Myanmar's Suu Kyi seeks to meet Western diplomats
Mon Sep 28, 6:39 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is seeking permission from Myanmar's government to meet with Western diplomats about having their countries lift sanctions against the military regime, her party said Monday.
The request came in a letter she sent Friday to junta leader Senior Gen. Than Shwe, stating her willingness to cooperate with the junta to have the sanctions lifted, said a statement from her National League for Democracy party.
Her position, originally announced last week, appears to signal a change in her attitude toward sanctions, which she had previously welcomed as a way to pressure the junta to achieve political reconciliation with the pro-democracy movement.
The U.S. and other Western nations apply political and economic sanctions against the military regime because of its poor human rights record, and failure to turn over power to Suu Kyi's party, which won general elections in 1990.
Suu Kyi's lawyer, Nyan Win, also a spokesman for her party, said last week that Suu Kyi has always declared that she will cooperate with the government on lifting sanctions.
However, Suu Kyi and her pro-democracy movement have always insisted on concessions from the government if they are to work together, particularly the freeing of political prisoners and the reopening of her party offices around the country that were closed by authorities.
Suu Kyi has been in detention for about 14 of the past 20 years, and was sentenced in August to a new 18-month term of house arrest. She has been in near-total isolation during the past five years, with visiting U.N. envoys the only diplomats allowed to see her.
In October 2007, Than Shwe said he would talk with Suu Kyi on condition that she renounced calls for international sanctions against the military regime and abandoned her confrontational stance.
Myanmar has been in a political deadlock since 1990 after the military refused to allow Suu Kyi to take power after her party swept elections. Several efforts to promote a dialogue between the pro-democracy movement and the government, heavily promoted by the United Nations, have failed.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said last week that the Obama administration will change Washington's hardline policy and engage in direct high-level talks with the junta to promote democracy. She said U.S. sanctions against members of Myanmar's leadership would remain in place but would be accompanied by outreach.
The army has ruled Myanmar since 1962.
Mon Sep 28, 6:39 am ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is seeking permission from Myanmar's government to meet with Western diplomats about having their countries lift sanctions against the military regime, her party said Monday.
The request came in a letter she sent Friday to junta leader Senior Gen. Than Shwe, stating her willingness to cooperate with the junta to have the sanctions lifted, said a statement from her National League for Democracy party.
Her position, originally announced last week, appears to signal a change in her attitude toward sanctions, which she had previously welcomed as a way to pressure the junta to achieve political reconciliation with the pro-democracy movement.
The U.S. and other Western nations apply political and economic sanctions against the military regime because of its poor human rights record, and failure to turn over power to Suu Kyi's party, which won general elections in 1990.
Suu Kyi's lawyer, Nyan Win, also a spokesman for her party, said last week that Suu Kyi has always declared that she will cooperate with the government on lifting sanctions.
However, Suu Kyi and her pro-democracy movement have always insisted on concessions from the government if they are to work together, particularly the freeing of political prisoners and the reopening of her party offices around the country that were closed by authorities.
Suu Kyi has been in detention for about 14 of the past 20 years, and was sentenced in August to a new 18-month term of house arrest. She has been in near-total isolation during the past five years, with visiting U.N. envoys the only diplomats allowed to see her.
In October 2007, Than Shwe said he would talk with Suu Kyi on condition that she renounced calls for international sanctions against the military regime and abandoned her confrontational stance.
Myanmar has been in a political deadlock since 1990 after the military refused to allow Suu Kyi to take power after her party swept elections. Several efforts to promote a dialogue between the pro-democracy movement and the government, heavily promoted by the United Nations, have failed.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said last week that the Obama administration will change Washington's hardline policy and engage in direct high-level talks with the junta to promote democracy. She said U.S. sanctions against members of Myanmar's leadership would remain in place but would be accompanied by outreach.
The army has ruled Myanmar since 1962.
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UN urges Asian nations to get tougher on Myanmar
By WILL WEISSERT, Associated Press Writer Will – Sun Sep 27, 12:43 am ET
UNITED NATIONS (AP) – Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged a ministerial meeting of southeast Asian nations late Saturday to take a tougher line with fellow member Myanmar in hopes its military junta will free political prisoners and hold fair elections.
Ban said it is in the best interest of the rest of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations to lean on Myanmar to free political prisoners, including democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The 64-year-old Nobel Peace laureate has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years, since leading a pro-democracy uprising that was crushed by Myanmar's military junta.
ASEAN members generally refrain from criticizing one another, however.
"Our collective interest is to find ways to encourage Myanmar to free Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners, start a genuine political dialogue and create conditions conducive to credible elections," Ban said.
Last week, Myanmar's ruling junta released at least 25 political detainees as part of an amnesty, but that figure was believed to be only about 1 percent of all political inmates being held. Authorities want the former prisoners to participate in next year's vote.
Ban called the amnesty "a step in the right direction (that) falls short of expectations" and said next year's election has to be credible.
"Next year will be critical," he said. "The first planned election in two decades must be held in an inclusive and credible manner if they are to advance stability, democracy, reconciliation, national development and respect for human rights."
Myanmar Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein is scheduled to speak at the U.N. General Assembly's ministerial meeting on Monday, the highest-ranking junta official to do so in 14 years.
"Myanmar has an opportunity to demonstrate to its people and to the international community its clear commitment to an inclusive political transition," Ban said. "It is an opportunity Myanmar should not miss."
"ASEAN countries have an important role to play in this effort — first and foremost to ensure the well-being of the people of Myanmar, but also in the wider interest of peace and security in the region," he said.
Washington has traditionally been Myanmar's strongest critic, applying political and economic sanctions against the junta.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said Thursday sanctions against Myanmar will continue, but that "engagement versus sanctions is a false choice in our opinion, so going forward we will be employing both of those tools."
ASEAN consists of Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
By WILL WEISSERT, Associated Press Writer Will – Sun Sep 27, 12:43 am ET
UNITED NATIONS (AP) – Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged a ministerial meeting of southeast Asian nations late Saturday to take a tougher line with fellow member Myanmar in hopes its military junta will free political prisoners and hold fair elections.
Ban said it is in the best interest of the rest of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations to lean on Myanmar to free political prisoners, including democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The 64-year-old Nobel Peace laureate has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years, since leading a pro-democracy uprising that was crushed by Myanmar's military junta.
ASEAN members generally refrain from criticizing one another, however.
"Our collective interest is to find ways to encourage Myanmar to free Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners, start a genuine political dialogue and create conditions conducive to credible elections," Ban said.
Last week, Myanmar's ruling junta released at least 25 political detainees as part of an amnesty, but that figure was believed to be only about 1 percent of all political inmates being held. Authorities want the former prisoners to participate in next year's vote.
Ban called the amnesty "a step in the right direction (that) falls short of expectations" and said next year's election has to be credible.
"Next year will be critical," he said. "The first planned election in two decades must be held in an inclusive and credible manner if they are to advance stability, democracy, reconciliation, national development and respect for human rights."
Myanmar Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein is scheduled to speak at the U.N. General Assembly's ministerial meeting on Monday, the highest-ranking junta official to do so in 14 years.
"Myanmar has an opportunity to demonstrate to its people and to the international community its clear commitment to an inclusive political transition," Ban said. "It is an opportunity Myanmar should not miss."
"ASEAN countries have an important role to play in this effort — first and foremost to ensure the well-being of the people of Myanmar, but also in the wider interest of peace and security in the region," he said.
Washington has traditionally been Myanmar's strongest critic, applying political and economic sanctions against the junta.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton said Thursday sanctions against Myanmar will continue, but that "engagement versus sanctions is a false choice in our opinion, so going forward we will be employing both of those tools."
ASEAN consists of Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.
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At UN, Myanmar blasts sanctions, pledges democracy
By JOHN HEILPRIN, Associated Press Writer – 5 mins ago
UNITED NATIONS (AP) – The highest-ranking official from Myanmar's military government to appear before the U.N. General Assembly in 14 years lashed out Monday against Western sanctions on his country, but promised to take "systematic steps to hold free and fair elections" next year.
Defiance of the West underpinned the speech by Myanmar's prime minister, Gen. Thein Sein, even as he outlined the military junta's plans for its "transition to democracy" long sought by the United States, Britain, France and their Western allies.
"Sanctions are being employed as a political tool against Myanmar and we consider them unjust," Thein Sein said during the General Assembly's annual high-level gathering that began last week at U.N. headquarters in New York. "Democracy cannot be imposed from the outside and a system suitable for Myanmar can only be born out of Myanmar society."
His speech came two days after U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged a ministerial meeting of southeast Asian nations to take a tougher line on Myanmar, also known as Burma. Ban's own diplomatic efforts during two high-profile trips there since last year have yielded few tangible short-term results.
The United States has traditionally been Myanmar's strongest critic, applying political and economic sanctions against the military regime.
The U.S. and other Western nations have been pressing the sanctions because of its poor human rights record and its failure to turn over power to opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party, which won general elections in 1990.
However, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton announced last week a new policy of engagement, including direct high-level talks with the military regime to promote democracy, instead of simply trying to isolate it. She said U.S. sanctions against members of Myanmar's leadership would remain in place.
Clinton also attended Ban's so-called "Group of Friends on Myanmar" at the foreign minister level. Afterward, Singaporean Foreign Minister George Yeo told reporters that re-engaging "will enable the U.S. and Europe to have more influence in the political evolution of the country."
China and Russia, two of Myanmar's main weapons suppliers and trading partners, oppose the idea of a U.N.-backed international arms embargo, and they also blocked the U.N. Security Council from anything more than a weak protest of Suu Kyi's return to house arrest on Aug. 11.
Thein said new electoral laws will be fashioned and a new election commission will be formed "so that political parties can be formed and contest the elections."
A bicameral legislature is planned, he said, and a government will be formed under a new Constitution. The adoption of the new and disputed Constitution — approved in a nationwide referendum pushed through in May 2008 despite the wreckage and chaos of Cyclone Nargis weeks earlier — is intended to return Myanmar to civilian rule after four and a half decades.
Thein Sein said it "is envisaged that the president would be elected by a presidential electoral college" and the nation "will be composed of seven states, seven regions, five self-administered zones and one self-administered division." There also would be 14 state and regional legislatures.
The army has ruled Myanmar since 1962. Several U.N. efforts to promote a dialogue between the pro-democracy movement and the junta led by Senior Gen. Than Shwe have failed. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi has been in detention for about 14 of the past 20 years and continuously since May 2003.
The Security Council and Ban have repeatedly urged the military junta to free the 64-year-old Suu Kyi and 2,200 other political prisoners, and to hold fair elections in 2010. Than Shwe has largely ignored those four Security Council statements and direct entreaties by Ban and a top envoy.
Nor has Myanmar's government released all the 200 political prisoners that Ibrahim Gambari, Ban's top envoy, told The Associated Press he expected would be freed after Ban's most recent visit in early July.
Myanmar's ruling junta last week released at least 54 political detainees as part of an amnesty, only about 1 percent of the 7,114 prisoners planned for release around the country, according to Aung Din, executive director of Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma.
U.S. Sen. James Webb, a Virginia Democrat, paid a rare visit to Myanmar over summer and, after an audience with Than Shwe, won the release of the American whose intrusion at Suu Kyi's home caused her continued house arrest.
Webb's office said Monday he was to meet with Thein Sein in New York.
Thein Sein complained to the U.N. that Myanmar has received "only half" of the $691 million pledged over three years by international donors for the post-Nargis rebuilding. Experts cite the global financial crisis and Suu Kyi's trial as factors in the slowing donations.
"We have been carrying out many of the rehabilitation activities relying on our own funds and resources," the prime minister said, adding that the promised money would make the rebuilding "speedier and more effective."
By JOHN HEILPRIN, Associated Press Writer – 5 mins ago
UNITED NATIONS (AP) – The highest-ranking official from Myanmar's military government to appear before the U.N. General Assembly in 14 years lashed out Monday against Western sanctions on his country, but promised to take "systematic steps to hold free and fair elections" next year.
Defiance of the West underpinned the speech by Myanmar's prime minister, Gen. Thein Sein, even as he outlined the military junta's plans for its "transition to democracy" long sought by the United States, Britain, France and their Western allies.
"Sanctions are being employed as a political tool against Myanmar and we consider them unjust," Thein Sein said during the General Assembly's annual high-level gathering that began last week at U.N. headquarters in New York. "Democracy cannot be imposed from the outside and a system suitable for Myanmar can only be born out of Myanmar society."
His speech came two days after U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged a ministerial meeting of southeast Asian nations to take a tougher line on Myanmar, also known as Burma. Ban's own diplomatic efforts during two high-profile trips there since last year have yielded few tangible short-term results.
The United States has traditionally been Myanmar's strongest critic, applying political and economic sanctions against the military regime.
The U.S. and other Western nations have been pressing the sanctions because of its poor human rights record and its failure to turn over power to opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party, which won general elections in 1990.
However, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton announced last week a new policy of engagement, including direct high-level talks with the military regime to promote democracy, instead of simply trying to isolate it. She said U.S. sanctions against members of Myanmar's leadership would remain in place.
Clinton also attended Ban's so-called "Group of Friends on Myanmar" at the foreign minister level. Afterward, Singaporean Foreign Minister George Yeo told reporters that re-engaging "will enable the U.S. and Europe to have more influence in the political evolution of the country."
China and Russia, two of Myanmar's main weapons suppliers and trading partners, oppose the idea of a U.N.-backed international arms embargo, and they also blocked the U.N. Security Council from anything more than a weak protest of Suu Kyi's return to house arrest on Aug. 11.
Thein said new electoral laws will be fashioned and a new election commission will be formed "so that political parties can be formed and contest the elections."
A bicameral legislature is planned, he said, and a government will be formed under a new Constitution. The adoption of the new and disputed Constitution — approved in a nationwide referendum pushed through in May 2008 despite the wreckage and chaos of Cyclone Nargis weeks earlier — is intended to return Myanmar to civilian rule after four and a half decades.
Thein Sein said it "is envisaged that the president would be elected by a presidential electoral college" and the nation "will be composed of seven states, seven regions, five self-administered zones and one self-administered division." There also would be 14 state and regional legislatures.
The army has ruled Myanmar since 1962. Several U.N. efforts to promote a dialogue between the pro-democracy movement and the junta led by Senior Gen. Than Shwe have failed. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi has been in detention for about 14 of the past 20 years and continuously since May 2003.
The Security Council and Ban have repeatedly urged the military junta to free the 64-year-old Suu Kyi and 2,200 other political prisoners, and to hold fair elections in 2010. Than Shwe has largely ignored those four Security Council statements and direct entreaties by Ban and a top envoy.
Nor has Myanmar's government released all the 200 political prisoners that Ibrahim Gambari, Ban's top envoy, told The Associated Press he expected would be freed after Ban's most recent visit in early July.
Myanmar's ruling junta last week released at least 54 political detainees as part of an amnesty, only about 1 percent of the 7,114 prisoners planned for release around the country, according to Aung Din, executive director of Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma.
U.S. Sen. James Webb, a Virginia Democrat, paid a rare visit to Myanmar over summer and, after an audience with Than Shwe, won the release of the American whose intrusion at Suu Kyi's home caused her continued house arrest.
Webb's office said Monday he was to meet with Thein Sein in New York.
Thein Sein complained to the U.N. that Myanmar has received "only half" of the $691 million pledged over three years by international donors for the post-Nargis rebuilding. Experts cite the global financial crisis and Suu Kyi's trial as factors in the slowing donations.
"We have been carrying out many of the rehabilitation activities relying on our own funds and resources," the prime minister said, adding that the promised money would make the rebuilding "speedier and more effective."
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Security tight on anniversary of Myanmar crackdown
AP - Monday, September 28
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Riot police manned the main roads in Myanmar's biggest city Sunday in an apparent attempt to prevent unrest on the second anniversary of a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.
Dozens of police and security officers were also deployed near the Yangon headquarters of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, which held a ceremony to mark the 21st anniversary of the party's founding.
No unrest was reported in the city.
In 2007, monk-led demonstrations attracted up to 100,000 people. The junta put down the protests with force, killing at least 31 people and detaining thousands, some of whom remain in jail. The country is believed to hold roughly 65,000 prisoners, including more than 2,200 political detainees, according to human rights groups.
The NLD anniversary was attended Sunday by about 300 people including party members, diplomats and reporters.
In a statement, the party reiterated its call for the release of political prisoners, including Suu Kyi _ who has spent 14 of the last 20 years in detention_ and her deputy Tin Oo, to create a political climate conducive to national reconciliation.
The party also called on the government to allow its branches to reopen to allow its members to organize freely.
The NLD was founded in 1988 after an abortive pro-democracy uprising, and since then has faced almost constant harassment from the ruling military.
Myanmar has been in a political deadlock since 1990, when Suu Kyi's party won a general election by a landslide but was not allowed to take power by the military. The army has ruled Myanmar since 1962. Efforts to promote a dialogue between the pro-democracy movement and the government have failed.
