees this as a major concern for Thai security and they want to implement the law. But the law has to be adjusted so they have come up with this new proposal because we need foreign workers in Thailand," he said.
Thailand has long relied on migrant workers, who usually take tough, low-paying jobs in the construction, farming and fishing industries.
The government has been talking with officials in Burma, Laos and Cambodia since 2004 on ways to clarify the status of migrant workers.
The Lao and Cambodian governments agreed to send officials to Thailand so their nationals could verify their nationality without leaving the country.
Officials in Burma, also called Myanmar, refused to send staff to Thailand. Instead, Burmese workers must go to registration offices just across the border to complete the process.
Thetis Mangahas, a migration expert with the International Labor Office, says while a comprehensive migration policy is necessary, the new rules trouble Burmese workers.
Mangahas says the workers worry about how the information they provide will be used.
"There are individuals who are in real fear about providing information that might cause the government of Myanmar [Burma] to retaliate or to take action against the families. So you have a very complicated situation here and it's really as a result of policies which have not been thought through," said Mangahas.
There are reports that when a worker files the paperwork to start the new process, Burmese officials use the address to harass families for additional taxes.
Joseph Serrani is the foreign affairs coordinator with the Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma, an organization that offers training courses for Burmese migrants. He says the workers have little confidence in the Burmese government's national verification policy.
"Because of the past experiences of the government in Burma and the way they have treated their people most migrants see this as another opportunity for the government in Burma to exploit them further. So most migrants see this as an opportunity for the Burmese government to regularize them, somehow tax them," he said.
Na Bamoom Maha works as a nanny in Bangkok. She fears being sent back to Burma.
She says if the migrant workers fail to go through the verification process it may result in a crackdown against illegal and undocumented migrant workers. She says her family in Burma says if she cannot stay with a work permit, she should return home.
There also are risks with crossing the border. Young women, for instance, can become victims of human traffickers. Other workers may be forced to pay bribes to get the paperwork done. Some workers fear losing their jobs because they have to take time off to go to the border.
Migrant rights workers say some Burmese may go underground, rather than risk crossing the border.
The new rules also mean new costs for migrants - up to two month's wages. They have to pay for the new documents and the trip to the border, and often have to pay fees to the labor brokers who get them jobs.
Debbie Stothardt is with the activist group the Alternate ASEAN Network, which campaigns for political reforms in Burma.
"It is ironic and it's tragic that the lowest income earners doing the dirtiest, dangerous jobs are actually being forced to go through this process which is expensive and far too complicated," she said.
Despite the complaints of rights activists, the Thai government remains determined to implement the new guidelines. But experts on migrant labor in the region say the policy could be counterproductive, by driving more migrants to work illegally and putting them at risk of abuses by unscrupulous employers.
***************************************************************
People's Daily Online - Myanmar imposes heavy punishment upon sales of unlicensed video discs
10:11, January 25, 2010
The Myanmar authorities have imposed heavy punishment starting this year upon sales of unlicensed local and foreign VCD/DVD/EVD discs with a term of imprisonment ranging from six months to three years instead of just a cash fine previously, according to the Yangon City Development Committee Sunday.
Surprise check will be carried out against video production companies, video disc selling and leasing shops as well as individual residential houses, the sources said.
In the past, the authorities imposed a fine of 100,000 kyats ( 100 U.S. dollars) on such sale.
Meanwhile, the authorities warned that the illegally imported VCD/DVD/EVD features may imitate wrong life style, pointing that some scenes appearing in these records are against Myanmar culture and traditions and are considered not suitable for public show.
Action is also being taken against violators, who pirated video features, and VCD/DVD/EVD discs legally produced by local distributors to prevent exploitation of those in the profession.
According to earlier local report, at least dozens of big and small pirated-disc-selling shops in different townships were seized last year during surprise checks with a fine of 200,000 kyats (200 dollars) each imposed on the shops.
During the last few years, the Myanmar authorities occasionally seized and destroyed large amount of local and foreign uncensored, pornographic and pirated video tapes and discs valued at tens of thousands of U.S. dollars.