AP - Monday, September 28
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) – Riot police manned the main roads in Myanmar's biggest city Sunday in an apparent attempt to prevent unrest on the second anniversary of a bloody crackdown on pro-democracy protesters.
Dozens of police and security officers were also deployed near the Yangon headquarters of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, which held a ceremony to mark the 21st anniversary of the party's founding.
No unrest was reported in the city.
In 2007, monk-led demonstrations attracted up to 100,000 people. The junta put down the protests with force, killing at least 31 people and detaining thousands, some of whom remain in jail. The country is believed to hold roughly 65,000 prisoners, including more than 2,200 political detainees, according to human rights groups.
The NLD anniversary was attended Sunday by about 300 people including party members, diplomats and reporters.
In a statement, the party reiterated its call for the release of political prisoners, including Suu Kyi _ who has spent 14 of the last 20 years in detention_ and her deputy Tin Oo, to create a political climate conducive to national reconciliation.
The party also called on the government to allow its branches to reopen to allow its members to organize freely.
The NLD was founded in 1988 after an abortive pro-democracy uprising, and since then has faced almost constant harassment from the ruling military.
Myanmar has been in a political deadlock since 1990, when Suu Kyi's party won a general election by a landslide but was not allowed to take power by the military. The army has ruled Myanmar since 1962. Efforts to promote a dialogue between the pro-democracy movement and the government have failed.
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200 Myanmar refugees flee Indonesian shelters
AP - 2 hours 40 minutes ago
JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) – Officials say nearly 200 boat people fleeing persecution in Myanmar have fled their temporary shelters in Indonesia after the government threatened to expel half of them.
Nasruddin Abubakar, a district head in East Aceh province, said Monday that the group of Rohingya men escaped over the weekend to seek jobs in Malaysia. He says they left on fishing boats with the help of locals.
Thousands of the Rohingyas, a stateless Muslim group persecuted under the military regime in Myanmar, have left since last year in overcrowded boats. Many recounted being abused by the navy of neighboring Thailand and watching others drown.
About 400 men washed onto the shores of Aceh province in January and February, and were provided basic shelter.
AP - 2 hours 40 minutes ago
JAKARTA, Indonesia (AP) – Officials say nearly 200 boat people fleeing persecution in Myanmar have fled their temporary shelters in Indonesia after the government threatened to expel half of them.
Nasruddin Abubakar, a district head in East Aceh province, said Monday that the group of Rohingya men escaped over the weekend to seek jobs in Malaysia. He says they left on fishing boats with the help of locals.
Thousands of the Rohingyas, a stateless Muslim group persecuted under the military regime in Myanmar, have left since last year in overcrowded boats. Many recounted being abused by the navy of neighboring Thailand and watching others drown.
About 400 men washed onto the shores of Aceh province in January and February, and were provided basic shelter.
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Myanmar's Suu Kyi party calls for her freedom
Sun Sep 27, 5:30 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar's leading opposition party marked its 21st anniversary Sunday by calling on the country's military regime to free its detained leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
Around 250 party members, diplomats and former political prisoners attended a gathering at the National League for Democracy's headquarters in Yangon, amid tight security, to celebrate the party's formation in 1988.
"On our anniversary day I want to say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be allowed to take part freely in politics. She herself is a politician and our party is acknowledged by the government," NLD spokesman Nyan Win told AFP.
The party also called for the release of other detained political prisoners and the reopening of its regional offices around the country.
The NLD won a landslide in 1990 elections but the junta refused to recognise the victory, and pro-democracy icon Suu Kyi has spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest or in jail.
The ruling generals extended her house arrest by 18 months in August after convicting her of breaching the terms of her detention, after an American man swam uninvited to her house.
The sentence keeps her out of the way for elections promised by the junta in 2010. The NLD has not yet said if it will take part in the polls, which critics say are a sham to legitimise the generals' grip on power.
But Suu Kyi has written to military regime leader Than Shwe with suggestions about how to get Western sanctions against the country lifted, after years of espousing punitive measures against the junta, it emerged Saturday.
The move came just days after the United States unveiled a major policy shift that would see Washington engaging with the ruling generals in a bid to push for democratic reform in Myanmar.
Nyan Win said she wrote the letter "expecting to start a dialogue".
"There can be no stability for the economic and social sectors without political stability. Dialogue is a sign of positive development," the NLD's anniversary statement said.
According to party sources, Suu Kyi has asked in her letter for meetings with top Western diplomats in Myanmar to discuss the sanctions imposed by their countries.
Sun Sep 27, 5:30 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar's leading opposition party marked its 21st anniversary Sunday by calling on the country's military regime to free its detained leader, Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
Around 250 party members, diplomats and former political prisoners attended a gathering at the National League for Democracy's headquarters in Yangon, amid tight security, to celebrate the party's formation in 1988.
"On our anniversary day I want to say that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi should be allowed to take part freely in politics. She herself is a politician and our party is acknowledged by the government," NLD spokesman Nyan Win told AFP.
The party also called for the release of other detained political prisoners and the reopening of its regional offices around the country.
The NLD won a landslide in 1990 elections but the junta refused to recognise the victory, and pro-democracy icon Suu Kyi has spent 14 of the past 20 years under house arrest or in jail.
The ruling generals extended her house arrest by 18 months in August after convicting her of breaching the terms of her detention, after an American man swam uninvited to her house.
The sentence keeps her out of the way for elections promised by the junta in 2010. The NLD has not yet said if it will take part in the polls, which critics say are a sham to legitimise the generals' grip on power.
But Suu Kyi has written to military regime leader Than Shwe with suggestions about how to get Western sanctions against the country lifted, after years of espousing punitive measures against the junta, it emerged Saturday.
The move came just days after the United States unveiled a major policy shift that would see Washington engaging with the ruling generals in a bid to push for democratic reform in Myanmar.
Nyan Win said she wrote the letter "expecting to start a dialogue".
"There can be no stability for the economic and social sectors without political stability. Dialogue is a sign of positive development," the NLD's anniversary statement said.
According to party sources, Suu Kyi has asked in her letter for meetings with top Western diplomats in Myanmar to discuss the sanctions imposed by their countries.
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US to open dialogue with Myanmar
by Shaun Tandon – 17 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – The United States said Monday it will open dialogue with Myanmar aimed at improving relations but insisted it would keep sanctions and keep pressing the military regime on democracy.
Kurt Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for Asia, said that a long-running policy review by the United States had concluded that the junta in Myanmar, earlier known as Burma, was eager for dialogue.
"For the first time in memory the Burmese leadership has shown an interest in engaging with the United States and we intend to pursue that interest," Campbell told reporters at the State Department.
"We intend to begin a direct dialogue with Burmese authorities to lay out the path to better relations," Campbell said.
He said that the United States wanted to launch a "sustained process of interaction" after only sporadic contacts in recent years.
But he said that the United States would not immediately ease sanctions and would press for the unconditional release of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent most of the past two decades under house arrest.
He said that the United States would talk to Myanmar about elections scheduled next year but for the time being was "skeptical' about the vote.
The elections would be the country's first since 1991, when Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won overwhelmingly but was never allowed to take power.
"We will maintain the current sanctions until we see concrete progress," Campbell said.
"We will discuss easing sanctions only if they take actions on our core concerns," he said. He added that the United States was also concerned about the junta's ties with Myanmar's ethnic minorities.
Myanmar's junta has cautiously welcomed the Obama administration, which has also sought dialogue with arch US foes such as Iran and Cuba.
In August, top junta leader Than Shwe held first-of-a-kind talks with Senator Jim Webb, a staunch advocate of engaging the regime. Webb was on Monday in New York for talks with Myanmar's prime minister on the sidelines of the United nations.
Some Myanmar exiles have been outraged by Webb's effort to engage the junta, saying it provides a publicity coup to the regime without securing any progress on democracy.
Campbell said he would be personally involved in the dialogue and called for strong participation of Myanmar's neighbors, particularly fellow members of the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
He said that the United States would also press concerns about Myanmar's ties with North Korea amid suspicions that the two Western pariahs have been collaborating on weapons proliferation.
The United States and European Union have imposed sweeping sanctions on Myanmar, including on its key money-making gem industry, in a bid to secure the freedom of Aung San Suu Kyi and pave the way for democracy.
But Asian nations, particularly neighboring China, have continued trade and political ties with the regime.
by Shaun Tandon – 17 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – The United States said Monday it will open dialogue with Myanmar aimed at improving relations but insisted it would keep sanctions and keep pressing the military regime on democracy.
Kurt Campbell, the assistant secretary of state for Asia, said that a long-running policy review by the United States had concluded that the junta in Myanmar, earlier known as Burma, was eager for dialogue.
"For the first time in memory the Burmese leadership has shown an interest in engaging with the United States and we intend to pursue that interest," Campbell told reporters at the State Department.
"We intend to begin a direct dialogue with Burmese authorities to lay out the path to better relations," Campbell said.
He said that the United States wanted to launch a "sustained process of interaction" after only sporadic contacts in recent years.
But he said that the United States would not immediately ease sanctions and would press for the unconditional release of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, who has spent most of the past two decades under house arrest.
He said that the United States would talk to Myanmar about elections scheduled next year but for the time being was "skeptical' about the vote.
The elections would be the country's first since 1991, when Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won overwhelmingly but was never allowed to take power.
"We will maintain the current sanctions until we see concrete progress," Campbell said.
"We will discuss easing sanctions only if they take actions on our core concerns," he said. He added that the United States was also concerned about the junta's ties with Myanmar's ethnic minorities.
Myanmar's junta has cautiously welcomed the Obama administration, which has also sought dialogue with arch US foes such as Iran and Cuba.
In August, top junta leader Than Shwe held first-of-a-kind talks with Senator Jim Webb, a staunch advocate of engaging the regime. Webb was on Monday in New York for talks with Myanmar's prime minister on the sidelines of the United nations.
Some Myanmar exiles have been outraged by Webb's effort to engage the junta, saying it provides a publicity coup to the regime without securing any progress on democracy.
Campbell said he would be personally involved in the dialogue and called for strong participation of Myanmar's neighbors, particularly fellow members of the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
He said that the United States would also press concerns about Myanmar's ties with North Korea amid suspicions that the two Western pariahs have been collaborating on weapons proliferation.
The United States and European Union have imposed sweeping sanctions on Myanmar, including on its key money-making gem industry, in a bid to secure the freedom of Aung San Suu Kyi and pave the way for democracy.
But Asian nations, particularly neighboring China, have continued trade and political ties with the regime.
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US Senator to meet Myanmar Prime Minister
2 hrs 23 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – US Senator James Webb, a strong supporter of engaging Myanmar, announced Monday he would meet with Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York.
The Democratic lawmaker, who chairs the US Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific Affairs, has set a hearing for Wednesday to evaluate US policy towards the military-ruled country.
Webb, who met September 19 with Myanmar Foreign Minister Nyan Win in Washington, said his meeting with the prime minister came at the invitation of UN Under-Secretary-General Ambassador Joseph Verner Reed.
"I appreciate Ambassador Reed's initiative in arranging this meeting, and I look forward to continuing the dialogue with Prime Minister Thein Shein that was begun last month," Webb said in a statement.
Thein Sein is the highest-ranking Myanmar official to attend the General Assembly in 14 years and was due to make a speech before the assembly on Monday.
2 hrs 23 mins ago
WASHINGTON (AFP) – US Senator James Webb, a strong supporter of engaging Myanmar, announced Monday he would meet with Myanmar Prime Minister Thein Sein on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York.
The Democratic lawmaker, who chairs the US Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on East Asia and Pacific Affairs, has set a hearing for Wednesday to evaluate US policy towards the military-ruled country.
Webb, who met September 19 with Myanmar Foreign Minister Nyan Win in Washington, said his meeting with the prime minister came at the invitation of UN Under-Secretary-General Ambassador Joseph Verner Reed.
"I appreciate Ambassador Reed's initiative in arranging this meeting, and I look forward to continuing the dialogue with Prime Minister Thein Shein that was begun last month," Webb said in a statement.
Thein Sein is the highest-ranking Myanmar official to attend the General Assembly in 14 years and was due to make a speech before the assembly on Monday.
********************************************************************
Australia's Jetstar defends Myanmar flights
Mon Sep 28, 4:33 am ET
SYDNEY (AFP) – Australian budget airline Jetstar defended its flights into Myanmar on Monday after rights campaigners said the service was helping prop up the country's military regime.
Jetstar defended its four weekly flights from Singapore to Yangon as a "positive for the people of Myanmar" and denied making payments to officials in the Southeast Asian country.
Singapore-registered Jetstar Asia, a Jetstar affiliate, was one of eight companies named by Burma Campaign Australia -- which uses Myanmar's old name -- as directly or indirectly backing the junta to the tune of up to 2.8 billion US dollars in revenue.
"Jetstar believes the provision of viable air links for the people of Myanmar and the carrier's humanitarian contributions, including the assistance with flights for charitable organisations... have been a positive for the people of Myanmar," it said in a statement.
"While Jetstar Asia is obliged to meet normal aviation and airport charges in every country it operates in, it does not make payments to officials of the government of Myanmar, and has not," it added.
Zetty Brake, a spokeswoman for the Burma Campaign Australia, said every time the airline landed in the country it would be paying taxes which make their way back to the military regime.
Brake said most Myanmar residents would be unable to afford the flights.
"The people that are using these services from Burma are people with links to the regime," she told AFP.
Trade unions chief Sharan Burrow said all eight companies named by the campaign were contributing to the junta.
"The people there are subjected to the worst abuses of human rights and of course lack democracy," Burrow, president of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), told reporters.
"We say to those companies, cancel your operations. It will have a real impact."
Mon Sep 28, 4:33 am ET
SYDNEY (AFP) – Australian budget airline Jetstar defended its flights into Myanmar on Monday after rights campaigners said the service was helping prop up the country's military regime.
Jetstar defended its four weekly flights from Singapore to Yangon as a "positive for the people of Myanmar" and denied making payments to officials in the Southeast Asian country.
Singapore-registered Jetstar Asia, a Jetstar affiliate, was one of eight companies named by Burma Campaign Australia -- which uses Myanmar's old name -- as directly or indirectly backing the junta to the tune of up to 2.8 billion US dollars in revenue.
"Jetstar believes the provision of viable air links for the people of Myanmar and the carrier's humanitarian contributions, including the assistance with flights for charitable organisations... have been a positive for the people of Myanmar," it said in a statement.
"While Jetstar Asia is obliged to meet normal aviation and airport charges in every country it operates in, it does not make payments to officials of the government of Myanmar, and has not," it added.
Zetty Brake, a spokeswoman for the Burma Campaign Australia, said every time the airline landed in the country it would be paying taxes which make their way back to the military regime.
Brake said most Myanmar residents would be unable to afford the flights.
"The people that are using these services from Burma are people with links to the regime," she told AFP.
Trade unions chief Sharan Burrow said all eight companies named by the campaign were contributing to the junta.
"The people there are subjected to the worst abuses of human rights and of course lack democracy," Burrow, president of the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), told reporters.
"We say to those companies, cancel your operations. It will have a real impact."
********************************************************************
Myanmar opposition unsure on election boycott
by Didier Lauras – Sun Sep 27, 12:51 am ET
BANGKOK (AFP) – Myanmar's junta has not yet fixed the dates for elections in 2010 but the opposition is already debating whether to boycott them and lose all influence or take part in what critics say is a sham.
The military regime forced through a new constitution in 2008 -- just days after Cyclone Nargis devastated the country leaving 138,000 people dead -- under which the first national polls for 20 years will be held.
But so far the conditions are acceptable only to the junta. Critics say the sole aim of the elections is to legitimise the generals' grip on power and entrench their proxies in parliament.
Aung San Suu Kyi, the head of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the main opposition party, has just had her house arrest extended past the end of next year, keeping her out of the picture for the polls.
The NLD, which celebrates its 21st anniversary on Sunday, won the country's last elections in 1990 but the military refused to recognise the results.
More than 2,200 other political prisoners are languishing in jail.
Rights groups meanwhile say the new constitution discriminates against ethnic minorities, many of which have faced renewed offensives by the military in recent months in an apparent attempt to crush them ahead of the polls.
But despite this context, the respected International Crisis Group said in August that the elections could still help open up the political situation in Myanmar.
"The constitution may inadvertently provide the tools to open up a little space as the post-Than Shwe era grows closer," the Brussels-based group said in a report, referring to the 76-year-old head of the regime.
"A boycott could play into the hands of the military government, since it would not prevent the election from going ahead and would mainly deprive non-government candidates of votes, potentially narrowing the range of voices in future legislatures," the ICG report said.
Win Min, an activist and scholar in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, said he too believed the military may have to give some ground.
"They are trying to control as much as they can but there is a little chance that they might not control 100 percent," Win Min said.
"There are some good people in the military also. Some might not be pro-military in terms of managing the economy."