10:11, January 25, 2010
The Myanmar authorities have imposed heavy punishment starting this year upon sales of unlicensed local and foreign VCD/DVD/EVD discs with a term of imprisonment ranging from six months to three years instead of just a cash fine previously, according to the Yangon City Development Committee Sunday.
Surprise check will be carried out against video production companies, video disc selling and leasing shops as well as individual residential houses, the sources said.
In the past, the authorities imposed a fine of 100,000 kyats ( 100 U.S. dollars) on such sale.
Meanwhile, the authorities warned that the illegally imported VCD/DVD/EVD features may imitate wrong life style, pointing that some scenes appearing in these records are against Myanmar culture and traditions and are considered not suitable for public show.
Action is also being taken against violators, who pirated video features, and VCD/DVD/EVD discs legally produced by local distributors to prevent exploitation of those in the profession.
According to earlier local report, at least dozens of big and small pirated-disc-selling shops in different townships were seized last year during surprise checks with a fine of 200,000 kyats (200 dollars) each imposed on the shops.
During the last few years, the Myanmar authorities occasionally seized and destroyed large amount of local and foreign uncensored, pornographic and pirated video tapes and discs valued at tens of thousands of U.S. dollars.
***************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Refugees Under Pressure to Return to Burma
By LAWI WENG - Monday, January 25, 2010
About 3,000 Karen villagers who live in Tha Song Yang District in Tak Province in Thailand are under pressure from Thai authorities to return to Burma, according to human rights groups.
Thai authorities were scheduled to hold a meeting in Tha Song Yang district on Monday to determine the fate of the refugees, but rights group said it was postponed.
A Thai newspaper, The Nation, reported on Sunday that the meeting would be attended by the Thai military, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), the Karen Nation Union (KNU), NGOs and representatives from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
The DKBA is asking Thai authorities to order all 3,000 Karen refugees to return to Burma.
Last week, the Karen refugees were told they would be moved to Mae La refugee camp.
The pressure is directed at refugees now living in temporary camps who fled to Thailand due to fighting between the Karen National Liberation Army and a joint force of Burmese and DKBA troops in June 2009.
Sally Thompson, the deputy director of the Thai Burma Border Consortium, said, “Their future is undecided, whether they will be allowed to stay or not. There is daily pressure on people to return back across the border to Burma.
“There is a major concern if they have to return because the area is heavily mined. Any return should be voluntary because there are conflicts still ongoing in eastern Burma.”
The Karen Refugee Committee (KRC) based in Thailand said the Thai government is worried more Karen refugees may seek refuge in Thailand.
Many Karen villagers flee their homes because of the threat of conscription into government armies, forced labor and the risk posed by landmines planted around their villages by both the KNLA and the joint force of Burmese and DKBA troops.
A KRC representative said that a pregnant Karen refugee stepped on a landmine last week when she returned to check on her buffalo that remained in her village, causing serious injuring.
The DKBA and Burmese troops seized the headquarters of KNLA Brigade 7 in June 2009. The joint force unsuccessfully attempted to overrun KNLA Brigade 5 areas in Papun District in northern Karen State in September 2009.
Meanwhile, the Free Burma Rangers (FBR), a relief group operating in Karen State, reported on Jan. 21 that about 2,000 Karen refugees including women and children were displaced from 10 villages in Nyaunlebin District in Pegu Division on Jan. 17. The refugees face insufficient food, medical care and other basic necessities.
By LAWI WENG - Monday, January 25, 2010
About 3,000 Karen villagers who live in Tha Song Yang District in Tak Province in Thailand are under pressure from Thai authorities to return to Burma, according to human rights groups.
Thai authorities were scheduled to hold a meeting in Tha Song Yang district on Monday to determine the fate of the refugees, but rights group said it was postponed.
A Thai newspaper, The Nation, reported on Sunday that the meeting would be attended by the Thai military, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), the Karen Nation Union (KNU), NGOs and representatives from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
The DKBA is asking Thai authorities to order all 3,000 Karen refugees to return to Burma.
Last week, the Karen refugees were told they would be moved to Mae La refugee camp.
The pressure is directed at refugees now living in temporary camps who fled to Thailand due to fighting between the Karen National Liberation Army and a joint force of Burmese and DKBA troops in June 2009.