For now, the opposition is waiting for the regime to pass laws relating to party registration and electoral campaigning.
"The regime has been clever in delaying the announcement of these laws, so that even though they give some freedom, the opposition would not have time to campaign," Win Min said.
In Yangon, the parties are still making up their minds.
"The NLD has not decided yet. We cannot decide now," said NLD spokesman Nyan Win, who is also Suu Kyi's lawyer. "We need to see the election law and party registration law. We have to see their rules and regulations."
In a surprise move, Myanmar's second largest political party, the National Unity Party, urged the NLD not to boycott the elections. The party won 12 seats in the 1990 elections, in which the NLD won 392 seats.
In another unexpected development, the daughters of two former prime ministers, U Nu and Ba Shwe, said earlier this month that they would set up a new group called the Democratic Party.
But Sunai Phasuk, an analyst for Human Rights Watch based in Bangkok, is doubtful.
"There has been a lot of wishful thinking about a possibility of open space in Burma. The last time was in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, but what happened at the end was the opposite," he told AFP, using the country's former name.
The junta allowed foreign aid into Myanmar under international pressure but swiftly closed up again.
Sunai said it was up to the people of Myanmar to decide, and that it was important for opposition parties to provide information on the standard of elections.
But he added: "I don't see, anyhow, that elections in Burma if they happen under the current conditions will lead to any improvement."
by Didier Lauras – Sun Sep 27, 12:51 am ET
BANGKOK (AFP) – Myanmar's junta has not yet fixed the dates for elections in 2010 but the opposition is already debating whether to boycott them and lose all influence or take part in what critics say is a sham.
The military regime forced through a new constitution in 2008 -- just days after Cyclone Nargis devastated the country leaving 138,000 people dead -- under which the first national polls for 20 years will be held.
But so far the conditions are acceptable only to the junta. Critics say the sole aim of the elections is to legitimise the generals' grip on power and entrench their proxies in parliament.
Aung San Suu Kyi, the head of the National League for Democracy (NLD), the main opposition party, has just had her house arrest extended past the end of next year, keeping her out of the picture for the polls.
The NLD, which celebrates its 21st anniversary on Sunday, won the country's last elections in 1990 but the military refused to recognise the results.
More than 2,200 other political prisoners are languishing in jail.
Rights groups meanwhile say the new constitution discriminates against ethnic minorities, many of which have faced renewed offensives by the military in recent months in an apparent attempt to crush them ahead of the polls.
But despite this context, the respected International Crisis Group said in August that the elections could still help open up the political situation in Myanmar.
"The constitution may inadvertently provide the tools to open up a little space as the post-Than Shwe era grows closer," the Brussels-based group said in a report, referring to the 76-year-old head of the regime.
"A boycott could play into the hands of the military government, since it would not prevent the election from going ahead and would mainly deprive non-government candidates of votes, potentially narrowing the range of voices in future legislatures," the ICG report said.
Win Min, an activist and scholar in the northern Thai city of Chiang Mai, said he too believed the military may have to give some ground.
"They are trying to control as much as they can but there is a little chance that they might not control 100 percent," Win Min said.
"There are some good people in the military also. Some might not be pro-military in terms of managing the economy."
For now, the opposition is waiting for the regime to pass laws relating to party registration and electoral campaigning.
"The regime has been clever in delaying the announcement of these laws, so that even though they give some freedom, the opposition would not have time to campaign," Win Min said.
In Yangon, the parties are still making up their minds.
"The NLD has not decided yet. We cannot decide now," said NLD spokesman Nyan Win, who is also Suu Kyi's lawyer. "We need to see the election law and party registration law. We have to see their rules and regulations."
In a surprise move, Myanmar's second largest political party, the National Unity Party, urged the NLD not to boycott the elections. The party won 12 seats in the 1990 elections, in which the NLD won 392 seats.
In another unexpected development, the daughters of two former prime ministers, U Nu and Ba Shwe, said earlier this month that they would set up a new group called the Democratic Party.
But Sunai Phasuk, an analyst for Human Rights Watch based in Bangkok, is doubtful.
"There has been a lot of wishful thinking about a possibility of open space in Burma. The last time was in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, but what happened at the end was the opposite," he told AFP, using the country's former name.
The junta allowed foreign aid into Myanmar under international pressure but swiftly closed up again.
Sunai said it was up to the people of Myanmar to decide, and that it was important for opposition parties to provide information on the standard of elections.
But he added: "I don't see, anyhow, that elections in Burma if they happen under the current conditions will lead to any improvement."
********************************************************************
Chinese embassy in Myanmar holds reception to celebrate national day
www.chinaview.cn 2009-09-28 23:11:53
YANGON, Sept. 28 (Xinhua) -- Chinese embassy in Myanmar held a grand reception here Monday evening to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China.
First Secretary of the Myanmar State Peace and Development Council General Thiha Thrua Tin Aung Myint Oo, other government officials and foreign diplomats as well as representatives of Chinese business companies, Chinese students studying in Myanmar and the Chinese community totaling about 560 attended the reception held at the Sedona Hotel.
Addressing the reception, Chinese Ambassador Ye Dabo said "over the past 60 years, the average annual growth rate of China's GDP is about 8.1 percent. China's economy now takes the third place in the world, the total volume of foreign trade ranks the second, and its foreign exchange reserve the world's largest".
"China has been upholding an independent foreign policy of peace and playing an important and constructive role in international affairs," he said, adding that China is committed to developing friendship and cooperation with all countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and have given top priority to fostering good relations with neighboring countries.
Relating to Sino-Myanmar relations, Ye said the bilateral relations have been developing steadily and smoothly over the past six decades, maintaining a high momentum of friendly exchanges at all levels.
In anticipation of the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and Myanmar next year, Ye expressed belief that good-neighborly and friendly relations between the two countries will have a brighter future.
At the reception, Tin Aung Myint Oo congratulated China's 60th founding anniversary, saying that Myanmar highly appreciated the relations between Myanmar and China and adding that Myanmar would as always continue to develop the friendly and cooperative ties in every sector.
The Myanmar leader also viewed the photos displayed at the event on China's development and achievements made during the past six decades after its founding in 1949.
On the occasion, overseas Chinese youths staged performances winning a huge wave of applause.
www.chinaview.cn 2009-09-28 23:11:53
YANGON, Sept. 28 (Xinhua) -- Chinese embassy in Myanmar held a grand reception here Monday evening to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China.
First Secretary of the Myanmar State Peace and Development Council General Thiha Thrua Tin Aung Myint Oo, other government officials and foreign diplomats as well as representatives of Chinese business companies, Chinese students studying in Myanmar and the Chinese community totaling about 560 attended the reception held at the Sedona Hotel.
Addressing the reception, Chinese Ambassador Ye Dabo said "over the past 60 years, the average annual growth rate of China's GDP is about 8.1 percent. China's economy now takes the third place in the world, the total volume of foreign trade ranks the second, and its foreign exchange reserve the world's largest".
"China has been upholding an independent foreign policy of peace and playing an important and constructive role in international affairs," he said, adding that China is committed to developing friendship and cooperation with all countries on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence and have given top priority to fostering good relations with neighboring countries.
Relating to Sino-Myanmar relations, Ye said the bilateral relations have been developing steadily and smoothly over the past six decades, maintaining a high momentum of friendly exchanges at all levels.
In anticipation of the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and Myanmar next year, Ye expressed belief that good-neighborly and friendly relations between the two countries will have a brighter future.
At the reception, Tin Aung Myint Oo congratulated China's 60th founding anniversary, saying that Myanmar highly appreciated the relations between Myanmar and China and adding that Myanmar would as always continue to develop the friendly and cooperative ties in every sector.
The Myanmar leader also viewed the photos displayed at the event on China's development and achievements made during the past six decades after its founding in 1949.
On the occasion, overseas Chinese youths staged performances winning a huge wave of applause.
********************************************************************
Op-Ed Contributor
New York Times - Faint Hopes for Myanmar
By PHILIP BOWRING
Published: September 28, 2009
HONG KONG — The U.S. decision to engage with Myanmar’s generals is a recognition of reality, however brutal. Years of sanctions have failed. Emotional support for the jailed opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and admiration for the bravery of the monks who challenged the regime in 2007 have come up against harsh facts.
The first is that neighboring countries have commercial reasons for making deals that bolster the coffers and self-confidence of the regime. Thailand profits by buying Myanmar’s gas, as does Singapore by acting as a key trading link and safe haven for the generals’ wealth. China has used commerce and informal migration to carve out an influence that will likely remain whoever is in power in Myanmar. Japanese and South Korean companies continue to do whatever business they can, and though several Western companies have pulled out, Total’s key role in Myanmar’s gas industry makes European Union sanctions seem hypocritical.
On the diplomatic front, modest attempts by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and by the United Nations to persuade Myanmar to free Aung San Suu Kyi have been ignored. India’s pro-democracy instincts long ago yielded to the need to engage the generals to counter China’s overwhelming influence. New Delhi fears that Beijing’s support for Myanmar would be rewarded with Chinese military access to the Bay of Bengal. India wants to counter China’s commercial influence and has invested in a big Myanmar gas project, hoping to pipe gas across Bangladesh to its energy-short eastern states.
For sure, Myanmar’s state-driven economy is never going to prosper under the present regime. But there are enough easily exploited resources to attract foreign investment and which supply enough cash to keep the regime in place and to support the generals’ armament needs and their wives’ shopping habits.
So what can a shift in the U.S. posture achieve? In the short run, the answer is probably little. Sanctions are insufficiently onerous, so the possibility of their removal carries little weight. However, there are some glimmers of light. The regime has promised elections in 2010. There is only slight hope that Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy will be permitted to participate, but it is possible she will be released, if only as a token gesture in response to U.N. and Asean pleas.
Elections will neither be free nor fair, but might be more than just a rubber stamp. The military, for which 25 percent of seats in the new Parliament are reserved, will continue to dominate, but enough new voices may emerge that can start a process of change, and provide Myanmar’s senior general, Than Shwe, with a path from dictator to figurehead.
Than Shwe is now 76 and may be ailing. His deputy, Maung Aye, is 71. The military will not readily surrender power. But it may be a good time to engage with younger regime figures who may be less paranoid than Than Shwe, know more of the outside world and may be willing to consider moves to a more dynamic economy, end Myanmar’s near-isolation and reduce its dependence on China. Some may feel that the nationalism that has always been at the heart of the military’s self-image has been compromised by that dependence.
Indeed, strains with Beijing may already be showing. China has been upset by a Burmese military campaign in a border area long effectively controlled by former insurgent groups. The campaign disrupted trade and sent 30,000 people fleeing into China. The incident is a reminder of how China has used Myanmar’s problems with its many ethnic minorities to its own advantage.
While there are some faint hopes of change, do not imagine that this is another Indonesia in the making. President Suharto’s authoritarianism was more personal than the Myanmar version, which is based on a self-perpetuating military elite that has been in power since 1962. Indonesia’s post-Suharto transition was possible only because of the social effects of an open economy and years of gradual relaxation of media and other controls. Myanmar is more like Vietnam 25 years ago — rigid, socialist and suspicious of the world.
Change may prove as elusive as it has been in North Korea. A popular revolution looks unlikely. Events in 2007 showed how ruthless the regime can be in the face of direct confrontation. Sanctions were worth trying but they have clearly failed. So willingness to talk to the generals just might open up chinks in their armor and reason to seek some accommodation with Aung San Suu Kyi, the monks and the outside world.
New York Times - Faint Hopes for Myanmar
By PHILIP BOWRING
Published: September 28, 2009
HONG KONG — The U.S. decision to engage with Myanmar’s generals is a recognition of reality, however brutal. Years of sanctions have failed. Emotional support for the jailed opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and admiration for the bravery of the monks who challenged the regime in 2007 have come up against harsh facts.
The first is that neighboring countries have commercial reasons for making deals that bolster the coffers and self-confidence of the regime. Thailand profits by buying Myanmar’s gas, as does Singapore by acting as a key trading link and safe haven for the generals’ wealth. China has used commerce and informal migration to carve out an influence that will likely remain whoever is in power in Myanmar. Japanese and South Korean companies continue to do whatever business they can, and though several Western companies have pulled out, Total’s key role in Myanmar’s gas industry makes European Union sanctions seem hypocritical.
On the diplomatic front, modest attempts by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and by the United Nations to persuade Myanmar to free Aung San Suu Kyi have been ignored. India’s pro-democracy instincts long ago yielded to the need to engage the generals to counter China’s overwhelming influence. New Delhi fears that Beijing’s support for Myanmar would be rewarded with Chinese military access to the Bay of Bengal. India wants to counter China’s commercial influence and has invested in a big Myanmar gas project, hoping to pipe gas across Bangladesh to its energy-short eastern states.
For sure, Myanmar’s state-driven economy is never going to prosper under the present regime. But there are enough easily exploited resources to attract foreign investment and which supply enough cash to keep the regime in place and to support the generals’ armament needs and their wives’ shopping habits.
So what can a shift in the U.S. posture achieve? In the short run, the answer is probably little. Sanctions are insufficiently onerous, so the possibility of their removal carries little weight. However, there are some glimmers of light. The regime has promised elections in 2010. There is only slight hope that Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy will be permitted to participate, but it is possible she will be released, if only as a token gesture in response to U.N. and Asean pleas.
Elections will neither be free nor fair, but might be more than just a rubber stamp. The military, for which 25 percent of seats in the new Parliament are reserved, will continue to dominate, but enough new voices may emerge that can start a process of change, and provide Myanmar’s senior general, Than Shwe, with a path from dictator to figurehead.
Than Shwe is now 76 and may be ailing. His deputy, Maung Aye, is 71. The military will not readily surrender power. But it may be a good time to engage with younger regime figures who may be less paranoid than Than Shwe, know more of the outside world and may be willing to consider moves to a more dynamic economy, end Myanmar’s near-isolation and reduce its dependence on China. Some may feel that the nationalism that has always been at the heart of the military’s self-image has been compromised by that dependence.
Indeed, strains with Beijing may already be showing. China has been upset by a Burmese military campaign in a border area long effectively controlled by former insurgent groups. The campaign disrupted trade and sent 30,000 people fleeing into China. The incident is a reminder of how China has used Myanmar’s problems with its many ethnic minorities to its own advantage.
While there are some faint hopes of change, do not imagine that this is another Indonesia in the making. President Suharto’s authoritarianism was more personal than the Myanmar version, which is based on a self-perpetuating military elite that has been in power since 1962. Indonesia’s post-Suharto transition was possible only because of the social effects of an open economy and years of gradual relaxation of media and other controls. Myanmar is more like Vietnam 25 years ago — rigid, socialist and suspicious of the world.
Change may prove as elusive as it has been in North Korea. A popular revolution looks unlikely. Events in 2007 showed how ruthless the regime can be in the face of direct confrontation. Sanctions were worth trying but they have clearly failed. So willingness to talk to the generals just might open up chinks in their armor and reason to seek some accommodation with Aung San Suu Kyi, the monks and the outside world.
********************************************************************
Tuesday, September 29, 2009 12:11 AM
The Jakarta Post - Indonesia lauds US policy shift on Myanmar
Ary Hermawan , The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Mon, 09/28/2009 1:36 PM | World
Indonesia has hailed the United States' decision to engage the reclusive Myanmar junta, urging the latter to respond positively to the appeasing gesture from Washington.
Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda called on Yangon to respond to the shift in US policy by taking positive action such as reducing the jail term of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said in a text message sent to The Jakarta Post from the US.
Both Hassan and Faizasyah are in the US for the UN General Assembly, along with Myanmar Foreign Minister Maj. Gen. Nyan Win, who was granted entry to New York amid strained relations between the two countries.
"The foreign minister conveyed his message during the ASEAN foreign ministerial meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly," Faizasyah said.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced last Wednesday that Washington would pursue engagement with the generals in Yangon. But she also made clear the lone superpower would not immediately end the economic sanctions it had imposed, saying that "engagement versus sanctions is a false choice in our opinion".
Clinton also said during the announcement that the decision for the policy shift was taken after discussing the Myanmar issue with Hassan, during the secretary of state's visit to Jakarta in February, Faizasyah said.
However. Analysts are doubtful this new strategy will soften up the junta in the short term. Others even fear the junta will take the gesture as a tacit endorsement of its current behavior.
"While the decision is indeed a welcome breakthrough, the result will depend heavily on the way Myanmar responds to the US's new gesture," said Bantarto Bandoro, an analyst from the Indonesian Institute for Strategic Studies.
"The US has been using more sticks than carrots all this time when dealing with Myanmar.
"I think ASEAN has already been using the stick-and-carrot approach, only it has never used the stick in a way the US did."
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon again urged Southeast Asian countries to take a tougher line with neighbor Myanmar in hopes its military junta will free political prisoners and hold fair elections, Reuters reported. He was speaking to the ASEAN foreign ministerial meeting in New York.
Ban said it was in the best interests of the rest of ASEAN to lean on Myanmar to free political prisoners.
"Our collective interest is to find ways to encourage Myanmar to free Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners, start a genuine political dialogue, and create conditions conducive to credible elections," Ban said.
ASEAN member states have refrained from criticizing each other, despite calls for the organization to condemn Myanmar for its mistreatment of Suu Kyi, under ASEAN's policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of fellow member states.
Senior ASEAN officials last month recommended that their foreign ministers officially appeal to Myanmar to let Suu Kyi participate in next year's elections, after a three-day meeting in Jakarta.
The international community says the 2010 elections - the first since the 1990 elections won by Suu Kyi's National League of Democracy - will not be fair and credible if Suu Kyi and other dissidents currently being detained by Myanmar are not allowed to take part.
The Jakarta Post - Indonesia lauds US policy shift on Myanmar
Ary Hermawan , The Jakarta Post , Jakarta | Mon, 09/28/2009 1:36 PM | World
Indonesia has hailed the United States' decision to engage the reclusive Myanmar junta, urging the latter to respond positively to the appeasing gesture from Washington.
Foreign Minister Hassan Wirajuda called on Yangon to respond to the shift in US policy by taking positive action such as reducing the jail term of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, ministry spokesman Teuku Faizasyah said in a text message sent to The Jakarta Post from the US.
Both Hassan and Faizasyah are in the US for the UN General Assembly, along with Myanmar Foreign Minister Maj. Gen. Nyan Win, who was granted entry to New York amid strained relations between the two countries.
"The foreign minister conveyed his message during the ASEAN foreign ministerial meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly," Faizasyah said.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced last Wednesday that Washington would pursue engagement with the generals in Yangon. But she also made clear the lone superpower would not immediately end the economic sanctions it had imposed, saying that "engagement versus sanctions is a false choice in our opinion".
Clinton also said during the announcement that the decision for the policy shift was taken after discussing the Myanmar issue with Hassan, during the secretary of state's visit to Jakarta in February, Faizasyah said.
However. Analysts are doubtful this new strategy will soften up the junta in the short term. Others even fear the junta will take the gesture as a tacit endorsement of its current behavior.
"While the decision is indeed a welcome breakthrough, the result will depend heavily on the way Myanmar responds to the US's new gesture," said Bantarto Bandoro, an analyst from the Indonesian Institute for Strategic Studies.
"The US has been using more sticks than carrots all this time when dealing with Myanmar.
"I think ASEAN has already been using the stick-and-carrot approach, only it has never used the stick in a way the US did."
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon again urged Southeast Asian countries to take a tougher line with neighbor Myanmar in hopes its military junta will free political prisoners and hold fair elections, Reuters reported. He was speaking to the ASEAN foreign ministerial meeting in New York.
Ban said it was in the best interests of the rest of ASEAN to lean on Myanmar to free political prisoners.
"Our collective interest is to find ways to encourage Myanmar to free Aung San Suu Kyi and all other political prisoners, start a genuine political dialogue, and create conditions conducive to credible elections," Ban said.
ASEAN member states have refrained from criticizing each other, despite calls for the organization to condemn Myanmar for its mistreatment of Suu Kyi, under ASEAN's policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of fellow member states.
Senior ASEAN officials last month recommended that their foreign ministers officially appeal to Myanmar to let Suu Kyi participate in next year's elections, after a three-day meeting in Jakarta.
The international community says the 2010 elections - the first since the 1990 elections won by Suu Kyi's National League of Democracy - will not be fair and credible if Suu Kyi and other dissidents currently being detained by Myanmar are not allowed to take part.
********************************************************************
September 28, 2009 13:16 PM
People Asked To Be Confident In Using Newly-Introduced Currency In Myanmar
YANGON, Sept 28 (Bernama) -- Myanmar private media Monday urged people in the country to be confident in using larger-value denomination of currency notes to be introduced soon, saying that the bank authorities' move is simply made to facilitate currency transactions and boost its flow.
According to a report by China's Xinhua news agency, the Central Bank of Myanmar announced last Thursday that a new denomination of 5,000 Kyats currency notes will be put into circulation starting Oct. 1.
"The new currency note is issued with insurance in accordance with the limited demand of Myanmar's monetary flow of the existing currencies along with the momentum of its economic growth," the Weekly Eleven News quoted monetary and banking expert U Wint Kyaw as saying.
"Myanmar is a country with its people using cash currency more than cheque which is limited and private banks cannot accept cash deposit without limit. It prompted a high value of transaction as trading volume grows," he said.
"It would not cause impact as far as monetary is concerned," he held.
However, the expert warned people against creating panic themselves by buying this and that which will make people suffer out of rising commodity prices for the panic.
According to the bank announcement, all other legal tender currency notes and coins will continue to be in circulation.
The introduction of the new banknotes of 5,000 Kyats, which is five times higher in face value than that of 1,000 Kyats last introduced in November 1998, has drawn public concern and actual impact on the financial market and the commodity prices remains to be further monitored.
There has been 10 kinds of bank notes in circulation in Myanmar which are 50-pyas, 1-Kyat, 5-Kyat, 10-Kyat, 20-Kyat, 50-Kyat, 100- Kyat, 200-Kyat, 500-Kyats and 1,000-Kyat over the period of the past several decades.
In addition to some state banks and public banks, there remains 15 private banks so far in operation since such banks were re- allowed to operate in 1992 in accordance with the government's market-oriented economic system.
Private banks were nationalised in Myanmar in 1963 during the previous Ne Win government and their operation had halted for nearly three decades until 1992.
People Asked To Be Confident In Using Newly-Introduced Currency In Myanmar
YANGON, Sept 28 (Bernama) -- Myanmar private media Monday urged people in the country to be confident in using larger-value denomination of currency notes to be introduced soon, saying that the bank authorities' move is simply made to facilitate currency transactions and boost its flow.
According to a report by China's Xinhua news agency, the Central Bank of Myanmar announced last Thursday that a new denomination of 5,000 Kyats currency notes will be put into circulation starting Oct. 1.
"The new currency note is issued with insurance in accordance with the limited demand of Myanmar's monetary flow of the existing currencies along with the momentum of its economic growth," the Weekly Eleven News quoted monetary and banking expert U Wint Kyaw as saying.
"Myanmar is a country with its people using cash currency more than cheque which is limited and private banks cannot accept cash deposit without limit. It prompted a high value of transaction as trading volume grows," he said.
"It would not cause impact as far as monetary is concerned," he held.
However, the expert warned people against creating panic themselves by buying this and that which will make people suffer out of rising commodity prices for the panic.
According to the bank announcement, all other legal tender currency notes and coins will continue to be in circulation.
The introduction of the new banknotes of 5,000 Kyats, which is five times higher in face value than that of 1,000 Kyats last introduced in November 1998, has drawn public concern and actual impact on the financial market and the commodity prices remains to be further monitored.
There has been 10 kinds of bank notes in circulation in Myanmar which are 50-pyas, 1-Kyat, 5-Kyat, 10-Kyat, 20-Kyat, 50-Kyat, 100- Kyat, 200-Kyat, 500-Kyats and 1,000-Kyat over the period of the past several decades.
In addition to some state banks and public banks, there remains 15 private banks so far in operation since such banks were re- allowed to operate in 1992 in accordance with the government's market-oriented economic system.
Private banks were nationalised in Myanmar in 1963 during the previous Ne Win government and their operation had halted for nearly three decades until 1992.
********************************************************************
September 28, 2009 17:04 PM
Pahang Cops Cripple Myanmarese Drug Syndicate
KUANTAN, Sept 28 (Bernama) -- Pahang police crippled a drug distribution syndicate involving Myanmar citizens following a special operation conducted here on Sunday.
Three Myanmar men were arrested in two separate raids during the operation.
Pahang Narcotics CID chief Supt Yap Toon Khuan said a 31-year-old Myanmar man was arrested during the first raid at 5.30 pm at Jalan Seri Teruntum Dua, here.
"We found 55.5 grams of heroin on him worth RM5,500," he told reporters here Monday.
The arrest led police to nab two more men, aged 20 and 30, at a house in Lorong Bukit Setongkol Taman Cahaya, near here, at 6.30pm.
"During the raid, police found 113.4 grams of heroin worth RM11,000 in the kitchen," he said.
In another case, police arrested two siblings believed to be drug dealers at a house in Felda Sungai Tekam Utara in Jerantut, two days ago.
He said police seized 54 grams of heroin worth RM5,400 in the living room during the 4.10am raid.
"We believe they get their supply from Kuala Lumpur before selling it around Felda Sungai Tekam and Felda Kota Gelanggi," Yap said.
Pahang Cops Cripple Myanmarese Drug Syndicate
KUANTAN, Sept 28 (Bernama) -- Pahang police crippled a drug distribution syndicate involving Myanmar citizens following a special operation conducted here on Sunday.
Three Myanmar men were arrested in two separate raids during the operation.
Pahang Narcotics CID chief Supt Yap Toon Khuan said a 31-year-old Myanmar man was arrested during the first raid at 5.30 pm at Jalan Seri Teruntum Dua, here.
"We found 55.5 grams of heroin on him worth RM5,500," he told reporters here Monday.
The arrest led police to nab two more men, aged 20 and 30, at a house in Lorong Bukit Setongkol Taman Cahaya, near here, at 6.30pm.
"During the raid, police found 113.4 grams of heroin worth RM11,000 in the kitchen," he said.
In another case, police arrested two siblings believed to be drug dealers at a house in Felda Sungai Tekam Utara in Jerantut, two days ago.
He said police seized 54 grams of heroin worth RM5,400 in the living room during the 4.10am raid.
"We believe they get their supply from Kuala Lumpur before selling it around Felda Sungai Tekam and Felda Kota Gelanggi," Yap said.
********************************************************************
MCOT - Thai PM to confer with UN chief on Myanmar, climate change
BANGKOK, Sept 26 (TNA) -- Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, now attending the 64th United Nations (UN) General Assembly in New York, said Saturday that he would discuss with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon problems prevailing in Myanmar and the overall situation on climate change.
In a web conference with Government House in Bangkok, Mr Abhisit said he would meet the world body chief Saturday night (New York time) before he addresses the UN General Assembly.
Major issues which he will focus on during his speech, he said, are the economic crisis, conflicts taking place in the world and climate change.
Thailand will host the ninth session of the Ad Hoc Working Group on Further Commitments for Annex I Parties under the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP) and the first part of the seventh session of the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action under the Convention (AWG-LCA) at the UN Conference Centre in the Thai capital from Monday (September 28) through October 9.
Mr Abhisit earlier expressed hope that the climate change meetings in Bangkok will give fruitful results before the Climate Conference in Copenhagen this December.
A series of meetings relating to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is taking place throughout the year, including those in Bangkok next week, designed to culminate in an effective international response to climate change, to be agreed at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen.
Copenhagen is also essential for the world's climate as the UNFCCC parties meet for the last time on a government level before the Kyoto Protocol to prevent climate changes and global warming expires in 2012.
The UNFCCC expects this meeting to produce a Copenhagen Protocol for tackling global warming and climate change.
On economic problems, Mr Abhisit said Thailand has followed the self-sufficiency economy, a programme initiated by His Majesty the King, which he said could solve all three problems.
“The programme contradicts greed which is the root cause of economic crisis,” said Mr Abhisit.
BANGKOK, Sept 26 (TNA) -- Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, now attending the 64th United Nations (UN) General Assembly in New York, said Saturday that he would discuss with UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon problems prevailing in Myanmar and the overall situation on climate change.
In a web conference with Government House in Bangkok, Mr Abhisit said he would meet the world body chief Saturday night (New York time) before he addresses the UN General Assembly.
Major issues which he will focus on during his speech, he said, are the economic crisis, conflicts taking place in the world and climate change.
Thailand will host the ninth session of the Ad Hoc Working Group on Further Commitments for Annex I Parties under the Kyoto Protocol (AWG-KP) and the first part of the seventh session of the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term Cooperative Action under the Convention (AWG-LCA) at the UN Conference Centre in the Thai capital from Monday (September 28) through October 9.
Mr Abhisit earlier expressed hope that the climate change meetings in Bangkok will give fruitful results before the Climate Conference in Copenhagen this December.
A series of meetings relating to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is taking place throughout the year, including those in Bangkok next week, designed to culminate in an effective international response to climate change, to be agreed at the Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen.
Copenhagen is also essential for the world's climate as the UNFCCC parties meet for the last time on a government level before the Kyoto Protocol to prevent climate changes and global warming expires in 2012.
The UNFCCC expects this meeting to produce a Copenhagen Protocol for tackling global warming and climate change.
On economic problems, Mr Abhisit said Thailand has followed the self-sufficiency economy, a programme initiated by His Majesty the King, which he said could solve all three problems.
“The programme contradicts greed which is the root cause of economic crisis,” said Mr Abhisit.
********************************************************************
eTaiwan News - China tells Myanmar to protect Chinese residents
Associated Press
2009-09-26 06:06 PM
China has urged Myanmar to take better care of Chinese citizens living in a border region where clashes between an ethnic militia and Myanmar troops flared last month, the Foreign Ministry said in a rare display of displeasure with the military junta.
China's Foreign Ministry said in a statement late Friday the recent conflict in Kokang, a northeastern Myanmar region bordering China, "harmed the rights and interests of Chinese citizens living there," and it urged Myanmar to make sure such incidents don't happen again.
Several days of clashes sent more than 30,000 refugees fleeing into China and prompted an unusual request from China that Myanmar calm the situation. Myanmar's junta said the fighting killed 26 government soldiers and at least eight rebels, but it was impossible to verify that report.
A Foreign Ministry official lodged a formal complaint with the Myanmar Embassy on Monday and called on the government to investigate the incident and punish anyone found to have broken the law, the statement on the ministry's Web site said.
Myanmar, also known as Burma, is largely estranged from the West, but China has maintained close economic and diplomatic ties with the junta that have ensured access to the country's vast mineral wealth. Large numbers of Chinese have migrated to Myanmar for business, and major state companies are big investors in Myanmar's oil and gas industries.
Myanmar's border regions have for decades been the scene of fighting between ethnic armies and the military that has displaced hundreds of thousands of people.
Associated Press
2009-09-26 06:06 PM
China has urged Myanmar to take better care of Chinese citizens living in a border region where clashes between an ethnic militia and Myanmar troops flared last month, the Foreign Ministry said in a rare display of displeasure with the military junta.
China's Foreign Ministry said in a statement late Friday the recent conflict in Kokang, a northeastern Myanmar region bordering China, "harmed the rights and interests of Chinese citizens living there," and it urged Myanmar to make sure such incidents don't happen again.
Several days of clashes sent more than 30,000 refugees fleeing into China and prompted an unusual request from China that Myanmar calm the situation. Myanmar's junta said the fighting killed 26 government soldiers and at least eight rebels, but it was impossible to verify that report.
A Foreign Ministry official lodged a formal complaint with the Myanmar Embassy on Monday and called on the government to investigate the incident and punish anyone found to have broken the law, the statement on the ministry's Web site said.
Myanmar, also known as Burma, is largely estranged from the West, but China has maintained close economic and diplomatic ties with the junta that have ensured access to the country's vast mineral wealth. Large numbers of Chinese have migrated to Myanmar for business, and major state companies are big investors in Myanmar's oil and gas industries.
Myanmar's border regions have for decades been the scene of fighting between ethnic armies and the military that has displaced hundreds of thousands of people.
********************************************************************
eTaiwan News - Myanmar opposition leaders lobby EU
By CONSTANT BRAND
Associated Press
2009-09-28 10:50 PM
Exiled opposition activists from Myanmar urged EU countries on Monday to get China and other Asian nations to push for free-and-fair elections in Myanmar next year.
The activists met with European Union envoys and European Parliament lawmakers to push for stepped up efforts to get Myanmar's military regime to accept a plan for democratic reforms.
"We are suggesting that the EU and United States ... have to show their seriousness to persuade China to play their role effectively," said Bo Hla Tint, one of the representatives of the exiled National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma.
Bo told The Associated Press that China, unlike other countries in the region, has "huge influence" over the military leaders in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, to get them to seek political reconciliation with the pro-democracy movement.
"The problem is China is reluctant up to now, and they are not convinced enough of the seriousness of the other international key players," said Bo.
Earlier this month, Myanmar's ruling junta released at least 25 political detainees as part of an amnesty, but that figure was believed to be only about 1 percent of all political inmates being held in the Asian country.
Thaung Htun, the New York-based U.N. representative for the self-styled Myanmar government in exile, said it is "very critical" to put the maximum amount of pressure on Myanmar's military leadership, which is expected over the next few months to set a date for an election.
"All the available foreign policy tools have to be used to create a conducive atmosphere for a free-and-fair, inclusive, legitimate election in 2010," Thaung said.
At the U.N. in New York last month, activists groups presented a plan for a democratic future in Myanmar. In it, they called for the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, a dialogue with the regime, credible elections in 2010 and a review of the constitution adopted last year.