Sally Thompson, the deputy director of the Thai Burma Border Consortium, said, “Their future is undecided, whether they will be allowed to stay or not. There is daily pressure on people to return back across the border to Burma.
“There is a major concern if they have to return because the area is heavily mined. Any return should be voluntary because there are conflicts still ongoing in eastern Burma.”
The Karen Refugee Committee (KRC) based in Thailand said the Thai government is worried more Karen refugees may seek refuge in Thailand.
Many Karen villagers flee their homes because of the threat of conscription into government armies, forced labor and the risk posed by landmines planted around their villages by both the KNLA and the joint force of Burmese and DKBA troops.
A KRC representative said that a pregnant Karen refugee stepped on a landmine last week when she returned to check on her buffalo that remained in her village, causing serious injuring.
The DKBA and Burmese troops seized the headquarters of KNLA Brigade 7 in June 2009. The joint force unsuccessfully attempted to overrun KNLA Brigade 5 areas in Papun District in northern Karen State in September 2009.
Meanwhile, the Free Burma Rangers (FBR), a relief group operating in Karen State, reported on Jan. 21 that about 2,000 Karen refugees including women and children were displaced from 10 villages in Nyaunlebin District in Pegu Division on Jan. 17. The refugees face insufficient food, medical care and other basic necessities.
***************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Labor Pains
Monday, January 25, 2010
Finnish-born Kari Tapiola is the executive director of the International Labour Organization (ILO) and has been with the Geneva-based group since 1996. Last week, he paid a visit to Burma's administrative capital Naypyidaw to renew a one-year agreement which allows the United Nations to monitor complaints of forced labor.
During his stay in Burma, he discussed with Burmese Labor Minister Aung Kyi and other officials the issues of freedom of association and the rights of workers to organize freely. He visited locations where incidents of forced labor had been reported and met with family members of individuals imprisoned for reporting cases of forced labor to the ILO.
Question: What were the main topics of discussion between ILO officers and Labor Minister Aung Kyi? Did you reach any new agreements with the Burmese government?
Answer: The main topics were the functioning of the mechanism of complaints on forced labor and awareness-raising activities. We also had specific discussions on preventing the recruitment of minors into the army as well as on freedom of association.
We signed an extension of the trial period of the Supplementary Understanding, which in February 2007 established the complaints mechanism operated by the ILO liaison officer. This was the third extension, again for one year––from now until 2011––and is in unchanged form.
Q. What is the latest situation regarding forced labor in Burma? Could you also comment about underage recruitment in the army?
A. The use of forced labor remains a problem throughout the country. There are no figures available and currently there is no way of measuring it. Awareness of the need to abolish forced labor has increased among civilian authorities. However, we cannot say the same about the military. We have had complaints involving both civilian and military authorities. The military also runs large-scale business activities.
The forced recruitment of children into the military is a problem which has been recognized at a high level. We met with the authoritative committee on the prevention of underage recruitment, and we discussed concrete measures such as age verification, discharge procedures and punishment of perpetrators.
An increasing number of the complaints that we receive are on under-age recruitment which by definition is forced labor. In the first two years of the mechanism (2007-08), altogether 42 children were released within an average of 145 days. In 2009, the total was 30 children released in an average of 106 days. The number of these cases has increased and the time to find a resolution has shortened. Last week, while I was in the country, three new cases of under-age recruitment were received. The government has in practice reacted relatively rapidly and with positive action. Other forced labor cases are more complicated.
Q. Did the number of complaints from the public increase during the past year? To what extent is the ILO helping victims of forced labor in Burma?
A. The overall number of complaints has increased. They are mainly centered on under-age recruitment. There have been less complaints on other forms of forced labor, and I believe that this is because there have been arrests and imprisonment of complainants and their facilitators––people who have acted on their behalf. These events are widely known and obviously discourage the lodging of complaints.
Q. Did you call for the release of victims of forced labor who sent complaints to the ILO office in Rangoon? And how did the government respond to discussions on the “right to free association?”
A. As on all earlier occasions, we called for the release of all those who are in prison who have wanted to use the complaints mechanism and be in touch with the ILO. These cases are very serious.