Bo and Thaung suggested the international community seek tougher sanctions, including an arms embargo, against the Myanmar regime, if it fails to hold a credible vote next year.
"Without action, nothing can happen," said Bo.
The 27-nation EU moved last month to expand its sanctions against Myanmar after the country sentenced Suu Kyi to an additional 18 months of house arrest.
The EU froze the assets of enterprises owned by members of Myanmar's ruling junta and people associated with them, and judges responsible for the sentence against Suu Kyi were included in a travel ban and assets freeze.
Suu Kyi, the 64-year-old Nobel Peace laureate, was found guilty of violating the conditions of her house arrest by allowing an uninvited American to stay at her home in May. She has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years.
Suu Kyi's opposition party won a national election in 1990, but Myanmar's generals refused to relinquish power.
By CONSTANT BRAND
Associated Press
2009-09-28 10:50 PM
Exiled opposition activists from Myanmar urged EU countries on Monday to get China and other Asian nations to push for free-and-fair elections in Myanmar next year.
The activists met with European Union envoys and European Parliament lawmakers to push for stepped up efforts to get Myanmar's military regime to accept a plan for democratic reforms.
"We are suggesting that the EU and United States ... have to show their seriousness to persuade China to play their role effectively," said Bo Hla Tint, one of the representatives of the exiled National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma.
Bo told The Associated Press that China, unlike other countries in the region, has "huge influence" over the military leaders in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, to get them to seek political reconciliation with the pro-democracy movement.
"The problem is China is reluctant up to now, and they are not convinced enough of the seriousness of the other international key players," said Bo.
Earlier this month, Myanmar's ruling junta released at least 25 political detainees as part of an amnesty, but that figure was believed to be only about 1 percent of all political inmates being held in the Asian country.
Thaung Htun, the New York-based U.N. representative for the self-styled Myanmar government in exile, said it is "very critical" to put the maximum amount of pressure on Myanmar's military leadership, which is expected over the next few months to set a date for an election.
"All the available foreign policy tools have to be used to create a conducive atmosphere for a free-and-fair, inclusive, legitimate election in 2010," Thaung said.
At the U.N. in New York last month, activists groups presented a plan for a democratic future in Myanmar. In it, they called for the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, a dialogue with the regime, credible elections in 2010 and a review of the constitution adopted last year.
Bo and Thaung suggested the international community seek tougher sanctions, including an arms embargo, against the Myanmar regime, if it fails to hold a credible vote next year.
"Without action, nothing can happen," said Bo.
The 27-nation EU moved last month to expand its sanctions against Myanmar after the country sentenced Suu Kyi to an additional 18 months of house arrest.
The EU froze the assets of enterprises owned by members of Myanmar's ruling junta and people associated with them, and judges responsible for the sentence against Suu Kyi were included in a travel ban and assets freeze.
Suu Kyi, the 64-year-old Nobel Peace laureate, was found guilty of violating the conditions of her house arrest by allowing an uninvited American to stay at her home in May. She has been in detention for 14 of the last 20 years.
Suu Kyi's opposition party won a national election in 1990, but Myanmar's generals refused to relinquish power.
********************************************************************
Saturday, September 26, 2009
Daily Times - PNSC ship to be released soon from Myanmar
By Moonis Ahmed
KARACHI: Federal Minister for Ports and Shipping, Babar Gharuri has said that Pakistani ship held in Myanmar would be released in the first week of October as the legal team by ministry has been sent to solve the matter.
He said this while talking to media at Eid Milan Gathering of Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PNSC) officers at its office on Friday. He said that our legal team comprising insurance company PNI has reached there and would try to solve all matters as soon as possible. He described that all 36 crew of ship is safe and would be returning soon. "Our ship is insured and we will not have to bear any losses," he said.
Muhammad Shakeel, an official of PNSC informed Daily Times that the PNSC ship M-V loaded with 13,547 metric tonnes general cargo and steel bundles was arrested on September 21, when it was on its way to Hong Kong from China.
Four out of ten importers have claimed about $628,971 from the Pakistani government for being charged of demurrage.
However, the minister was of the view that the case was a normal routine and ministry was in complete contact with lawyers and owners who claimed the amount.
The chairman PNSC, Vice Admiral Retd Sikandar Viqar Naqvi informed that after scrapping four ships, the PNSC has a fleet of eleven ships while MoU for two more tankers would be signed soon. He said that deal to buy new tankers is going to be finalised and tankers would be delivered by November 13. He said that PNSC, besides global economic recession has earned a record net profit of Rs 2.3 billion during the current year.
Daily Times - PNSC ship to be released soon from Myanmar
By Moonis Ahmed
KARACHI: Federal Minister for Ports and Shipping, Babar Gharuri has said that Pakistani ship held in Myanmar would be released in the first week of October as the legal team by ministry has been sent to solve the matter.
He said this while talking to media at Eid Milan Gathering of Pakistan National Shipping Corporation (PNSC) officers at its office on Friday. He said that our legal team comprising insurance company PNI has reached there and would try to solve all matters as soon as possible. He described that all 36 crew of ship is safe and would be returning soon. "Our ship is insured and we will not have to bear any losses," he said.
Muhammad Shakeel, an official of PNSC informed Daily Times that the PNSC ship M-V loaded with 13,547 metric tonnes general cargo and steel bundles was arrested on September 21, when it was on its way to Hong Kong from China.
Four out of ten importers have claimed about $628,971 from the Pakistani government for being charged of demurrage.
However, the minister was of the view that the case was a normal routine and ministry was in complete contact with lawyers and owners who claimed the amount.
The chairman PNSC, Vice Admiral Retd Sikandar Viqar Naqvi informed that after scrapping four ships, the PNSC has a fleet of eleven ships while MoU for two more tankers would be signed soon. He said that deal to buy new tankers is going to be finalised and tankers would be delivered by November 13. He said that PNSC, besides global economic recession has earned a record net profit of Rs 2.3 billion during the current year.
********************************************************************
Published: September 25, 2009 3:08 p.m.
Fort Wayne Journal Gazette - Pressure grows to unify Myanmar
Washington Post
MONG LA, Myanmar – The maps say that the town of Mong La is in Myanmar, but to the casual observer, it could be in China. The shop names are in Chinese. The shopkeepers are mostly Chinese, and they accept only the Chinese yuan. A suggestion of a meeting at 4 o’clock is met with a question: "Myanmar time or China time?"
Mong La is the capital of an area known as Shan Special Region No. 4, one of 13 autonomous enclaves carved out of Myanmar’s mountainous east over the past 20 years as part of cease-fire deals that armed rebel ethnic groups have signed with the generals who run the country.
While central Myanmar has been driven into penury by economic mismanagement and sanctions, areas such as Mong La have thrived, along with the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State, which controls it. The region has over the years profited from drugs – it lies at the heart of the opium-producing Golden Triangle – and more recently from gambling.
In rebel territory, late-model Japanese sedans ferry Chinese punters from Mong La to the neon oasis of Mong Ma, 12 miles away, where they sip French brandy and play baccarat with stacks of 10,000-yuan chips. On the way, they pass the neoclassic pile that Sai Leun, commander of the National Democratic Alliance Army, has built for himself, complete with a golf course.
But Mong La’s days as a tributary to the river of China’s economic growth could be ending. Last month, a few hours to the north of Mong La, government troops attacked Special Region No. 1, which was run by the Kokang militia, driving about 37,000 residents over the border into China. Today, 80 percent of the shops in Mong La are shuttered, and their owners, taking refuge in China, are waiting to see whether Special Region No. 4 will be the government’s next target.
Areas such as Mong La lie at the heart of the strategic conundrum that is Myanmar.
"Without a political settlement that addresses ethnic minority needs and goals, it is extremely unlikely there will be peace and democracy in Myanmar," the Transnational Institute, an Amsterdam-based research organization, said in a recent report.
For 15 years, the United Nations has advocated a three-way dialogue among the military government, the democratic opposition and the country’s ethnic minorities, but given many of the groups’ history of drug involvement, it has been a hard policy to promote in Western capitals.
In recent months, the world has focused on the role of Aung San Suu Kyi, the imprisoned opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner, but although she is a key figure, her freedom is unlikely to solve Myanmar’s long-standing political problems on its own.
Ethnic minorities make up about 40 percent of the country’s 60 million people, dominating the mountainous regions that surround the flood plains where most of the majority-Burman population live. The minorities have no faith in the government and resent the majority’s domination of politics. Several young Shan professionals used the same word – "tricky" – to describe the Burmans. The nation was formerly named Burma.
The Myanmar government has been trying to unify the country since it gained independence from Britain in 1948, a crusade that has taken precedence over all other concerns, including democracy, and is still the driving force behind the current government led by Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
"When Than Shwe wakes up at night, he isn’t worrying about democracy or international pressure," said a Western diplomat who spoke on the condition of anonymity. "He’s worrying about the ethnic groups."
But the generals who run the country cannot afford to anger China, their most significant ally and investor, in the process.
Over the past 20 years, the Myanmar authorities have signed cease-fire agreements with 27 key opposition groups, most of which are ethnically based.
China played a key role in persuading the groups to talk to the government. Many were part of the Beijing-sponsored Burma Communist Party, which controlled most of the territory along the Chinese border until it imploded in the late 1980s. At the time, Beijing’s interests lay in keeping the groups as a buffer, but that policy came at a cost as many Burmese warlords established mini-states, funding themselves through drugs and gambling and spreading addiction, disease and crime into China’s southern borderlands.
Many analysts now say that the Chinese are eager to see Myanmar reunified under a central government, pointing out that Beijing wants to build pipelines through Myanmar to import oil and gas from the Andaman Sea to the populous but relatively poor province of Yunnan and to open trade routes to the lucrative markets of India.
Signs are growing that the groups China used to see as a strategic buffer it now regards as a barrier to trade. When the Myanmar army moved against the Kokang militia, one of the weaker groups, the Chinese government rebuked it over the refugees who were driven across the border. Beijing urged the junta to "properly deal with its domestic issues to safeguard the regional stability of its bordering area with China."
Some analysts say, however, that the rebuke reflected displeasure over how the takeover was handled rather than the takeover itself.
Bringing Mong La and other cease-fire areas back into the Burmese fold poses significant challenges for the Burmese as well as the Chinese.
The Burmese authorities have called on the cease-fire groups to disband their militias and take part in elections set for next year, but the groups, which have received little assistance from the central government, are loath to give up the leverage provided by their armed wings, although many have said they are not intrinsically opposed to participating in the elections.
The groups seem more inclined to maintain their militias and use them to help force a better deal from the new government. The biggest cease-fire group, the United Wa State Army, is estimated to maintain 20,000 men under arms.
However, with their move against the Kokang militia, the generals have ratcheted up the pressure, and many residents of the border areas, like the Chinese traders in Mong La, think the authorities could move against other groups, picking them off one by one.
The stakes are high. As the Transnational Institute points out, if the cease-fire groups are not defeated decisively, they will simply retreat to the mountainous border territory, where they are likely to resume wholesale narcotics trading to fund a renewed guerrilla campaign, intensifying regional instability.
Fort Wayne Journal Gazette - Pressure grows to unify Myanmar
Washington Post
MONG LA, Myanmar – The maps say that the town of Mong La is in Myanmar, but to the casual observer, it could be in China. The shop names are in Chinese. The shopkeepers are mostly Chinese, and they accept only the Chinese yuan. A suggestion of a meeting at 4 o’clock is met with a question: "Myanmar time or China time?"
Mong La is the capital of an area known as Shan Special Region No. 4, one of 13 autonomous enclaves carved out of Myanmar’s mountainous east over the past 20 years as part of cease-fire deals that armed rebel ethnic groups have signed with the generals who run the country.
While central Myanmar has been driven into penury by economic mismanagement and sanctions, areas such as Mong La have thrived, along with the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State, which controls it. The region has over the years profited from drugs – it lies at the heart of the opium-producing Golden Triangle – and more recently from gambling.
In rebel territory, late-model Japanese sedans ferry Chinese punters from Mong La to the neon oasis of Mong Ma, 12 miles away, where they sip French brandy and play baccarat with stacks of 10,000-yuan chips. On the way, they pass the neoclassic pile that Sai Leun, commander of the National Democratic Alliance Army, has built for himself, complete with a golf course.
But Mong La’s days as a tributary to the river of China’s economic growth could be ending. Last month, a few hours to the north of Mong La, government troops attacked Special Region No. 1, which was run by the Kokang militia, driving about 37,000 residents over the border into China. Today, 80 percent of the shops in Mong La are shuttered, and their owners, taking refuge in China, are waiting to see whether Special Region No. 4 will be the government’s next target.
Areas such as Mong La lie at the heart of the strategic conundrum that is Myanmar.
"Without a political settlement that addresses ethnic minority needs and goals, it is extremely unlikely there will be peace and democracy in Myanmar," the Transnational Institute, an Amsterdam-based research organization, said in a recent report.
For 15 years, the United Nations has advocated a three-way dialogue among the military government, the democratic opposition and the country’s ethnic minorities, but given many of the groups’ history of drug involvement, it has been a hard policy to promote in Western capitals.
In recent months, the world has focused on the role of Aung San Suu Kyi, the imprisoned opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize winner, but although she is a key figure, her freedom is unlikely to solve Myanmar’s long-standing political problems on its own.
Ethnic minorities make up about 40 percent of the country’s 60 million people, dominating the mountainous regions that surround the flood plains where most of the majority-Burman population live. The minorities have no faith in the government and resent the majority’s domination of politics. Several young Shan professionals used the same word – "tricky" – to describe the Burmans. The nation was formerly named Burma.
The Myanmar government has been trying to unify the country since it gained independence from Britain in 1948, a crusade that has taken precedence over all other concerns, including democracy, and is still the driving force behind the current government led by Senior Gen. Than Shwe.
"When Than Shwe wakes up at night, he isn’t worrying about democracy or international pressure," said a Western diplomat who spoke on the condition of anonymity. "He’s worrying about the ethnic groups."
But the generals who run the country cannot afford to anger China, their most significant ally and investor, in the process.
Over the past 20 years, the Myanmar authorities have signed cease-fire agreements with 27 key opposition groups, most of which are ethnically based.
China played a key role in persuading the groups to talk to the government. Many were part of the Beijing-sponsored Burma Communist Party, which controlled most of the territory along the Chinese border until it imploded in the late 1980s. At the time, Beijing’s interests lay in keeping the groups as a buffer, but that policy came at a cost as many Burmese warlords established mini-states, funding themselves through drugs and gambling and spreading addiction, disease and crime into China’s southern borderlands.
Many analysts now say that the Chinese are eager to see Myanmar reunified under a central government, pointing out that Beijing wants to build pipelines through Myanmar to import oil and gas from the Andaman Sea to the populous but relatively poor province of Yunnan and to open trade routes to the lucrative markets of India.
Signs are growing that the groups China used to see as a strategic buffer it now regards as a barrier to trade. When the Myanmar army moved against the Kokang militia, one of the weaker groups, the Chinese government rebuked it over the refugees who were driven across the border. Beijing urged the junta to "properly deal with its domestic issues to safeguard the regional stability of its bordering area with China."
Some analysts say, however, that the rebuke reflected displeasure over how the takeover was handled rather than the takeover itself.
Bringing Mong La and other cease-fire areas back into the Burmese fold poses significant challenges for the Burmese as well as the Chinese.
The Burmese authorities have called on the cease-fire groups to disband their militias and take part in elections set for next year, but the groups, which have received little assistance from the central government, are loath to give up the leverage provided by their armed wings, although many have said they are not intrinsically opposed to participating in the elections.
The groups seem more inclined to maintain their militias and use them to help force a better deal from the new government. The biggest cease-fire group, the United Wa State Army, is estimated to maintain 20,000 men under arms.
However, with their move against the Kokang militia, the generals have ratcheted up the pressure, and many residents of the border areas, like the Chinese traders in Mong La, think the authorities could move against other groups, picking them off one by one.
The stakes are high. As the Transnational Institute points out, if the cease-fire groups are not defeated decisively, they will simply retreat to the mountainous border territory, where they are likely to resume wholesale narcotics trading to fund a renewed guerrilla campaign, intensifying regional instability.
********************************************************************
POLITICS-BURMA: Monks Silent and Simmering Two Years after Revolt
By Larry Jagan
BANGKOK, Sep 28 (IPS) - Burma’s monks are silent but seething with anger two years after the brutal state crackdown on their revolution.
Although Rangoon, the South-east Asian state’s former capital, is relatively quiet at the moment, there is widespread simmering discontent that could erupt again at any time into anti-government protests. "While we cannot say anything in public, in the privacy of our own homes, we remember how the army treated the monks two years ago," said Aye Win, a retired school teacher in Rangoon.
"We were shocked. The monks are the most trusted and revered people in our society, so we can never forget how the military treated them with such utter disdain," he added.
The memory of the monks marching and the bloody crackdown is still fresh in many peoples’ minds. "We really feared for them when they took to the streets, but we never believed the generals would attack them so viciously," said Min Thu, a taxi driver in Rangoon.
The events of September 2007 were a traumatic experience for most ordinary Burmese.
The anti-government protests started as small demonstrations in mid-August against rising food and fuel prices organised by the leaders of the ‘88 Generation Students Group’, who had been prominent during the mass pro-democracy demonstrations in August 1988. But these exploded into a major mass protest when the saffron-clad monks took the lead in what became known as the ‘Saffron Revolt’, a moniker coined from the color of their robes. In late September 2007, the military junta began a massive crackdown on the protesters.
"Almost all the monks marching on the streets – it had never happened before," said Bertil Lintner, a Burma expert and author of the recent report, ‘The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Protests in Burma’, issued by the New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW).
"It was quite a pivotal moment in modern Burmese history when the monks started marching on the streets," David Mathieson, the Thailand-based Burma researcher for HRW, told IPS. "They may be silent now, underground or in exile abroad, but they are still angry and unbowed by the brutal assault against them by the army."
For the monks who have disrobed, and either forced underground or into exile, they remain monks at heart, said Lintner.
Just as in 1988, the military knew no other way to counter mass anti-government peaceful protests, and launched a violent crackdown on them, killing many and arresting thousands throughout the country. At least 120 people were killed in Rangoon alone, the former human rights rapporteur for Burma, Prof Paulo Pinheiro, told IPS shortly after his mission to Burma a few weeks after the crackdown.
More than a thousand monks were detained within weeks of the crackdown in Rangoon, according to HRW. "Hundreds of them were tortured in custody," said Mathieson.
At least 237 monks remain in prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPPB), a group of former political prisoners based in Thailand.
The monasteries were closed and the novice monks forced to return to their homes. Many have been unable to subsequently go back to their monkhood because the authorities actively prevented them from returning. As a result, many monasteries are empty.
"The Yangon (Rangoon) monasteries have yet to recover from the order given in late September 2007 to disperse their monks to their hometowns," Bejamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s Thailand-based Burma researcher told IPS. "Many of those monks were arrested along the way, while others were detained once they arrived. Very few have gone back."
In the lead-up to the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolt, there has been increased harassment and intimidation of monks. Sermons of abbots and senior monks are being more closely scrutinised.
Monks returning from abroad have been detained and interrogated, according to Bo Kyi, who heads AAPPB. "This month there has also been a sweep of monasteries, and more than 20 monks were arrested," he said.
The monks remain a potent force in Burma, and the junta fears they may again become an important focal point for future protests.
"The junta doesn’t treat the detained monks with respect. They tortured and abused them when they raided the monasteries, and have continued to mistreat them in the prisons," said Bo Kyi. "Their only thought is that anyone who challenges them is their enemy."
"After I was arrested, they constantly humiliated me," one of the leaders of the monks’ movement, who declined to be identified, told IPS. "First they disrobed me and then they deliberately tried to break me by not allowing me to respect the rules of our monastic order." After being released, he escaped to Thailand.
The monks in my monastery are still angry with the government, he said. Some abbots in Rangoon believe armed struggle may be the only answer to this authoritarian regime.
"I'm being watched all the time. I am considered an organiser. Between noon and 2 p.m., I am allowed to go out of the monastery. But then I'm followed," the Buddhist monk U Manita told HRW recently. "We don't want this junta. And that's what everyone at my monastery thinks as well."
Many analysts and diplomats in Rangoon believe the monk-led protests were an aberration and unlikely to be repeated. Some observers believe they have had an impact on the regime and the international community.
"Regardless of their eventual outcome, many changes within Myanmar (official name of Burma) itself during the past two years can be largely attributed to the Saffron Revolution: the sudden completion of the constitution and announcement of elections, the renewed engagement and confrontation with ceasefire groups, the doubling of political prisoners, and even the trial and the continued detention of (opposition leader) Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," said Zawacki.
The revolt also served to radicalise a new generation of young people, who had not experienced the pro-democracy demonstration 21 years ago. "Young people had given up, and were consciously staying away from politics," Lintner said. But the events of September 2007 changed that.
According to some Rangoon residents, while they showed no interest in politics before, they suddenly were galvanised. "I fear that my children now have been radicalised, and instead of staying out of politics, have been encouraged by the example of the monks, and may do something dangerous," said one resident.
Certainly many young people have begun to realise that political change is necessary for Burma. Several well-educated young Burmese are now planning to form a political party to contest the elections in 2010, according to one of their former teachers.
So while the monks remain a focus for future protests, they still maintain that they are non-political. "They may not be the leaders of an anti-government protest, but they are definitely a catalyst for change," said Mathieson.
"The monks have been a force for change in the past, and because they are viewed by the people as a legitimate source of authority in Myanmar, as opposed to one that has only guns to thank for its power, they remain a potent force," said Zawacki. "This gives hope that the latest Saffron Revolution (in 2007) won’t be the last."
By Larry Jagan
BANGKOK, Sep 28 (IPS) - Burma’s monks are silent but seething with anger two years after the brutal state crackdown on their revolution.
Although Rangoon, the South-east Asian state’s former capital, is relatively quiet at the moment, there is widespread simmering discontent that could erupt again at any time into anti-government protests. "While we cannot say anything in public, in the privacy of our own homes, we remember how the army treated the monks two years ago," said Aye Win, a retired school teacher in Rangoon.
"We were shocked. The monks are the most trusted and revered people in our society, so we can never forget how the military treated them with such utter disdain," he added.
The memory of the monks marching and the bloody crackdown is still fresh in many peoples’ minds. "We really feared for them when they took to the streets, but we never believed the generals would attack them so viciously," said Min Thu, a taxi driver in Rangoon.
The events of September 2007 were a traumatic experience for most ordinary Burmese.
The anti-government protests started as small demonstrations in mid-August against rising food and fuel prices organised by the leaders of the ‘88 Generation Students Group’, who had been prominent during the mass pro-democracy demonstrations in August 1988. But these exploded into a major mass protest when the saffron-clad monks took the lead in what became known as the ‘Saffron Revolt’, a moniker coined from the color of their robes. In late September 2007, the military junta began a massive crackdown on the protesters.
"Almost all the monks marching on the streets – it had never happened before," said Bertil Lintner, a Burma expert and author of the recent report, ‘The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Protests in Burma’, issued by the New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW).
"It was quite a pivotal moment in modern Burmese history when the monks started marching on the streets," David Mathieson, the Thailand-based Burma researcher for HRW, told IPS. "They may be silent now, underground or in exile abroad, but they are still angry and unbowed by the brutal assault against them by the army."
For the monks who have disrobed, and either forced underground or into exile, they remain monks at heart, said Lintner.
Just as in 1988, the military knew no other way to counter mass anti-government peaceful protests, and launched a violent crackdown on them, killing many and arresting thousands throughout the country. At least 120 people were killed in Rangoon alone, the former human rights rapporteur for Burma, Prof Paulo Pinheiro, told IPS shortly after his mission to Burma a few weeks after the crackdown.
More than a thousand monks were detained within weeks of the crackdown in Rangoon, according to HRW. "Hundreds of them were tortured in custody," said Mathieson.
At least 237 monks remain in prison, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners in Burma (AAPPB), a group of former political prisoners based in Thailand.
The monasteries were closed and the novice monks forced to return to their homes. Many have been unable to subsequently go back to their monkhood because the authorities actively prevented them from returning. As a result, many monasteries are empty.
"The Yangon (Rangoon) monasteries have yet to recover from the order given in late September 2007 to disperse their monks to their hometowns," Bejamin Zawacki, Amnesty International’s Thailand-based Burma researcher told IPS. "Many of those monks were arrested along the way, while others were detained once they arrived. Very few have gone back."
In the lead-up to the second anniversary of the Saffron Revolt, there has been increased harassment and intimidation of monks. Sermons of abbots and senior monks are being more closely scrutinised.
Monks returning from abroad have been detained and interrogated, according to Bo Kyi, who heads AAPPB. "This month there has also been a sweep of monasteries, and more than 20 monks were arrested," he said.
The monks remain a potent force in Burma, and the junta fears they may again become an important focal point for future protests.
"The junta doesn’t treat the detained monks with respect. They tortured and abused them when they raided the monasteries, and have continued to mistreat them in the prisons," said Bo Kyi. "Their only thought is that anyone who challenges them is their enemy."
"After I was arrested, they constantly humiliated me," one of the leaders of the monks’ movement, who declined to be identified, told IPS. "First they disrobed me and then they deliberately tried to break me by not allowing me to respect the rules of our monastic order." After being released, he escaped to Thailand.
The monks in my monastery are still angry with the government, he said. Some abbots in Rangoon believe armed struggle may be the only answer to this authoritarian regime.
"I'm being watched all the time. I am considered an organiser. Between noon and 2 p.m., I am allowed to go out of the monastery. But then I'm followed," the Buddhist monk U Manita told HRW recently. "We don't want this junta. And that's what everyone at my monastery thinks as well."
Many analysts and diplomats in Rangoon believe the monk-led protests were an aberration and unlikely to be repeated. Some observers believe they have had an impact on the regime and the international community.
"Regardless of their eventual outcome, many changes within Myanmar (official name of Burma) itself during the past two years can be largely attributed to the Saffron Revolution: the sudden completion of the constitution and announcement of elections, the renewed engagement and confrontation with ceasefire groups, the doubling of political prisoners, and even the trial and the continued detention of (opposition leader) Daw Aung San Suu Kyi," said Zawacki.
The revolt also served to radicalise a new generation of young people, who had not experienced the pro-democracy demonstration 21 years ago. "Young people had given up, and were consciously staying away from politics," Lintner said. But the events of September 2007 changed that.
According to some Rangoon residents, while they showed no interest in politics before, they suddenly were galvanised. "I fear that my children now have been radicalised, and instead of staying out of politics, have been encouraged by the example of the monks, and may do something dangerous," said one resident.
Certainly many young people have begun to realise that political change is necessary for Burma. Several well-educated young Burmese are now planning to form a political party to contest the elections in 2010, according to one of their former teachers.
So while the monks remain a focus for future protests, they still maintain that they are non-political. "They may not be the leaders of an anti-government protest, but they are definitely a catalyst for change," said Mathieson.
"The monks have been a force for change in the past, and because they are viewed by the people as a legitimate source of authority in Myanmar, as opposed to one that has only guns to thank for its power, they remain a potent force," said Zawacki. "This gives hope that the latest Saffron Revolution (in 2007) won’t be the last."
********************************************************************
Mizzima News - Junta’s response to Suu Kyi will judge Burma’s future: Observers
by Salai Pi Pi
Monday, 28 September 2009 23:03
New Delhi (Mizzima) - There will be a positive change in Burma if the military junta responds properly to the offer of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to initiate discussions on having sanctions lifted, Burmese observers said.
Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s party the National League for Democracy (NLD) on Saturday sent a letter to the head of the Burmese military junta Senior General Than Shwe, in which Suu Kyi says she will cooperate with the regime in persuading lifting of sanctions imposed by western countries.
“The offer indicates that Suu Kyi has softened her stance towards the Burmese regime with the intention of addressing the country’s political problem,” Win Min, Thailand based Burmese academic specializing on the Burma issue told Mizzima.
“There are some prospects of positive change if the regime responds to the approach of Suu Ky and the United States,” he added.
Aung San Suu Kyi in her letter dated September 25, 2009 outlined three requirements for effectively lifting of sanctions against the regime. These are to have an in-depth knowledge of all sanctions imposed on Burma, to learn the extent of consequences suffered by Burma as a result of sanctions and to access the opinion and attitude of the countries which imposed sanctions against Burma.
In order to carry out the task, the letter said, Aung San Suu Kyi should be allowed to talk to the Charge d’Affairs of the US to Burma, the European Union (EU)’s ambassador to Burma and Australia ambassador to Burma.
“As she (Suu Kyi) has been under house arrest for so long, she needs to know the details of the sanction’s and its implication,” Nyan Win, NLD’s spokesperson told Mizzima.
In 2007, Aung San Suu Kyi had tried to cooperate with the Burmese junta for the lifting of sanctions.
Last week, Aung San Suu Kyi also welcomed the announcement of the US Foreign Secretary Hillary Clinton that the US will shift its policy towards Burma by engaging directly with the regime.
The US began imposing sanctions in 1997 against Burma for its poor human rights records and failure to initiate political reforms in the country. The sanctions were intensified in 2008 after the junta’s bloody crackdown on monk-led protests in September 2007.
Earlier, the Burmese regime had blamed Suu Kyi saying that she has steadfastly supported sanctions of US led western countries against the country.
Some experts said, sanctions had increased the poverty of the country and had resulted in the high rate of unemployment as there are few business investments in the country.
“Suu Kyi never supported sanctions,” Nyan Win said.
Nyo Ohn Myint, a Burmese observer told Mizzima that Than Shwe tried to cover the mismanagement, which led to the deterioration of the country’s economy, by blaming Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD saying that sanctions had increased poverty in Burma.
“For the sake of the people and for national reconciliation in the country, she possibly changed her stance and approached the regime,” Nyo Ohn Myint said.
Suu Kyi’s party the NLD on Sunday marked the 21st anniversary of the party’s formation in 1988, and urged the regime to release all political prisoners including Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and to allow the party to reopen party offices across the country to help begin its activities.
The NLD won a landslide victory in the 1990 elections but the junta refused to honour the results. Instead, the regime forcibly endorsed its constitution in 2008 and plans to hold elections in 2010.
Recently, Win Tin, told Mizzima that NLD has not decided yet to contest the elections but said, “We will be involved if the NLD thinks the election will benefit the people.”
There are some expectations on the progress in political changes in Burma after the US and Aung San Suu Kyi made their offer to the regime on the lifting of sanctions, Win Min said.
“If it continues to commit human rights abuses, does not allow the parties to conduct its activities freely and does not permit Aung San Suu Kyi to contest the elections and refuses to free all political prisoners including Suu Kyi, there is not much hope for the possibility of change in Burma”.
by Salai Pi Pi
Monday, 28 September 2009 23:03
New Delhi (Mizzima) - There will be a positive change in Burma if the military junta responds properly to the offer of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi to initiate discussions on having sanctions lifted, Burmese observers said.
Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s party the National League for Democracy (NLD) on Saturday sent a letter to the head of the Burmese military junta Senior General Than Shwe, in which Suu Kyi says she will cooperate with the regime in persuading lifting of sanctions imposed by western countries.
“The offer indicates that Suu Kyi has softened her stance towards the Burmese regime with the intention of addressing the country’s political problem,” Win Min, Thailand based Burmese academic specializing on the Burma issue told Mizzima.
“There are some prospects of positive change if the regime responds to the approach of Suu Ky and the United States,” he added.
Aung San Suu Kyi in her letter dated September 25, 2009 outlined three requirements for effectively lifting of sanctions against the regime. These are to have an in-depth knowledge of all sanctions imposed on Burma, to learn the extent of consequences suffered by Burma as a result of sanctions and to access the opinion and attitude of the countries which imposed sanctions against Burma.
In order to carry out the task, the letter said, Aung San Suu Kyi should be allowed to talk to the Charge d’Affairs of the US to Burma, the European Union (EU)’s ambassador to Burma and Australia ambassador to Burma.
“As she (Suu Kyi) has been under house arrest for so long, she needs to know the details of the sanction’s and its implication,” Nyan Win, NLD’s spokesperson told Mizzima.
In 2007, Aung San Suu Kyi had tried to cooperate with the Burmese junta for the lifting of sanctions.
Last week, Aung San Suu Kyi also welcomed the announcement of the US Foreign Secretary Hillary Clinton that the US will shift its policy towards Burma by engaging directly with the regime.
The US began imposing sanctions in 1997 against Burma for its poor human rights records and failure to initiate political reforms in the country. The sanctions were intensified in 2008 after the junta’s bloody crackdown on monk-led protests in September 2007.
Earlier, the Burmese regime had blamed Suu Kyi saying that she has steadfastly supported sanctions of US led western countries against the country.
Some experts said, sanctions had increased the poverty of the country and had resulted in the high rate of unemployment as there are few business investments in the country.
“Suu Kyi never supported sanctions,” Nyan Win said.
Nyo Ohn Myint, a Burmese observer told Mizzima that Than Shwe tried to cover the mismanagement, which led to the deterioration of the country’s economy, by blaming Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD saying that sanctions had increased poverty in Burma.
“For the sake of the people and for national reconciliation in the country, she possibly changed her stance and approached the regime,” Nyo Ohn Myint said.
Suu Kyi’s party the NLD on Sunday marked the 21st anniversary of the party’s formation in 1988, and urged the regime to release all political prisoners including Nobel Peace Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and to allow the party to reopen party offices across the country to help begin its activities.
The NLD won a landslide victory in the 1990 elections but the junta refused to honour the results. Instead, the regime forcibly endorsed its constitution in 2008 and plans to hold elections in 2010.