As the Governing Body of the ILO has pointed out, solving these cases is fundamental to the operation of the complaints mechanism.
We had a discussion on the concepts and principles of freedom of association and the rights of workers to organize freely. The exchange was active. It involved several ministries, the Attorney-General's office and the Supreme Court. There are fundamental issues, not least of which is the complete absence of legally functioning workers' organizations.
Q. Are you satisfied with the government's collaboration with the ILO office in Rangoon? Do you see the government becoming more cooperative with the ILO office?
A. We have a good working relationship with Minister U Aung Kyi, the Labor Ministry and the Director-General level representatives of other ministries who are in the Working Group which follows up the complaints from the government's side. Cooperation has generally improved, but we are still not reaching all the levels needed for a sustained abolition of forced labor. I certainly hope that the cooperation will increase. The reasons for forced labor are complex and call for a broad engagement by, and joint efforts between, various groups, both civilian and military.
Q. What are the ILO's plans for 2010 in improving labor conditions in Burma?
A. It is to be remembered that as things are today, the ILO's mandate is to assist in the abolition of forced labor. The aim was set through the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry in 1998 and the related decisions by the ILO since then. Our plans for 2010 are to try to further secure that the complaints mechanism is fully operational and its rules are fully respected. If there is to be a significant decline in forced labor, more awareness and education are needed.
The [Burmese] government has now agreed to the production of a simply worded brochure which can be used as a tool in this process. Of course we will follow the political situation and respond positively to developments.
Monday, January 25, 2010
Finnish-born Kari Tapiola is the executive director of the International Labour Organization (ILO) and has been with the Geneva-based group since 1996. Last week, he paid a visit to Burma's administrative capital Naypyidaw to renew a one-year agreement which allows the United Nations to monitor complaints of forced labor.
During his stay in Burma, he discussed with Burmese Labor Minister Aung Kyi and other officials the issues of freedom of association and the rights of workers to organize freely. He visited locations where incidents of forced labor had been reported and met with family members of individuals imprisoned for reporting cases of forced labor to the ILO.
Question: What were the main topics of discussion between ILO officers and Labor Minister Aung Kyi? Did you reach any new agreements with the Burmese government?
Answer: The main topics were the functioning of the mechanism of complaints on forced labor and awareness-raising activities. We also had specific discussions on preventing the recruitment of minors into the army as well as on freedom of association.
We signed an extension of the trial period of the Supplementary Understanding, which in February 2007 established the complaints mechanism operated by the ILO liaison officer. This was the third extension, again for one year––from now until 2011––and is in unchanged form.
Q. What is the latest situation regarding forced labor in Burma? Could you also comment about underage recruitment in the army?
A. The use of forced labor remains a problem throughout the country. There are no figures available and currently there is no way of measuring it. Awareness of the need to abolish forced labor has increased among civilian authorities. However, we cannot say the same about the military. We have had complaints involving both civilian and military authorities. The military also runs large-scale business activities.
The forced recruitment of children into the military is a problem which has been recognized at a high level. We met with the authoritative committee on the prevention of underage recruitment, and we discussed concrete measures such as age verification, discharge procedures and punishment of perpetrators.
An increasing number of the complaints that we receive are on under-age recruitment which by definition is forced labor. In the first two years of the mechanism (2007-08), altogether 42 children were released within an average of 145 days. In 2009, the total was 30 children released in an average of 106 days. The number of these cases has increased and the time to find a resolution has shortened. Last week, while I was in the country, three new cases of under-age recruitment were received. The government has in practice reacted relatively rapidly and with positive action. Other forced labor cases are more complicated.
Q. Did the number of complaints from the public increase during the past year? To what extent is the ILO helping victims of forced labor in Burma?
A. The overall number of complaints has increased. They are mainly centered on under-age recruitment. There have been less complaints on other forms of forced labor, and I believe that this is because there have been arrests and imprisonment of complainants and their facilitators––people who have acted on their behalf. These events are widely known and obviously discourage the lodging of complaints.
Q. Did you call for the release of victims of forced labor who sent complaints to the ILO office in Rangoon? And how did the government respond to discussions on the “right to free association?”