Recently, Win Tin, told Mizzima that NLD has not decided yet to contest the elections but said, “We will be involved if the NLD thinks the election will benefit the people.”
There are some expectations on the progress in political changes in Burma after the US and Aung San Suu Kyi made their offer to the regime on the lifting of sanctions, Win Min said.
“If it continues to commit human rights abuses, does not allow the parties to conduct its activities freely and does not permit Aung San Suu Kyi to contest the elections and refuses to free all political prisoners including Suu Kyi, there is not much hope for the possibility of change in Burma”.
********************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - The New Constitution and the Transfer of Power
By HTET AUNG - Sunday, September 27, 2009
After two decades of military rule, Burma’s State Peace and Development Council is now working to consolidate its military rule through parliamentary elections and the restoration of a civilian government in 2010.
The country’s prolong political deadlock began with the SPDC’s rebuff of the 1990 election results in which the majority of voters chose candidates of the National League for Democracy.
The Burmese people have serious doubts about whether the SPDC will conduct a free and fair election and respect the votes cast in the 2010 election.
The constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar [Burma], which was written by the junta’s hand-picked delegates and approved in a 2008 referendum, included an important chapter titled “Transitory Provisions,” which is intended to guide the post-election process for the transfer of power.
However, in spite of a 14-year National Convention to draw up the new constitution, the chapter is largely based on Article 196, 199, 201 and 202 of the “General Provisions” of the 1974 socialist constitution. In addition, it lacks important details on the transfer of power process to a civilian government.
One provision the junta didn’t overlook, however, was a constitutional guarantee to protect the military government from any legal action for its gross violations of human rights, such as extra judiciary killings, disappearances and arbitrary detentions such as the fourth house arrest of the democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Section 445 of the constitution states: “No proceeding shall be instituted against the said Councils (the SPDC and its former State Law and Order Restoration Council) or any member thereof or any member of the Government, in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties.”
Uncertain Post-election Transition
After the 2010 election, the constitution will come into operation at the first session of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (a Union Parliament combined with Pyithu or People Hluttaw and Amyotha or Nationalities Hluttaw). However, the SPDC “shall continue to exercise State sovereignty before this Constitution comes into operation,” according to the Section 442 of the Transitory Provisions.
In his recent book, “The State in Myanmar,” Prof Robert H. Taylor, a well-known pro-junta Western scholar, analyzed the constitution and concluded: “The new constitution will come into effect from the first meeting of the Pyihtaurnsu Hluttaw…In the meantime, the SPDC will remain in power.”
Therefore, Section 442 may lead some constitutional observers to the conclusion that the SPDC will relinquish its power a few months after the election because the first session of Pyidaungsu Hluttaw must convene within 15 days after the first session of Pyithu Hluttaw, which also must convene within 90 days after the commencement of the general election, according to Section 78 and 123.
Taylor offered no further analysis on the issue of power transfer through his comparative view of the constitution. The SPDC’s “seven-step roadmap,” however, offered some clues to what might transpire.
According to the roadmap, holding an election and parliamentary sessions are the fifth and sixth steps of the roadmap. The SPDC will carry out the roadmap’s seventh step: “Building a modern, developed and democratic nation by the state leaders elected by the Hluttaw, and the government and other central organ formed by the Hluttaw.”
Moreover, one important factor that is often overlooked is the SPDC’s order 1/90 issued in 1990 which is still in operation as stated in Section 447: “Existing rules, regulations, by-laws, notifications, orders, directives and procedures shall remain in operation in so far as they are not contrary to this Constitution until and unless they are repealed or amended by the Union Government.”
Order 1/90 said: “It is hardly necessary to clarify the fact that a political party cannot automatically obtain the three aspects of State power – legislative power, executive power and judicial power just because a Pyithu Hluttaw has come into being.”
Therefore, it appears that the SPDC will hold its sovereign power until the presidential election and the formation of all the executive and judicial bodies have been completed throughout the country.
Although Section 60/f of the constitution said that necessary law shall be enacted for the election of the president, it does not stipulate in Section 399 whether the duties of the Election Commission will include either the enacting of the law or holding the election.
Therefore, the first important task of the Hluttaws, as stated in the seventh step of the roadmap, would be to enact the presidential election law, but no timeframe was set in the constitution for drafting the law and holding the election.
The duties of the president are detailed in the chapters “Head of State” and “Executive,” but the constitution lacks a timeframe for the formation of a new government and its administrative organs at the level of states, regions, and one self-administrative division and five zones.
The lack of a timeframe for drafting a presidential election law, electing the president and the formation of a government injects a constitutional loophole that some observers say could allow the SPDC to prolong its hold on power for an indefinite period in the name of achieving the last goal of its road map which is to build a modern developed and democratic nation.
A Glimpse into History
Burma has had the experience of drawing a new constitution, holding an election and transferring power to a new government twice: the first instance was the transfer of power from the British to an independent Burma under the 1947 constitution; the second time was the transfer of power from the Revolutionary Council to the socialist government under the 1974 constitution.
To transfer power to an independent Burma, the British government signed an agreement with Gen Aung San, Burma’s independent leader and the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, in January 1947 in what’s known as the Aung San-Attlee Agreement.
The Aung San-Attlee Agreement outlined the necessary steps which included the Panlong Conference, a Constituent Assembly, a new constitution and a national election in accord with the constitution for the transfer of power to the new government of Burma one year before its independence.
This was an historic negotiation between Burmese national leaders led by Gen Aung San and the British government. The steps were carried out and the country gained independence within a year. The British kept their promise and transferred the country’s sovereign power to the people of Burma in a timely manner.
However, the power transfer under the 1974 constitution was only a symbolic act of transforming a military junta to a civilian government.
Gen Ne Win, the then commander-in-chief of the Burmese military, staged a military coup in 1962 which ended the parliamentary democratic system and led to rule by a Revolutionary Council until 1974.
Abolishing the multi-party political system in the country, Gen Ne Win introduced a one-party system and founded the Burma Socialist Programme Party. He created a new socialist constitution and handed power over to a new socialist government in which he became the president in 1974.
Despite a military coup, Gen Ne Win was at least honest in one aspect: he believed in socialism and ruled the country as a one-party system. However, the current generals who rule the country lack any political ideology. They also have a history of dishonesty and lack of respect for the basic principles of democracy, free speech and rule of law.
The country’s future will be dictated by the junta-approved constitution which is designed to give a disproportionate share of power to the military, by the results of the 2010 election, by the parliament that is eventually formed and by the organs of state that it creates.
It is a process full of potential pitfalls, and one which observers will watch carefully.
Htet Aung can be reached at htetaung69@gmail.com
By HTET AUNG - Sunday, September 27, 2009
After two decades of military rule, Burma’s State Peace and Development Council is now working to consolidate its military rule through parliamentary elections and the restoration of a civilian government in 2010.
The country’s prolong political deadlock began with the SPDC’s rebuff of the 1990 election results in which the majority of voters chose candidates of the National League for Democracy.
The Burmese people have serious doubts about whether the SPDC will conduct a free and fair election and respect the votes cast in the 2010 election.
The constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar [Burma], which was written by the junta’s hand-picked delegates and approved in a 2008 referendum, included an important chapter titled “Transitory Provisions,” which is intended to guide the post-election process for the transfer of power.
However, in spite of a 14-year National Convention to draw up the new constitution, the chapter is largely based on Article 196, 199, 201 and 202 of the “General Provisions” of the 1974 socialist constitution. In addition, it lacks important details on the transfer of power process to a civilian government.
One provision the junta didn’t overlook, however, was a constitutional guarantee to protect the military government from any legal action for its gross violations of human rights, such as extra judiciary killings, disappearances and arbitrary detentions such as the fourth house arrest of the democratic leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Section 445 of the constitution states: “No proceeding shall be instituted against the said Councils (the SPDC and its former State Law and Order Restoration Council) or any member thereof or any member of the Government, in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties.”
Uncertain Post-election Transition
After the 2010 election, the constitution will come into operation at the first session of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (a Union Parliament combined with Pyithu or People Hluttaw and Amyotha or Nationalities Hluttaw). However, the SPDC “shall continue to exercise State sovereignty before this Constitution comes into operation,” according to the Section 442 of the Transitory Provisions.
In his recent book, “The State in Myanmar,” Prof Robert H. Taylor, a well-known pro-junta Western scholar, analyzed the constitution and concluded: “The new constitution will come into effect from the first meeting of the Pyihtaurnsu Hluttaw…In the meantime, the SPDC will remain in power.”
Therefore, Section 442 may lead some constitutional observers to the conclusion that the SPDC will relinquish its power a few months after the election because the first session of Pyidaungsu Hluttaw must convene within 15 days after the first session of Pyithu Hluttaw, which also must convene within 90 days after the commencement of the general election, according to Section 78 and 123.
Taylor offered no further analysis on the issue of power transfer through his comparative view of the constitution. The SPDC’s “seven-step roadmap,” however, offered some clues to what might transpire.
According to the roadmap, holding an election and parliamentary sessions are the fifth and sixth steps of the roadmap. The SPDC will carry out the roadmap’s seventh step: “Building a modern, developed and democratic nation by the state leaders elected by the Hluttaw, and the government and other central organ formed by the Hluttaw.”
Moreover, one important factor that is often overlooked is the SPDC’s order 1/90 issued in 1990 which is still in operation as stated in Section 447: “Existing rules, regulations, by-laws, notifications, orders, directives and procedures shall remain in operation in so far as they are not contrary to this Constitution until and unless they are repealed or amended by the Union Government.”
Order 1/90 said: “It is hardly necessary to clarify the fact that a political party cannot automatically obtain the three aspects of State power – legislative power, executive power and judicial power just because a Pyithu Hluttaw has come into being.”
Therefore, it appears that the SPDC will hold its sovereign power until the presidential election and the formation of all the executive and judicial bodies have been completed throughout the country.
Although Section 60/f of the constitution said that necessary law shall be enacted for the election of the president, it does not stipulate in Section 399 whether the duties of the Election Commission will include either the enacting of the law or holding the election.
Therefore, the first important task of the Hluttaws, as stated in the seventh step of the roadmap, would be to enact the presidential election law, but no timeframe was set in the constitution for drafting the law and holding the election.
The duties of the president are detailed in the chapters “Head of State” and “Executive,” but the constitution lacks a timeframe for the formation of a new government and its administrative organs at the level of states, regions, and one self-administrative division and five zones.
The lack of a timeframe for drafting a presidential election law, electing the president and the formation of a government injects a constitutional loophole that some observers say could allow the SPDC to prolong its hold on power for an indefinite period in the name of achieving the last goal of its road map which is to build a modern developed and democratic nation.
A Glimpse into History
Burma has had the experience of drawing a new constitution, holding an election and transferring power to a new government twice: the first instance was the transfer of power from the British to an independent Burma under the 1947 constitution; the second time was the transfer of power from the Revolutionary Council to the socialist government under the 1974 constitution.
To transfer power to an independent Burma, the British government signed an agreement with Gen Aung San, Burma’s independent leader and the father of Aung San Suu Kyi, in January 1947 in what’s known as the Aung San-Attlee Agreement.
The Aung San-Attlee Agreement outlined the necessary steps which included the Panlong Conference, a Constituent Assembly, a new constitution and a national election in accord with the constitution for the transfer of power to the new government of Burma one year before its independence.
This was an historic negotiation between Burmese national leaders led by Gen Aung San and the British government. The steps were carried out and the country gained independence within a year. The British kept their promise and transferred the country’s sovereign power to the people of Burma in a timely manner.
However, the power transfer under the 1974 constitution was only a symbolic act of transforming a military junta to a civilian government.
Gen Ne Win, the then commander-in-chief of the Burmese military, staged a military coup in 1962 which ended the parliamentary democratic system and led to rule by a Revolutionary Council until 1974.
Abolishing the multi-party political system in the country, Gen Ne Win introduced a one-party system and founded the Burma Socialist Programme Party. He created a new socialist constitution and handed power over to a new socialist government in which he became the president in 1974.
Despite a military coup, Gen Ne Win was at least honest in one aspect: he believed in socialism and ruled the country as a one-party system. However, the current generals who rule the country lack any political ideology. They also have a history of dishonesty and lack of respect for the basic principles of democracy, free speech and rule of law.
The country’s future will be dictated by the junta-approved constitution which is designed to give a disproportionate share of power to the military, by the results of the 2010 election, by the parliament that is eventually formed and by the organs of state that it creates.
It is a process full of potential pitfalls, and one which observers will watch carefully.
Htet Aung can be reached at htetaung69@gmail.com
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The Irrawaddy - Border Guard Deadline Nears
By LAWI WENG, Monday, September 28, 2009
The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) held a meeting at its headquarter in Laiza on Monday to prepare for talks with the junta's northern regional commander Major-Gen Soe Win, according to sources on the Sino-Burma border.
The junta expects the KIO to respond to its border guard proposal by October.
Awng Wa, a Kachin youth leader who lives on the border, told The Irrawaddy that KIO leaders will travel to Myitkyina on Tuesday to meet Soe Win.
The KIO was told by Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the Burmese Military Affairs Security Chief, to provide an answer in October to the border guard force issue when they met in Myitkyina on Sept. 9.
KIO leaders have already rejected the junta’s demand to transform their troops into a border guard force under the command of government military officers.
Instead, Kachin leaders have proposed a Kachin Regional Guard Force in place of a government-backed border guard force. They have met junta officials at least seven times since April.
Meanwhile, the junta has mobilized more troops in Kachin State as the deadline nears and tension has increased.
Awng Wa said the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has placed its troops on alert, and soldiers completed military training courses this month, he said.
Only three ethnic ceasefire groups have agreed so far to transform their troops into border guards (the Pa-ao National Organization, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army and the Karenni Nationalities Peoples’ Liberation Front).
Fourteen ethnic armed groups have refused to become a border guard force including the largest ethnic armed force, the United Wa State Army in northeastern Shan State.
Mai Aik Phone, who is close to the Wa, said that the UWSA has sent more troops to Panlong, south of Laogai Township, where an estimated 10 Burmese battalions were recently deployed.
Many residents in Kachin and Shan states fear war will break out between the junta’s troops and ethnic ceasefire groups if the junta continues to demand that they become a border guard force.
According to the Kachin News Group based in Chiang Mai, Chinese authorities have set up three refugee camps in northwestern Yunnan Province, to shelter refugees if there is fighting in Shan and Kachin states. More than 30,000 Kokang refugees fled to China after the recent clashes between junta and Kokang troops.
The Burmese authorities meanwhile have improved roads in Shan and Kachin states, in preparation for moving troops, say observers.
China has warned its citizens on the China-Burma border to return to China because the area may be subject to imminent hostilities. There have been reports that Burmese authorities in Laogai have forced Chinese citizens to leave the area.
Meanwhile, China has asked Burmese authorities to respect the right of Chinese citizens who live in the Burma border area and has asked Burmese authorities to investigate and punish who abused or stole property from Chinese citizen in Laogai during the fighting between junta and Kakang troops.
An estimated 80 percent of Laogai market is owned by Chinese citizens, according to border sources. Many Chinese-owned properties were reportedly looted by junta troops during the August attack.
Another ethnic armed ceasefire group, Thai-Burmese border-based the New Mon State Party (NMSP), is also under pressure to transform into a border guard force. Junta’s troops are reportedly setting up a new artillery base in the border town of Three Pagodas Pass.
Burmese regime also asks to set up a check point in the NMSP-controlled area near Halockinee refugee camp on the Thai-Burma border.
According to the NMSP, if the junta sets up any military bases, the ceasefire agreement of 1995 will be broken.
By LAWI WENG, Monday, September 28, 2009
The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) held a meeting at its headquarter in Laiza on Monday to prepare for talks with the junta's northern regional commander Major-Gen Soe Win, according to sources on the Sino-Burma border.
The junta expects the KIO to respond to its border guard proposal by October.
Awng Wa, a Kachin youth leader who lives on the border, told The Irrawaddy that KIO leaders will travel to Myitkyina on Tuesday to meet Soe Win.
The KIO was told by Lt-Gen Ye Myint, the Burmese Military Affairs Security Chief, to provide an answer in October to the border guard force issue when they met in Myitkyina on Sept. 9.
KIO leaders have already rejected the junta’s demand to transform their troops into a border guard force under the command of government military officers.
Instead, Kachin leaders have proposed a Kachin Regional Guard Force in place of a government-backed border guard force. They have met junta officials at least seven times since April.
Meanwhile, the junta has mobilized more troops in Kachin State as the deadline nears and tension has increased.
Awng Wa said the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has placed its troops on alert, and soldiers completed military training courses this month, he said.
Only three ethnic ceasefire groups have agreed so far to transform their troops into border guards (the Pa-ao National Organization, the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army and the Karenni Nationalities Peoples’ Liberation Front).
Fourteen ethnic armed groups have refused to become a border guard force including the largest ethnic armed force, the United Wa State Army in northeastern Shan State.