A. As on all earlier occasions, we called for the release of all those who are in prison who have wanted to use the complaints mechanism and be in touch with the ILO. These cases are very serious.
As the Governing Body of the ILO has pointed out, solving these cases is fundamental to the operation of the complaints mechanism.
We had a discussion on the concepts and principles of freedom of association and the rights of workers to organize freely. The exchange was active. It involved several ministries, the Attorney-General's office and the Supreme Court. There are fundamental issues, not least of which is the complete absence of legally functioning workers' organizations.
Q. Are you satisfied with the government's collaboration with the ILO office in Rangoon? Do you see the government becoming more cooperative with the ILO office?
A. We have a good working relationship with Minister U Aung Kyi, the Labor Ministry and the Director-General level representatives of other ministries who are in the Working Group which follows up the complaints from the government's side. Cooperation has generally improved, but we are still not reaching all the levels needed for a sustained abolition of forced labor. I certainly hope that the cooperation will increase. The reasons for forced labor are complex and call for a broad engagement by, and joint efforts between, various groups, both civilian and military.
Q. What are the ILO's plans for 2010 in improving labor conditions in Burma?
A. It is to be remembered that as things are today, the ILO's mandate is to assist in the abolition of forced labor. The aim was set through the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry in 1998 and the related decisions by the ILO since then. Our plans for 2010 are to try to further secure that the complaints mechanism is fully operational and its rules are fully respected. If there is to be a significant decline in forced labor, more awareness and education are needed.
The [Burmese] government has now agreed to the production of a simply worded brochure which can be used as a tool in this process. Of course we will follow the political situation and respond positively to developments.
***************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Burmese Media Denies Reports of Mutiny, Attacks BBC
By WAI MOE - Saturday, January 23, 2010
Burma's state-run media slammed the BBC Burmese Service on Saturday for reporting alleged cases of mutiny in Pegu Division, saying that the ruling regime would “never accept any scheme to break up the Tatmadaw [Burmese armed forces].”
In commentaries run in both Burmese and English, state-run newspapers accused the BBC of fabricating a series of reports of unrest within the ranks of the military that have been broadcast by the BBC's shortwave radio service over the past month.
“Since the last week of December 2009, the BBC has been airing slanderous accusations with the aim of disintegrating the Tatmadaw,” the state-run New Light of Myanmar claimed.
“In fact, the story put in the Internet including the broadcasting of BBC is a complete fabrication. At the respective regiments and battalions, there was no mutiny, resignation and discontentment.”
Since Dec. 23, the BBC's Burmese-language service has reported several cases of mutiny involving troops from Light Infantry Division (LID) 66, based in Prome, western Pegu Division; LID 77, based in Hmawbi and Pegu; and Military Affairs Security (formerly known as the Military Intelligence Service).
According to BBC correspondent U Than, who is based in Sangkhlaburi, Thailand, a number of people were killed or injured in exchanges of gunfire or during mass resignations of soldiers resulting from economic hardship.
In response, the state media said: “Although we want the Tatmadaw to be strong and firm, we have noticed that there are still some wicked, narrow-minded people who want to see it become weak and break up.”
“It is crystal clear that skyful liers [sic] made their fabricated news and stories as they are instructed by their stooges inside the country to break up the unity of the Tatmadaw and divide it.”
A resident of Prome, where one of the incidents allegedly took place, said he could not confirm the reports of mutiny. “But it is true that like most Burmese people, Tatamadaw soldiers are suffering economic hardships,” he said.
The gap between ordinary soldiers and officers in terms of salary and opportunities is quite huge. Ordinary soldiers earn just 16,000 kyat (US $16) a month, while the lowest-ranking officers get more than ten times that amount.
Observers say the downfall of the Burmese military regime will probably come from conflict within the Tatadaw rather than from political opposition or any external threat.
According to the influential Economist Intelligence Unit, “Perhaps the biggest threat to the junta’s long-term grip on power is internal strife.”
Following an information leak to the media about secret military ties between Burma and North Korea, dozens of military and civilian officials in Naypyidaw were detained and interrogated. A former major, Win Naing Kyaw, and a staffer of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were sentenced to death for the leak, while another person involved in the case received a long prison sentence.