Mai Aik Phone, who is close to the Wa, said that the UWSA has sent more troops to Panlong, south of Laogai Township, where an estimated 10 Burmese battalions were recently deployed.
Many residents in Kachin and Shan states fear war will break out between the junta’s troops and ethnic ceasefire groups if the junta continues to demand that they become a border guard force.
According to the Kachin News Group based in Chiang Mai, Chinese authorities have set up three refugee camps in northwestern Yunnan Province, to shelter refugees if there is fighting in Shan and Kachin states. More than 30,000 Kokang refugees fled to China after the recent clashes between junta and Kokang troops.
The Burmese authorities meanwhile have improved roads in Shan and Kachin states, in preparation for moving troops, say observers.
China has warned its citizens on the China-Burma border to return to China because the area may be subject to imminent hostilities. There have been reports that Burmese authorities in Laogai have forced Chinese citizens to leave the area.
Meanwhile, China has asked Burmese authorities to respect the right of Chinese citizens who live in the Burma border area and has asked Burmese authorities to investigate and punish who abused or stole property from Chinese citizen in Laogai during the fighting between junta and Kakang troops.
An estimated 80 percent of Laogai market is owned by Chinese citizens, according to border sources. Many Chinese-owned properties were reportedly looted by junta troops during the August attack.
Another ethnic armed ceasefire group, Thai-Burmese border-based the New Mon State Party (NMSP), is also under pressure to transform into a border guard force. Junta’s troops are reportedly setting up a new artillery base in the border town of Three Pagodas Pass.
Burmese regime also asks to set up a check point in the NMSP-controlled area near Halockinee refugee camp on the Thai-Burma border.
According to the NMSP, if the junta sets up any military bases, the ceasefire agreement of 1995 will be broken.
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Opposition party celebrates 21 years
Sept 28, 2009 (DVB)–Burma’s opposition National League for Democracy party yesterday celebrated the 21-year anniversary of the group’s formation in the country’s former capital, Rangoon.
At the event, attended by party leaders, foreign diplomats and ethnic representatives, the Rangoon wing’s organizing secretary, Dr Win Naing, read a statement expressing the group’s desire to use dialogue to achieve change in Burma.
Any dialogue should focus on improving the lives of Burmese, said National League for Democracy (NLD) information wing member, Ohn Kyaing.
It should also include “discussion on national reconciliation, bringing equal rights for all ethnic people, and a revision on the 2008 constitution,” he said.
Furthermore, the ruling junta should “[recognise] the people’s parliament which is the result of the 1990 elections and issues with the next elections.”
“Then we all can work together in unity for future politics, decided by the parliament, to shape a new democratic nation,” he said.
The statement also pointed the government should release NLD general secretary Aung San Suu Kyi, vice chairperson Tin Oo, 88 Generation Student leaders, and ethnic political leaders and monks who are serving long sentences.
Ohn Kyaing also stressed that NLD branch offices throughout the country should be allowed to stay open, following various closures by the government that “are not in accordance with the law”.
“Some of our group members released from prison showed up at the anniversary,” he added. “I feel this is the NLD showing strongly that we are a force [that will] shape democracy in Burma.”
The NLD are yet to announce whether they will compete in the elections, scheduled for March next year, citing the redrafted 2008 constitution which appears to guarantee continuation of military rule in Burma.
Suu Kyi was in August sentenced to 18 months under house arrest. Critics of the Burmese government believe this to have been a ploy to keep her in detention during the elections.
Reporting by Ahunt Phone Myat
Sept 28, 2009 (DVB)–Burma’s opposition National League for Democracy party yesterday celebrated the 21-year anniversary of the group’s formation in the country’s former capital, Rangoon.
At the event, attended by party leaders, foreign diplomats and ethnic representatives, the Rangoon wing’s organizing secretary, Dr Win Naing, read a statement expressing the group’s desire to use dialogue to achieve change in Burma.
Any dialogue should focus on improving the lives of Burmese, said National League for Democracy (NLD) information wing member, Ohn Kyaing.
It should also include “discussion on national reconciliation, bringing equal rights for all ethnic people, and a revision on the 2008 constitution,” he said.
Furthermore, the ruling junta should “[recognise] the people’s parliament which is the result of the 1990 elections and issues with the next elections.”
“Then we all can work together in unity for future politics, decided by the parliament, to shape a new democratic nation,” he said.
The statement also pointed the government should release NLD general secretary Aung San Suu Kyi, vice chairperson Tin Oo, 88 Generation Student leaders, and ethnic political leaders and monks who are serving long sentences.
Ohn Kyaing also stressed that NLD branch offices throughout the country should be allowed to stay open, following various closures by the government that “are not in accordance with the law”.
“Some of our group members released from prison showed up at the anniversary,” he added. “I feel this is the NLD showing strongly that we are a force [that will] shape democracy in Burma.”
The NLD are yet to announce whether they will compete in the elections, scheduled for March next year, citing the redrafted 2008 constitution which appears to guarantee continuation of military rule in Burma.
Suu Kyi was in August sentenced to 18 months under house arrest. Critics of the Burmese government believe this to have been a ploy to keep her in detention during the elections.
Reporting by Ahunt Phone Myat
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Sanctioned to engage?
Joseph Allchin
Sept 28, 2009 (DVB)–Burma has been subject to sanctions for over a decade, aimed at pushing the ruling junta along a path of democratic reform, and the United States has been the fiercest proponent of this policy.
Following the announcement last week that the Obama administration is to step up engagement with the regime, whilst maintaining sanctions, we asked four experts on Burma what the impact would be for the Burmese people, and what this means for future US policy to the pariah Southeast Asian state.
Sean Turnell, economist and head of the Burma Economic Watch, at the Macquarie Institute, Sydney, Australia
“I think it’s really important for the US to maintain the high moral ground. It worries me a lot that if the US were to start back-tracking [away from sanctions] it would be giving the green light to other countries, particularly China, Singapore, Thailand and some of those other countries - it would make them more comfortable in dealing quite directly with the regime. So I am always quite concerned that the US should maintain a tight position.
“Having said that, I think there is room for genuine change. We can actually start to look at sanctions in a positive way, I mean as a bargaining chip, so cash in the bank that the West, and the US in particular, can exchange for genuine reform in Burma. And because of the sanctions, and there is such a myriad of them, you can actually begin to trade off against real reform. So I think the US needs to maintain a strong position but the potential exists for trade-offs down the track.
“I think the [US] rhetoric will remain strong, particularly with what happened with Suu Kyi. Had that not happened, the West would already have ratcheted down a bit. I personally think the sanctions will remain in place and in fact most of them have to remain in place because they are congressional sanctions, not sanctions determined by the administration.
“In fact although the ones determined by the administration should definitely stay in place, the financial sanctions are very important not least because they are so well targeted. But I think there will be concessions given as a prize, [such as] aid…on things that are not connected to the regime. So, programmes for HIV/AIDS or something like that, coupled with increasing the ambassadorial position, and then coupled with a very strong statement condemning the regime for ongoing oppression and so on, so everyone gets a party."
Aung Naing Oo, exiled Burmese political analyst
"I have been a long-time advocate of engagement. Whatever [the West and US] do, a lot of these countries have a foreign policy foundation when it comes to a country like Burma, based on freedom and democracy and human rights, and it would be wrong for a country like America to give up these principles. But at the same time the idea of sanctions and isolation has not worked.
“So I have advocated keeping your sanctions, but talking with the Burmese military. In the long run we need to bring the military out of isolation; we need to engage with them because you cannot undo what the military has done to the country for the past 50 years overnight. It will be a slow process of democratisation so we need to be clear that we need help from the West, but especially to establish and consolidate democracy.
“So I would say that I support the US new initiative fully and they should definitely talk to the Burmese military, and we know that the Burmese military wants to talk to the Americans as well. I know actually that the Burmese military and the Americans have been talking for a long time now - at least by talking to the military they can reduce tension, they can build trust. But I think for a country like Burma, I don’t think we have anything to lose by talking to the Americans because we want democracy and we’re talking to a democracy."
Robert H Taylor, academic and author of two acclaimed political histories on Burma
“I don’t think much is going to happen. The West has been engaging with Myanmar [Burma] for a number of years, basically in a negative way. And now they say let’s talk, and then they expect quid pro quo. It depends on how big a quid pro quo they want. I mean some things are bigger obstacles to the Myanmar government than others, and as long as western governments cannot remain neutral in domestic politics in Myanmar it will be difficult to move much further.
"They should stop, for example, funding exiled political movements and adopt a neutral position in domestic politics like they would any other country. Then they might get somewhere. But they’re not going to do that because they have created their own constituencies, which expect that from them. As Winston Churchill said, “jaw-jaw is better than war-war”. Talk is always a good thing and they might find they have things they agree about that they don’t even know about.
"[The Obama administration] rhetoric is toned down but Myanmar will view this as something that isn’t new - this has been going on in foreign relations for 50 to 60 years.
When the Eisenhower administration gave way to the Kennedy administration, the Kennedy administration was more prone to accept neutralism, which was Myanmar’s foreign policy stance at that time, so they were happier about it, but it didn’t really change anything.
"It goes back to domestic politics in America and senator Moynihan in the early nineties, and he had staff members who were connected to the KNU [Karen National Union].
They started taking an interest, and president Clinton didn’t want to give political capital away over Myanmar, which meant nothing to him. America had very few economic interests there.
"It goes back to domestic politics, and then when human rights became a buzzword in Western foreign policy in the 1990’s after the end of the Cold War, they had to practice human rights selectively because in some places we have interests and you want to ignore nasty regimes and other places you don’t have interests so you can bash them over the head for human rights as much as you want.
"And Myanmar, like Cuba and a few other places, became very useful for that. Meanwhile Vietnam is not exactly a multi-party democracy but we trade and everything else because we feel guilty in the West. Nobody feels guilty about Myanmar, so they can bash it."
U Win Tin, senior National League for Democracy (NLD) member and journalist
"Concerning engagement, of course we don’t mind this concept or this change in policy, whether America is engaged with the junta or not. We ourselves have been asking for a long time, for more than 20 years now, for political dialogue and direct engagement with the junta.
"But the other thing is about the sanctions. Sanctions are only concerned with the country, the US, the EU, and so on - it is not our job to ask for sanctions. The thing is that the sanctions are a great help to us because we believe that in dealing with dictatorial governments, like the junta here, you need to use a carrot and stick, or something like that.
"At the same time if you are going to make a direct engagement with the junta you also need sanctions, so for this American policy we totally agree. The only thing is that it must not be one-sided, engaging only with the junta. You must go two ways - it must concern the NLD and other democratic forces inside Burma. Engagement must also be concerned with the [ethnic] nationalities.
"Last time the engagement was one-sided, only with the junta. When Mr Ban Ki-moon came to Burma, he made a very big mistake because he followed according to the schedule laid out by the junta, so when he met with the democratic opposition in Burma he was allotted only about 20 minutes for about ten parties.
"So when America come into the country and engage with the government they should not follow all the time according to schedule made by the junta. They should try to make a dialogue between the junta and the opposition groups. So that is another step of course."
Joseph Allchin
Sept 28, 2009 (DVB)–Burma has been subject to sanctions for over a decade, aimed at pushing the ruling junta along a path of democratic reform, and the United States has been the fiercest proponent of this policy.
Following the announcement last week that the Obama administration is to step up engagement with the regime, whilst maintaining sanctions, we asked four experts on Burma what the impact would be for the Burmese people, and what this means for future US policy to the pariah Southeast Asian state.
Sean Turnell, economist and head of the Burma Economic Watch, at the Macquarie Institute, Sydney, Australia
“I think it’s really important for the US to maintain the high moral ground. It worries me a lot that if the US were to start back-tracking [away from sanctions] it would be giving the green light to other countries, particularly China, Singapore, Thailand and some of those other countries - it would make them more comfortable in dealing quite directly with the regime. So I am always quite concerned that the US should maintain a tight position.
“Having said that, I think there is room for genuine change. We can actually start to look at sanctions in a positive way, I mean as a bargaining chip, so cash in the bank that the West, and the US in particular, can exchange for genuine reform in Burma. And because of the sanctions, and there is such a myriad of them, you can actually begin to trade off against real reform. So I think the US needs to maintain a strong position but the potential exists for trade-offs down the track.
“I think the [US] rhetoric will remain strong, particularly with what happened with Suu Kyi. Had that not happened, the West would already have ratcheted down a bit. I personally think the sanctions will remain in place and in fact most of them have to remain in place because they are congressional sanctions, not sanctions determined by the administration.
“In fact although the ones determined by the administration should definitely stay in place, the financial sanctions are very important not least because they are so well targeted. But I think there will be concessions given as a prize, [such as] aid…on things that are not connected to the regime. So, programmes for HIV/AIDS or something like that, coupled with increasing the ambassadorial position, and then coupled with a very strong statement condemning the regime for ongoing oppression and so on, so everyone gets a party."
Aung Naing Oo, exiled Burmese political analyst
"I have been a long-time advocate of engagement. Whatever [the West and US] do, a lot of these countries have a foreign policy foundation when it comes to a country like Burma, based on freedom and democracy and human rights, and it would be wrong for a country like America to give up these principles. But at the same time the idea of sanctions and isolation has not worked.
“So I have advocated keeping your sanctions, but talking with the Burmese military. In the long run we need to bring the military out of isolation; we need to engage with them because you cannot undo what the military has done to the country for the past 50 years overnight. It will be a slow process of democratisation so we need to be clear that we need help from the West, but especially to establish and consolidate democracy.
“So I would say that I support the US new initiative fully and they should definitely talk to the Burmese military, and we know that the Burmese military wants to talk to the Americans as well. I know actually that the Burmese military and the Americans have been talking for a long time now - at least by talking to the military they can reduce tension, they can build trust. But I think for a country like Burma, I don’t think we have anything to lose by talking to the Americans because we want democracy and we’re talking to a democracy."
Robert H Taylor, academic and author of two acclaimed political histories on Burma
“I don’t think much is going to happen. The West has been engaging with Myanmar [Burma] for a number of years, basically in a negative way. And now they say let’s talk, and then they expect quid pro quo. It depends on how big a quid pro quo they want. I mean some things are bigger obstacles to the Myanmar government than others, and as long as western governments cannot remain neutral in domestic politics in Myanmar it will be difficult to move much further.
"They should stop, for example, funding exiled political movements and adopt a neutral position in domestic politics like they would any other country. Then they might get somewhere. But they’re not going to do that because they have created their own constituencies, which expect that from them. As Winston Churchill said, “jaw-jaw is better than war-war”. Talk is always a good thing and they might find they have things they agree about that they don’t even know about.
"[The Obama administration] rhetoric is toned down but Myanmar will view this as something that isn’t new - this has been going on in foreign relations for 50 to 60 years.
When the Eisenhower administration gave way to the Kennedy administration, the Kennedy administration was more prone to accept neutralism, which was Myanmar’s foreign policy stance at that time, so they were happier about it, but it didn’t really change anything.
"It goes back to domestic politics in America and senator Moynihan in the early nineties, and he had staff members who were connected to the KNU [Karen National Union].
They started taking an interest, and president Clinton didn’t want to give political capital away over Myanmar, which meant nothing to him. America had very few economic interests there.
"It goes back to domestic politics, and then when human rights became a buzzword in Western foreign policy in the 1990’s after the end of the Cold War, they had to practice human rights selectively because in some places we have interests and you want to ignore nasty regimes and other places you don’t have interests so you can bash them over the head for human rights as much as you want.
"And Myanmar, like Cuba and a few other places, became very useful for that. Meanwhile Vietnam is not exactly a multi-party democracy but we trade and everything else because we feel guilty in the West. Nobody feels guilty about Myanmar, so they can bash it."
U Win Tin, senior National League for Democracy (NLD) member and journalist
"Concerning engagement, of course we don’t mind this concept or this change in policy, whether America is engaged with the junta or not. We ourselves have been asking for a long time, for more than 20 years now, for political dialogue and direct engagement with the junta.
"But the other thing is about the sanctions. Sanctions are only concerned with the country, the US, the EU, and so on - it is not our job to ask for sanctions. The thing is that the sanctions are a great help to us because we believe that in dealing with dictatorial governments, like the junta here, you need to use a carrot and stick, or something like that.
"At the same time if you are going to make a direct engagement with the junta you also need sanctions, so for this American policy we totally agree. The only thing is that it must not be one-sided, engaging only with the junta. You must go two ways - it must concern the NLD and other democratic forces inside Burma. Engagement must also be concerned with the [ethnic] nationalities.
"Last time the engagement was one-sided, only with the junta. When Mr Ban Ki-moon came to Burma, he made a very big mistake because he followed according to the schedule laid out by the junta, so when he met with the democratic opposition in Burma he was allotted only about 20 minutes for about ten parties.
"So when America come into the country and engage with the government they should not follow all the time according to schedule made by the junta. They should try to make a dialogue between the junta and the opposition groups. So that is another step of course."
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