Recently the military junta reshuffled six general staff officers from the War Office to the front lines. Some suspect the reshuffle was related to the information leak.
Although the BBC Burmese Service first broadcast its reports about the mutiny among Burmese troops on Dec. 23, the Burmese state media didn't respond until Saturday.
Journalists in Rangoon said that the government media published the response to the BBC reports because the reports have been spreading among Burmese troops across the country.
“True or not, the BBC reports have begun to spread within the Tatmadaw and across the country,” said an editor with a Rangoon-based journal who spoke on condition of anonymity.
“The ruling generals don't care what civilians think, but they're worried about what soldiers think. That's why they responded,” he added. “This story in today's newspapers is definitely aimed at soldiers.”
By WAI MOE - Saturday, January 23, 2010
Burma's state-run media slammed the BBC Burmese Service on Saturday for reporting alleged cases of mutiny in Pegu Division, saying that the ruling regime would “never accept any scheme to break up the Tatmadaw [Burmese armed forces].”
In commentaries run in both Burmese and English, state-run newspapers accused the BBC of fabricating a series of reports of unrest within the ranks of the military that have been broadcast by the BBC's shortwave radio service over the past month.
“Since the last week of December 2009, the BBC has been airing slanderous accusations with the aim of disintegrating the Tatmadaw,” the state-run New Light of Myanmar claimed.
“In fact, the story put in the Internet including the broadcasting of BBC is a complete fabrication. At the respective regiments and battalions, there was no mutiny, resignation and discontentment.”
Since Dec. 23, the BBC's Burmese-language service has reported several cases of mutiny involving troops from Light Infantry Division (LID) 66, based in Prome, western Pegu Division; LID 77, based in Hmawbi and Pegu; and Military Affairs Security (formerly known as the Military Intelligence Service).
According to BBC correspondent U Than, who is based in Sangkhlaburi, Thailand, a number of people were killed or injured in exchanges of gunfire or during mass resignations of soldiers resulting from economic hardship.
In response, the state media said: “Although we want the Tatmadaw to be strong and firm, we have noticed that there are still some wicked, narrow-minded people who want to see it become weak and break up.”
“It is crystal clear that skyful liers [sic] made their fabricated news and stories as they are instructed by their stooges inside the country to break up the unity of the Tatmadaw and divide it.”
A resident of Prome, where one of the incidents allegedly took place, said he could not confirm the reports of mutiny. “But it is true that like most Burmese people, Tatamadaw soldiers are suffering economic hardships,” he said.
The gap between ordinary soldiers and officers in terms of salary and opportunities is quite huge. Ordinary soldiers earn just 16,000 kyat (US $16) a month, while the lowest-ranking officers get more than ten times that amount.
Observers say the downfall of the Burmese military regime will probably come from conflict within the Tatadaw rather than from political opposition or any external threat.
According to the influential Economist Intelligence Unit, “Perhaps the biggest threat to the junta’s long-term grip on power is internal strife.”
Following an information leak to the media about secret military ties between Burma and North Korea, dozens of military and civilian officials in Naypyidaw were detained and interrogated. A former major, Win Naing Kyaw, and a staffer of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were sentenced to death for the leak, while another person involved in the case received a long prison sentence.
Recently the military junta reshuffled six general staff officers from the War Office to the front lines. Some suspect the reshuffle was related to the information leak.
Although the BBC Burmese Service first broadcast its reports about the mutiny among Burmese troops on Dec. 23, the Burmese state media didn't respond until Saturday.
Journalists in Rangoon said that the government media published the response to the BBC reports because the reports have been spreading among Burmese troops across the country.
“True or not, the BBC reports have begun to spread within the Tatmadaw and across the country,” said an editor with a Rangoon-based journal who spoke on condition of anonymity.
“The ruling generals don't care what civilians think, but they're worried about what soldiers think. That's why they responded,” he added. “This story in today's newspapers is definitely aimed at soldiers.”
***************************************************************
Verdict for US citizen ‘due Wednesday’
Jan 25, 2010 (DVB)–The outcome of the trial in which a Burmese-born US citizen is accused of fraud and forgery will be announced on Wednesday this week, his lawyer said.
The lawyer for Nyi Nyi Aung, also known as Kyaw Zaw Lwin, said however that the three charges brought against his client by a Rangoon court are false. If found guilty, he could face a maximum 17 years in prison.
Analysts have also argued that the trial was politically motivated, stemming from the work Nyi Nyi Aung has done as an activist since fleeing Burma to the US in 1993.
Lawyer Nyan Win said that the charge of possession of fake identification carried “absolutely no evidence that Nyi Nyi Aung had either made or used [the ID]”.
Likewise, another charge of carrying excessive amounts of the Burmese currency was “built on a Personal Declaration Form which he had not yet handed to airport customs” after he arrived at Rangoon airport on 3 September last year.
“The form was allegedly seized from him after he was arrested and it has his handwriting on it,” said Nyan Win. “However, the form was handed to customs by airport security and it wasn’t his official declaration.”
Nyi Nyi Aung was arrested immediately upon arrival at the airport, with initial speculation that the Burmese government had linked him to the preparatory phase of a series of bombings that hit Rangoon on 16 and 17 September.
His wife later said that he had travelled to Burma to visit his mother, who is sick with cancer. He had reportedly made several trips to Burma since he fled seventeen years ago.
The third charge was brought under the Myanmar Residents’ Identification Law. Nyan Win said however that “even the law’s name doesn’t have any relevance with Nyi Nyi Aung – he is not resident in Burma.”
“Also the law itself includes a paragraph stating that it has no relevance for foreigners, such as Nyi Nyi Aung,” he added.
Nyan Win also refuted rumours that Nyi Nyi Aung was last week moved to solitary confinement in Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison. Instead, prison officials had placed cloth around his cell to restrict contact with other prisoners, he said.
The US embassy in Rangoon has been allowed only sporadic visits to Insein prison to meet with Nyi Nyi Aung, although an embassy spokesperson said last week that it was regularly pushing the government to allow for more regular access.
Reporting by Khin Hnin Htet
Jan 25, 2010 (DVB)–The outcome of the trial in which a Burmese-born US citizen is accused of fraud and forgery will be announced on Wednesday this week, his lawyer said.
The lawyer for Nyi Nyi Aung, also known as Kyaw Zaw Lwin, said however that the three charges brought against his client by a Rangoon court are false. If found guilty, he could face a maximum 17 years in prison.
Analysts have also argued that the trial was politically motivated, stemming from the work Nyi Nyi Aung has done as an activist since fleeing Burma to the US in 1993.
Lawyer Nyan Win said that the charge of possession of fake identification carried “absolutely no evidence that Nyi Nyi Aung had either made or used [the ID]”.
Likewise, another charge of carrying excessive amounts of the Burmese currency was “built on a Personal Declaration Form which he had not yet handed to airport customs” after he arrived at Rangoon airport on 3 September last year.
“The form was allegedly seized from him after he was arrested and it has his handwriting on it,” said Nyan Win. “However, the form was handed to customs by airport security and it wasn’t his official declaration.”
Nyi Nyi Aung was arrested immediately upon arrival at the airport, with initial speculation that the Burmese government had linked him to the preparatory phase of a series of bombings that hit Rangoon on 16 and 17 September.
His wife later said that he had travelled to Burma to visit his mother, who is sick with cancer. He had reportedly made several trips to Burma since he fled seventeen years ago.
The third charge was brought under the Myanmar Residents’ Identification Law. Nyan Win said however that “even the law’s name doesn’t have any relevance with Nyi Nyi Aung – he is not resident in Burma.”
“Also the law itself includes a paragraph stating that it has no relevance for foreigners, such as Nyi Nyi Aung,” he added.
Nyan Win also refuted rumours that Nyi Nyi Aung was last week moved to solitary confinement in Rangoon’s notorious Insein prison. Instead, prison officials had placed cloth around his cell to restrict contact with other prisoners, he said.
The US embassy in Rangoon has been allowed only sporadic visits to Insein prison to meet with Nyi Nyi Aung, although an embassy spokesperson said last week that it was regularly pushing the government to allow for more regular access.
Reporting by Khin Hnin Htet
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